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SIf JJAMEM TOIUMIBUILL BoIDo 



A 

COMPLETE 



CONNECTICUT, 

CiyiV and "Ecclesiastical, 

FROM THE EMIGRATION OF ITS FIRST PLANTERS, 

FROM ENGLAND, IN THE YEAR 1630, 

TO THE YEAR 1764; 

AND TO THE CLOSE OF THE INDIAN WARS. 

IN TWO VOLUMES. 

BY BENJAMIN TRUMBULL, D. D. 



Yol. 1. 

WITH AN APPENDIX, 

Containing the original Patent of New-Engiand, never before pua- 
lished in America. 



NEW-HAVEN : 

PUBLISHED BY MALTBY, GOLDSMITH AND CO. 
AND SAMUEL WADSWORTH. 

1818. 



District of Coiuttdicut, hs. 
10E it remembered, that on the twenty -second day o/ June, in the 42d ycai 
-^ of the Independence of the United States of America, Maltby, Goldsnnith 
& Co. and Samuel Wadsworfh, of the said district, have deposited in this of- 
fice the title of a book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the 
words following, to wit: " A complete History of Connecticut, civil andeccle- 
" siastical, from the emigration of its first planters, from England, in the year 
" 1630, to the year 1764 ; and to the close of the Indian wars. In two volumes. 
" By Benjamin Trumbull, D. D. With an Appendix, containmg the original 
" Patent of NcM'-England, never before published in America" — In conformity 
to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, " An act for the en- 
couragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to 
the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned.'* 

R. I. INGERSOLL, 
Clerk of the District of Connecticut, 



v ^ 



'jr. G. Woodward, Printer, ^ 
t^talf-Sl. .Yew- Haven. > 



piBii^iAeii. 



AUTHENTIC history is of great, utility ; especially, to the countries 
and people whose affairs it relates. It teaches human nature, poli- 
tics and morals ; forms the head and heart for usefulness, and is an im- 
portant part of the instruction and literature of states and nations. Wiiile 
It instructs, it affords an exalted pleasure. No man of genius and curios- 
ity can read accounts of the origin of nations, the discovery, settlement, 
and progress of new countries, without a high degree of entertainment. 
But in the settlement of his own country, in the lives of his ancestors, in 
their adventures, morals, jurisprudence and heroism, he feels himself par- 
ticularly interested. He at once becomes a party in their affairs, and trav- 
els and converses with them, w ith a kind of filial delight, While he be- 
holds them braving the horrors of the desert, the terrors of the savage, 
the distresses of famine and war, he admires their courage, and is pleas- 
ed with all their escapes from danger, and all their progress in settlement, 
population, opulence, literature and happiness. While he contemplates 
their self-denial and perseverance in surmounting all dangers and endur- 
ing all hardships, to form new churches, and lay the foundations of ncv/ 
colonies and empires, and the immensely happy consequences of their 
conduct in turning the w ilderness into gardens and fruitful fields, and in 
transmitting liberty and religion to posterity, he is struck with a pleasing 
astonishment. The pious man views a divine liand conducting the w hole, 
gives thanks, adores and loves. No history is better calculated to pro- 
duce these happy effects, than that of New-England and Connecticut. 

Connecticut, originally consisting of two colonies, replete with Indians, 
and connected as it was with the neighboring colonies, affords much in- 
teresting matter for history. An authentic and impartial account of the 
affairs of the colony had long been an object of the wishes of the legisla- 
ture, and of many gentlemen of principal character both in cliurch and 
commonwealth. 

In these views the writer, many years since, determined to attempt 
the compilation of the history which is presented to the public in the fol- 
lowing sheets. He wished for th.e improvement which such a work 
might afford him, and for the pleasure of contributing his mite to the ser- 
vice of the communitj' in which he received his birth and education, and 
has enjoyed such distinguished liberty and immunities. 

In pursuance of his design, he collected all books and manuscripts 
from which he could expect assistance. He read tlie records of Connec- 
ticut, New-Haven and the United Colonies ; and extracted whatever he 
judged important. He made a journey to Boston, examined the collec- 
tion of the Rev. Mr. Prince, and minuted every thing which he could 
find relative to Connecticut. To him, at the time he was about w riling 
the Chronological History of New-England, the ancient ministers, and 
other principal gentlemen in Connecticut, had transmitted accounts of 
the ^eitleBae*t of the towns and churches to which they respectively be 



8 PREFACE. 

longed. Ill tliis collection, important information was found, which could 
have been ohtainctl from no other source. Tlie author visited most of 
the principal towns, and places of burial, and obtained from records, 
monunieuts, and men of intelhgence, whatever they could communicate 
on liie subject. The ministers and clerks of the respective towns, and 
other gentlemen of character, assisted him in his researches. The hon- 
orable legislature, having been made acquainted with his design, passed a 
generous resolve, which gave hiui access to their records and papers on 
file. 

His excellenc}^ governor Trumbull, than Avhoin no man had a mors 
thorough acquaintance with the history of the colony, employed his in 
fluence and friendshif) for his assistance, and furnished him with many 
smportaut papers, in a letter to him on the subject, he expresses himself 
m this miinner — " I wish you success, and to aftbrd you all the assistance 
in my power. I imagine the earliest times of the colony will be attended 
with the most diiliculty, to collect the facts with suliicicnt certainty — 
wherein the great excellency of a history consists. Such an one I have 
long desired to see. It must be a work of time and indefatigable labour 
and industry, since it has been so long neglected, and the materials', ma 
ny of them, almost lost, and others scattered, and all need so much can- 
hi collecting, time in comparing, and judgment in compiling." Thf 
Truth of these observations, the author hath fully experienced; how far 
he hath acted upon them must be determined by the public opinion. 

The honorable George Wyllys, Esq. late secretary of the state, was 
second to none in the assistance and encouragement which he afforded. 
From these various sources, the author, in 1774, found himself possessed 
of an amfile and important collection : and determined to write the first 
volume of the history, as soon as might l>e, with convenience. But before 
he had entered upon the work, the Avar commenced between Great-Bri- 
tain and her colonies, and the universal attention was turned to a very dif- 
ferent object. It was conceived to be dangerous for anj' of the public 
papers to be kept so near the si'a coast as the jilace of his residence. A 
great number of papers, therefore, which lie had received from governor 
Trumbull, and others which had been taken out ol' the ollice at Hart 
ibrd, were retiu'iied to their respective oJfices. 

For a number of years after the Avar, the state of the country Avas alto- 
gether unfavorable for pui>lications of this kind. It Avas nevertheless still 
hoped that an opportunity Avould present for the publication of such a 
work to advantage, and the design of writing Avas not Avholly given up. 

HoAvever, before the writer had entered upon the Avork, he Avas invited, 
by a vote of the General Association of the state, to compile a different 
history. Many objections presented themselves to his mind against en- 
gaging in the AVork proposed by that venerable body. But after these 
had been fully communicated, the solicitation Avas reneAved. In conse- 
quence of Avhrch, and the opinion and adv^ice of some principal gentlemen 
of the legislature, he Avas induced to undertake the Avriting of a general 
history of the United States of America, from the first discovery of this 
northern continent until the year 179^2, including three complete centu- 
ries. In making collections for this, and in the compilation of it, all the 
kisure hours Avhich he could jiossibly redeem, by early rising and an in- 
defatigable attention to Imsiness, from the stated labours of his office, 
have been, for nearly ten years, employed. 

Ill the jirogress of this Avork it became necessary to have frequent re- 
course to his former collections, Avhich, by this time, had been in a man- 
ner forgotten. By this means the ideas of the ample materials Avhich 
had been prepared, for the hirjtory of Connecticut, Averc revived in his 
mind. When be contemplated the pains and expense at Avhich they haij, 



PREFACE. 7 

been collected, the countenance which he had rcceisod from the legisln- 
lure, and the general expectations which hud been enteitained with re- 
i.pect to a history of Connecticut, it appeared to liini not very consistent, 
with that respectful and generous treatment which he owed more partic- 
ularly to liis own state, to publish a large history of tlie United States, 
while he neglected theirs. It also appeared to be a duty, which he owed 
to himself and family, as well as the public, not to sulfer all bis former 
pains and expense, in his collections for the history of Connecticut, to b»- 
lost. Upon a mature view of the case, and the advice of a number of 
his brethren in the ministry, he defermincd to suspend the writing of thc^ 
history of the United States, until he should publish one volume, a'; 
least, of the history of Connecticut. If this should meet the public ap- 
probation, it might assist him in iritroducing a larger work, and render isi 
more extensively useful. If tlie hi'^tory of (Connecticut should !>e unpop- 
ular, it would give him a profitable admonition, and prevent a greater 
misfortune, by a larger and more expensive publication. 

About the middle of December, 1796, hi; began to look over and ar- 
range his papers and to compile the following history. Since that time 
he hath examined the papers on file in the secretary's office, and taken 
out such as were necessarj-, composed and copied off with his own hands 
the history now published, besides preaching twice on every Lord's day, 
lectures on proper occasions, and attending the other duties of his olVice. 
The death of that truly worthy gentleman, the honorable George 
Wyllys, the former secretary, considerably retarded the work, as more 
time has been employed in examining the files than otherwise Avould have, 
been necessary. 

In compiling the history, great pains have been taken to exhibit the; 
state of the country when tlie first settlements commenced, to present 
every important transaction in a candid and clear view, and to make sucli 
an arrangement of the whole, as that every preceding chapter might pre- 
pare the way for the next, and add perspicuity to the story. 

As this is the first history of the colony, and as time effaces ancient re- 
cords and papers, and eradicates from the mJnd of man the remembrance 
of former transactions, the compiler judged it expedient to make itmorv, 
full and particular, than othei-wise might have been necessary or proper. 
He imagined, that no person Avould, probably, hereafter have the same, 
advantages which he has had, nor take the same pains which he has tak- 
en, to examine the ancient records, histories and manuscripts of t\h^. 
country. He wished to assist future historiaiis, and that nothing useful 
and important, respecting church or state, might be lost. As he has 
aimed at information and usefulness, he has avoided all circumlocutions, 
reasonings and opinions of his own, and attempted to fill every page with 
history. The florid and pompous atyle has been avoided, as unnatural 
and improper in historic vvrithtgs, and the easy and familiai: has been at- 
tempted. The compiler has judged his time too precious, and the field 
of usefulness before him too extensive, to busy himself in rounding peri- 
ods, and guarding against every little matter which )night afford business 
for tiie critic. He has, howe\ er, aimed at authenticity, propriety and 
perspicuity. He has wished to avoid the dull and diy manner, and to 
write with a becoming deference to the public. 

The account which has been gijen of the sources whence the compiler 
has oblained his information, the ijuotations in the body of the work, tlm 
)eferencrs made in the marginal notes to authors, records, and manu- 
scripts, with the appendix, it is imagined, will be abundantly sufficient to 
authenticate what has been written. Indeed, very little has been taken 
uj>on tradition. 

Had the historv been written liicre lt;isure1v and with fewer avocations 



8 PREFACE- 

it might have been more perfect ; but as it was desired to make as short a 
pause as possible in writing the history of the United States, it was judg- 
ed inexpedient to employ more time upon it. 

The author is under great disadvantages for historic writing. He can 
command no time for himself. The work of the ministry, which is his 
chosen and beloved employment, after all his application, so engrosses 
liis time, '.hat sometimes for weeks and months, after all his application, 
he cannot And a single day for the compilation of history. When he has 
attempted it, he has been able scarcely to write a page without interrup- 
tion. Often he has been so fatigued with other studies, as to be in cir- 
cumstances not the most favorable for composition. 

It may, possibly, be thought a great neglect, or matter of partiality, 
that no account is given of witchcraft in Connecticut. The only reasoQ 
is, that after the most careful researches, no indictment of any person for 
that crime, nor any process relative to that affair, can be- found. The 
minute in Goff's journal, published by governor Hutchinson, relative to 
the execution of Ann Coles, and an obscure tradition that one or two 
persons were executed at Stratford, is all the information to be found rel- 
ative to that unhappy affair. 

The countenance and assistance which the honorable legislature have 
given the Avriter, by allowing him a free access to the public records and^ 
papers, is most respectfully acknowledged. 

The attention and complaisance with which he has been treated by the 
secretaries of the state, and their respective families, while he has had oc- 
casion to examine the public records and papers, challenge the warmest 
expressions of his gratitude. 

To his brethren in the ministry, the gentlemen of the bar, and the 
towns who have so generously encouraged and supported t!ie subscrip- 
tion, he ret\irns his grateful acknowledgments. 

The labor of collecting the materials for the history and compilement, 
has been almost incredible. The expense of publication will be great. 
However, should it meet a favorable reception, assist the legislator or di- 
vine, the gentlemen of the bench or of the bar ; should it afford instruction 
and pleasure to the sons and daughters of the state, and in any degree- 
ndvance its morals or literature, it will be an ample compensation. 



^©SflPIliSIl'^ 



On 



CHAPTER T. 

INTRODUCTION. The discovery of North- America and New-Eng- 
land. Captiiin Smith's discovery. The country is named New-Eng- 
land. New-Plymouth settled. The great patent of New-England, 
and patent of Massachusetts. The settlement of Salem, Charlestown, 
Boston, and other towns in Massachusetts. Mr.Warham, Mr. Phillips 
and Mr. Hooker, with others of the first planters of Connecticut, arrive 
and make settlements at Dorchester, Watertown, and Newtown. 
Their churches are formed and they are ordained. 



CHAPTER II. 

The patent of Connecticut. The situatton, extent, boundaries and area 
of the settled jiart of the colony. The discovery of Connecticut river ; 
a description of it, and the signification of its name. The colony de- 
rives its name from the river. Description of other rivers. Plymouth 
and Dutch houses. Prospects of trade upon the river. 



CHAPTER III. 

The state of the country of Connecticut when the settlement of the colo- 
ny began. Its trees and fruits. Its animals. Number, situation, gen- 
ius, manners, arms, utensils and wars of the Indians. 



CHAPTER IV. 

The people at Dorchester, Watertown, and Newtown, finding themselves 
straightened in the Massachusetts, determine to remove to Connecticut. 
Debates in Massachusetts relative to their removal. The general court 
at first prohibited it, but afterwards gave its consent. The people re- 
moved and settled the towns of Windsor, Hartford and WeathersfieUi. 
Hardships and losses of the first winters. 

Vol. t. B 



10 CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER V. 

Thf. war ivilh the Pequots. The origin of it. The liuirder of Captains- 
Stone and Norton, of Mr. Oldhnm and others. Mr. Endicot's expedi • 
tion against them. The Pequots kill a number of the garrison at the 
mouth of the river, and besiege the fort. Captain Mason is sent down 
from Connecticut with a reinforcement. The enemy make a descent 
on Weathersfield, torture and mock the Englisk. The court at Connec- 
ticut declares war against them. Capcain Mason takes Misticfort. 
Sassacus destroys his roj'al fortress and ti<)es to the westward. A sec- 
ond expedition is undertaken against the Pequots conjointly, by Massa- 
chusetts and Connecticut. The great swamp fight. The Pequots 
subdued. Sassacus flying to the Mohawks was i>eheaded. The capti- 
vated and survivingPequots, after the war, were given to the^Moheagans 
and Narragansets, and their name extinguished. 

CHAPTER VL 

Effects of the war. Great scarcity in Connecticut, and means taken to^ 
relieve the necessities of the people. Settlement of New-Haven. 
Plantation covenant. Means for the defence of the colony. Captain 
Mason made major general. Civil constitution of Connecticut, formed 
by voluntary compact. First general election at Connecticut. Gov- 
ernors and magistrates. General rights of the people, and principal 
laws of the colony. Constitution and laws of New-Haven. Purchase 
and settlement of several towns in Connecticut and New-Haven. 

CHAPTER VII. 

The progress of purchase, settlement, and law in the colonies of Connec- 
ticut and New-Haven. The effect of the conquest of the Pequots on 
the natives, and the manner in which they were treated. Purchases of 
them. Towns settled. Divisions at Weathersfield occasion the settle- 
ment of Stamford. Troubles with the Ducth and Indians. Capita! 
laws of Connecticut. The confederation of the united colonies. Fur- 
ther troubles with the Indians. Victory of Uncas over the Narragan- 
sets, and capture of their sachem. The advice of the commissioners 
respecting Miantonimoh. His execution. Precautions of the colonies 
to prevent war. The Dutch, harassed by an Indian war, apply to New- 
Haven for assistance. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

PuBLTC fasts appointed. Indians continue hostile, and commit murder. 
Acts of the commissioners respecting them. Branford settled. Towns 
in Connecticut. Message of the commissioners to the Narragansets. 
Their agreement respecting Uncas. Long-Island Indians taken under 
the protection of the United colonies. Massachusetts claim part of 
the Pequot country and Waranoke. Determination of the commis- 
sioners respecting said claim. Agreement with Mr. Fenwick relative 
to Saybrook fort and the adjacent country. Fortifications advanced. 
Extraordinary meeting of the commissioners to suppress the outrages 
of the Narragansets. War proclaimed and troops sent against them. 
They treat and prevent war. Fairfiold object to a jury of six. Con- 



CONTENTS. 11 

ti'oversy with the Dutcli. The Indians plot against the life of govern- 
or Hopkins and other principal gentlemen at JIarttord. Damages at 
Windsor. Battle between the Dutch and Indians. Losses of New- 
HttVen. Dispute with Massachusetts relative to the impost at Say- 
brook. Mr. Winthrop's claim of the Nehantick country. Settlement 
i^f accounts between the colonies. 

CHAPTER IX. 

Settlement of New-London. Salaries first granted to civil officers. 
Troubles with the Narraganset Indians. Rhode-Island petitions to be 
united with the colonies in confederation. The Massacliusetts resume 
the affair of the impost. Mr. Westerhouse complains of the seizure of 
his vessel by the Dutch, in the harbour of New-Haven. Murders com- 
mitted by tlie Indians ; — resolutions respecting the murderers. Body 
of laws compiled. Debates relative to the settlement of Dt-laware. 
The Pequots revolt from Uncas, and petition the English. Resolu- 
tion respecting them. Mr. Westerhouse petitions to make reprisals 
from the Dutch. Letter to the Dutch governor. Further altercation 
respecting the impost. Final issue of that affair. The conduct of the 
Massachusetts upon its decision, and the declaration of the commis- 
sioners respecting it. Their treatment of Connecticut respecting the 
fine between the colonies. The court at Connecticut determine to 
avenge the death of Jehn Whitmore, and detach men to take the 
murderer. 

CHAPTER X. 

•Court of election at Hartford. Grants to captain Mason. The com 
missioners meet and dispatch captain Atherton to the Narragansets. 
Their message to Ninigrate. The Dutch Governor arrives at Hart- 
ford, and refers the differences between him and the colonies to arbi- 
trators. Their determination, and tlw line is fixed between the Eng- 
fish and Dutch plantations. Agreements with Mr. Fenwick occasion 
general uneasiness. Committees are appointed to explain and ascer- 
tain them. Towns are invited to attend the committees, by their dep- 
uties, at Saybrook. An act for the encouragement of Mr. Winthrop 
in seeking and improving mines. Norwalk and Mattabeseck settled 
and made towns. The colony of New-Haven make another attempt 
io settle at Delaware. The Dutch Governor seizes the company and 
frustrates the design. He pursues his former line of conduct towards 
the colonies. The resolutions of the commissioners relative to his 
conduct, to the settlement of Delaware, and the tribute to be paid by 
tlie Pequots. French commissioners from Canada. Their proposals. 
Reply to them. The Dutch governor and Indians concert a plan to 
extirpate the colonies. The commissioners meet, and dispatch agents 
to the Dutch governor. They determine upon war, unless he should 
manifest his innocence, and redress the grievances of the colonies. 
They determine on the number of men to be raised, and draw a dec- 
■laration of the reasons of the war. The agents retnrn unsuccessful. 
The commissioners meet again, and determine to m:>ke war upon the 
Dutch and Narraganset Indians, The general court of Massachusetts 
refuses to raise men, and prevents the war. Altercations between 
that general court and the commissioners, and between that and the 
general courts of Connecticut and New-Haven. The alarm and dis- 
tress of the plantations in these colonies. Their general courts protest 



12, CONTENTS. 

against the court of Massachusetts, as violaters of the articles of con- 
federation ; and write to Cromwell and the parliament for assistance. 
The tumultuous stale of the inhabitants in several of the towns. 

CHAPTER XI. 

J'he death and character of Governor Hajmes. The freemen of Con- 
necticut meet and appoint a moderator. Mr. Ludlow removes to Vir- 
ginia. The spirited conduct of the people at Milford, in recovering 
^Tanning's vessel. The freemen add to the fundamental article;;. 
Fleet arrives at Boston for the reduction of the Dutch. The colonies 
agree to raise men to assist the armament from England. Peace pre- 
vents the expedition. The general court at NcAV-Haven, charge the 
Massachusetts with a breach of the confederation. They refuse to join 
in a war against Ninigratc, and oblige Connecticut and New-Haven to 
provide for the defence of themselves and their allies. Ninigrate con- 
tinuing his hostile measures, the commissioners send messengers to him. 
His answer to them. They declare war, and send an army against 
him. The art of Massachusetts aiid the deceit of Major Willard, defeat 
the designed expedition. The number of rateable polls, and the amount 
of the list of Connecticut. The Pequots are taken under their protec- 
tion. Ninigrate persisting in his hostilities against the Indians upon 
Long-Island, the general court adopt measures for the defence of the In- 
dians and the Enghsh inhabitants there. New-Haven perfect and print 
-their laws. The answer of New-Haven to the protector's invitation, 
that they would remove to Jamaica. Reply of the commissioiiers to 
the Dutch governor. Uncas embroils the country Deaths and char- 
acters of Governors Eaton and Hopkins. Settlement of Stonington. 
Mr. Winthrop chosen governor. The third fundamental article is al- 
tered by the freemen. Mr. Fitch and his church and people remove to 
Norwich. Final settlement of accounts with the heirs of Mr. Fenwick., 
Deputy governor Mason resigns the Moheagan lands to the colony. 

CHAPTER XII. 

TnE general court of Connecticut declare their loj'alty and submission to 
the king ; determine to address his majesty, and apply for charter priv- 
ileges. A petition to his majesty is prepared, and a letter addressed to 
lord Say and Seal. Governor Winthrop is appointed the colony's 
agent, to present their petition, and solicit a patent. Regicides con- 
demned. Whalley and Goffe arrive at Boston ; escape to New-Hav- 
en, and are kindly entertained, and kept from tiieir pursuers. New- 
Haven falls into great trouble and danger on tliat account. New-FIav- 
en excuse themselves; decline sending an agent ; but join with Mas- 
sachusetts in supporting one. The king proclaimed. Governor Win- 
throp obtains the charter of Connecticut. First governor and council 
under the charter. Representation of the constitution it ordains, and 
the privileges it conveys. Difljculties of the colony of New-Haven. 
Governor Leet's address. Charter of Connecticut arrives. Proceed- 
ings of Connecticut in consequence of the charter. They extend their 
jurisdiction to all places within the limits of their patent, and challenge 
New-Haven colony, as under their jurisdiction. Controversy between 
^he two colonies. Settlement of Killingworth. Patent of the duke of 
York. Colonel Nichols and commissioners arrive ; reduce all the 
Dutcli settlements. Their extraordinary poAvers. Important crisis of 
. »^!onnocticut. The general court make a present to the commissjpp- 



CONTENTS. IS 

ers. Answer to the propositions from his majesty, and reply to the 
duke of Hamilton's claim and petition. Boundaries between Connec- 
ticut and New-York. Union of Connecticut and New-Haven. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

A VIEW of the churches of Connecticut and New-Haven, from their first 
settlement, until their union, in 1665. Their ministers. The charac- 
ter of the ministers and first planters. Their religious and political sen- 
timents. Gathering of the churches of New-Haven and Milford. In- 
stallation of Mr. Davenport and Mr. Prudden. Church formed at 
Guilford. Number of ministers in Connecticut and New-Haven be- 
fore the union. Proportion of ministers to the people, before, and at 
the union. Harmony between the civil rulers and the clergy. Influ- 
ence of the clergy, and the reasons of it. Their opposition to Antino- 
jnianism. Assisted in the compilation of Cambridge Platform. Ec- 
clesiastical laws. Care to diffuse general knowledge : its happy influ- 
«nce. Attempts to found a college at New-Haven. No sectaries in 
Connecticut nor New-Haven, until after the union ; and for twenty 
5'ears the churches generally enjoyed great peace. Deaths and char- 
acters of several of the first ministers. Great dissensions in the church, 
at Hartford soon after Mr. Hooker's death. Dissensions and contro- 
versies in the cojony and churches in general, relative to baptism, 
church-membership, and the rights of the brethren. A new genera- 
tion arises, who had not all imbibed the spirit of their fathers. Griev- 
ances presented to the general court of Connecticut, on the account of 
the strictness of tlie churches, and that sober people were denied com- 
munion with them, and baptism for their children. The court of Con- 
necticut send to the other general courts for advice. Laivs against the 
Quakers. Massachusetts and Connecticut agree in appointing a synod 
at Boston. General court at New-Haven oppose the meeting of a sy- 
nod, and decline sending their elders. Questions proposed for discus- 
sion. The synod meet and answer them ; but it had no good efl'ect on 
the churches : they would not complj' with their decisions. Dissen- 
sions continued at Hartford. Acts of the general court respecting 
them. Councils from Massachusetts. Diificulties in some measure 
composed. Divisions and animosities at Weathersfield. Act of the 
general court respecting the church there. Mr. Russell and others re- 
move from Weathersfiejd and Hartford aud settle Hadley. Mr. Stow 
dismissed from the ministry at Middletown, by a committee of the ge- 
neral court. Synod at Boston. Its determination relative to baptism, 
and the consociation of churches. Division in the synod and in the 
churches relative to those points. The court at Connecticut send no 
elders to the council, nor take any part in the controversy, until some 
time afterwards. 

CHAPTER XIV. 

Conduct of the king's commissioners. Counties and County Courts 
regulated. Governor Winthrop's estate freed from taxation. Towns 
settled. Controversy with Rhode-Island. The grounds of it. Courts 
^]>pointed in the Narraganset country. Laws revised and printed. 
War with the Dutch. Claims and conduct of major Edmund Andross, 
governor of New-Yoik. Protest against him. Conduct of capt. Tho- 
mas Bull. Proclamation respecting the insult received from major 
An^Jross. Philip's war. Captains Hutchinson and Lothrop surprig.ed 



ih contents. 

and slaiii. Treachery of the Springfield Indians. Hadley attacked by 
the enemy. The assenihly make provision for the defence of Connect- 
icut. Expedition against the Narraganset Indians. The reasons of it 
Tlie great swamp fight. Loss of men. Courage exhibited and hard- 
ships endured. Caj>tain Pierce and his party cut off. Nanunttenoo 
taken. Success of captains Denison and Avery. Captain Wadsworth 
and his party slain. Death and character of governor Winthrop. Suc- 
cess of Major Talcott. Attack upon Hadley. The enemy beaten and 
begin to scatter. They are pursued to Housatonick. Sachem of Qua - 
baug and Philip killed. Number of the enemy before the war. Their 
destruction. Loss of the colonies. Connecticut preserves its own 
towns and assists its neighbours. 

CHAPTER XV. 

Measures adont*d to discharge the public debt, and settle the country 
in j)ftace. The reasons of the colony's claim to Narraganset* The for- 
mer settlers and owners of land there apply to Connecticut for protec-^ 
tion. Major Treat goes to the upper towns upon Connecticut river, to 
treat with the Indians. Fasts appointed through New-England. Act 
concerning the conquered lands in Narraganset. Navigation act griev- 
ous to the colonies. Governor Leet takes the oath respecting trade, 
and navigation. Answers to queries from the lords of trade and plan- 
tations. Protest against Sir Edmund Andross's claim to Fisher's Isl- 
and. Character of governor Leet. Commissioners appointed by his 
majesty, to examine and make report concerning all claims to the Nar- 
raganset country, or king's province. They report in favour of Con 
necticut. Answers to the renewed claim of the duke of Hamilton, and 
opinions on the case. Connecticut congratulate the arrival of coloneJ 
Dungan, governor of New-York, and agree with him respecting the 
boundary line between that colony and Connecticut. Petition to king 
James II. Settlement of Waterbury. Quo-warrantos against the co- 
lony. The assembly petition his majesty to continue their charter pri- 
vileges. Sir Edmund Andross made governor of New-England. Ar- 
rives at Hartford : takes the government by order of his majesty. The 
oppression and cruelty of his administration- Distressed and sorrow- 
fijl state of the people. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

Revolution in New-England. Connecticut resume their government 
Address to king William. Troops raised for the defence of the eastern 
settlements in New-Hampshire and the province of Maine. French 
and Indian war. Schenectad}' destroyed. Connecticut dispatch a re- 
inforcement to Albany. Expedition against Canada. The land army 
retreats, ;ind the enterprise proves unsuccessful. Leisler's abuse of 
major-general Winthrop. The assembly of Connecticut approve the 
general's conduct. Thanks are returned to Mr. Mather, agent Whit- 
jing, and Mr. Porter. Opinions respecting the charter, and the legality 
of Connecticut's assuming their government. Windham settled. The 
Tvlohawk castles are surprised, and the country alarmed. Connecticut 
;-end troops to Albany. Colonel Fletcher, governor of New- York, de- 
mands tlie command of the militia of Connecticut. The colony peti- 
tion king William on the subject. Colonel Fletcher comes to Hj^rt- 
ford, and, in person, demands that the legislature submit the militia to 
h:s command : but tliey refuse. Captain Wadsworth prevents the 



CONTENTS. 15 

reading of his commission ; and tlio colonel judges it expe'iient to leave 
the colony. The. case of Connecticut relative to the militia stated. His 
majesty determines in favour of the colony. Committees are appoint- 
ed to settle the houndary line between Connecticut and Massachusetts. 
General Winthrop returns, and receives public thanks. Congratulation 
of the Earl of Bellemont, appointed governor of New-York and JNIas- 
sachusetts. Dispute witli Rhode-Island continues. Committee to 
settle the boundaries. Expenses of the war. Vexatious conduct of 
governor Fletcher. Peace, joy, and thanksgiving. 

CHAPTER XVII. 

General Winthrop is elected govefnor. The assembly divide and fornr 
into two houses. Purchase and settlement of several towns. The 
boundarj- line between Connecticut and New-York surveyed and fixed. 
Attenjpts for running and establishing the line between Massachusetts 
and Connecticut. Owaneco and the Moheagans claim Colchester and 
other tracts in the colonj'. Attempts to compose all differences with 
them. Grant to 1 he volunteers. The assembly enacts, tht\t the ses- 
sion in October, shall, for the futin-e, be in New-Haven. A n Act en- 
larging the boundaries of New-London ; and acts relative to towns and 
))atents. Measures adopted for the defence of the colony. Appoint- 
ment of king's attorneys. Attempt to despoil Connecticut cf its char- 
ter. Bill for re-uniting the charter governments to the crown. Sir 
Henry Ashurst petitions against, and prevents the passing of the bill. 
Governor Dudley, Lord Cornbury, and other enemies conspire against 
the colony. They exhibit grievous complaints against it. Sir Henry 
Ashurst defends the colony, and defeats ihcir attempts. Quakers pe- 
tition. Moheagan case. Survey and bounds of the pretended Mo- 
heagan country. Dudley's court at Stonington. The colony protest 
against it. Dudley's treatment of the colony. Judgment against it. 
Petition to her majesty on the subject. New commissions are grant- 
ed. Act in favor of the clergy. State of the colony. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

The country is alarmed. Means of defence. The assembly decline the 
affording of any assistance in the expedition against Port Royal. Grant 
assistance to the frontier towns. New townships granted and settled. 
The Rev. Gurdon Saltonstall chosen governor. Act empowering the 
freemen to choose the governor from among themselves at large. > Acts 
relative to the settlement of the boundary line with ivlassachusetts. 
Garrisons erected in the towns on the frontiers. Expedition against 
Canada. First emission of paper money. Address to her majesty. 
Loss of the colony at Wood Creek. Expedition against Port Royal. 
Expedition against Canada, imder the command of Ad:iiiral Walker 
and general Nicholson. Fleet cast away, and the enterprise defeated. 
The colony petition her majesty, and ser.d the only pilot from Con- 
necticut, to England, to represeiit to her majesty the loss of the fleet 
truly as it was. Acts respecting the superior court. Settlement of the 
boundary line between Massachusetts and Connecticut. Reasons why 
the colony consented to such a settlement. Return of peace. The 
colony happy in the preservation of their frontiers. Towns settl'jd ua- 
der Massachusetts. State ofthe colonv. Oljser vat ions. 



IS CONTENTS, 



CHAPTER XIX. 

A VIEW of the cluirches of Connecticut, from 1665 to 1714, continti- 
ed from chapter XIII. The general assembly appoint a synod to de- 
termine points of religious controversy. The ministers decline 
meeting under the name of a synod. The assembly alter the name, 
and require them to meet as a general assembly of the ministers and 
churches of Connecticut. Seventeen questions were proposed to the 
assembly, to be discussed and answered. The assembly of minis- 
ters meet and discuss the questions. The legislature declare, that they 
had not been decided, and give intimations that they did not desire, 
that the ministers and chui'ches of Connecticut should report their 
opinion upon them. They express their desires of a larger council 
from Massachusetts, and New-Plymouth. The Rev. Mr. Davenport 
removes to Boston. Dissension at Windsor. Mr. Bulkley and Mr. 
Fitch are appointed by the assembly to devise some way in which the 
churches might walk together, notwithstanding their different opin- 
ions relative to the subjects of baptism, church communion, and the 
mode of church discipline. The church at Hartford divides, and Mr. 
Whiting and his adherents are allowed to practice upon congregation- 
al principles. The church at Stratford allowed to divide and hold dis- 
tinct meetings. Mr. Walker and his hearers, upon advice, remove and 
settle the town of Woodbury. Deaths and characters of the Rev. 
Messrs. John Davenport and John Warham. General attempts for a 
reformation of manners. Religious state of the colony in 1680. At- 
tempts for the instruction and christianising of the Indians in Connecti- 
cut. Act of the legislature respecting Windsor. The people there re- 
quired peaceably to settle and support Mr. Mather. Owning or sub- 
scribing the covenant introduced at Hartford. College founded, and 
trustees incorporated. Worship according to the mode of the church 
of England, performed in this colony, first at Stratford. Episcopal 
church gathered there. Act of assembly requiring the ministers and 
churches of Connecticut to meet and form a religious constitution. 
They meet and compile the Saybrook Platform. Articles of disci- 
pline. Act of the legislature adopting the Platform. Associations. 
Consociations. General Association. Its recommendations relative to 
the examination of candidates for the ministry, and of pastors elect 
previous to their ordination. Ministers, churches, and ecclesiastical so- 
cieties in Connecticut, in 1713. Degree of instruction. The whole 
number of ministers in the colony from its first settlement, to that pe- 
riod. 

APPENDIX. 

CoNTAiNiisG various documents referred to in this volume, with the great' 
original Pateat of Ne'.v-E.nglakd, never before published. 



THE 



HISTORY 



OF 



CONNECTICUT. 



CHAPTER I. 

Introduction. The discoveri/ of Korlli-Anierica uad Ktw- 
England. Caplain Smitlvs discovery. The country is 
named Nexo-England. M'zo- Plymouth settled. The great 
patent of Jiezo-England, and patent of Massachusetts. 
The settlement of Salem, Charlestozvn, Boston^ and other 
t07vns in Massachusetts. Mr. IVarham, Mr. Phillips and 
Mr. Hooker, zoith others of the first planters of Connecti- 
cut, arrive and make settlements at Dorchester, Water- 
iozvn and Js'ezctoion. Their churches are formed and they 
are ordained. 

THE seltleiricnt of New-England, purely for the pur- Book P. 
poses of Religion, and the propagation of civil and ^^^sr^ot.^ 
religious liberty, is an event which has no parallel in the 
history of modern ages. The piety, self-denial, suffer- 
ings, patience, perseverance and magnanimity of the first 
settlers of the country are without a rival. The happy and 
extensive consequences of the settlements which they 
made, and of the sentiments which they were careful to 
propagate, to their posterity, to the church and to the 
Avorld, admit of no description. They are still increas- 
ing, spreading wider and wider, and appear more and 
more important. 

The planters of Connecticut were among the illustrious 
characters, who first settled New-England, and twice made 
settlements, first in Massachusetts, and then in Connecti- 
cut on bare creation. In an age when the light of freedom 
was but just dawning, they, by voluntary compact, formed 
one of the most free and happy constitutions pf govern- 

C 



is HISTORY OF Chap, h 

Book I. mcnt \vhich mankind have ever adopted. Connecticut has 
v-^-N'-'x^ ever been distinguished by the free spirit of its govern- 
ment, tlie mildness of its laws, and the general ditRision 
of knowledge, among all classes of its inhabitants. They 
have been no less distinguished by their industry, econo- 
my, purity of manners, population and spirit of enterprise. 
For more than a century and half, they have had no rival, 
as to the steadiness of their government, their internal^ 
peace and harmony, their love and high enjoyment of do- 
mestic, civil and religious order and happiness. They 
have ever stood among the most illuminated, first and bold- 
est defenders of the civil and religious rights of mankind. 

The history of such a people must be curious, entertain- 
ing and important. It will exhibit the fairest models of 
civil government, of religious order, purity and humari 
happiness. It is the design of the present work to lay thi»s 
history before the public. 

As the planters of Connecticut were among the first set- 
tlers of New-England, and interested in the first patents 
and settlements, sketches of the discovery of the country, 
of the patents by which it was conveyed and divided to 
the ditierent colonies, and of the first settlements, will be 
necessary to illustrate the history of Connecticut and be a 
natural preliminary to this work, 
Oct. 12, Christopher Columbus, a Genoese, discovered the 
^"^92. western isles, and first communicated to Europe th« intel- 
ligence of a new world : but the Cabots had the honor of 
discovering the great continent of North- America. 
J494. John Cabot, a Venetian, lx)rn in England, in 1494 

discovered Newfoundland and the island of St. Johns. It2 
consequence of this discovery, king Henry the seventh of 
England, in whose service he was employed, conferred on 
him the honor of knighthood ; and gave him and his sons a 
commission to make further discoveries in the new world- 
John Cabot died soon after he received this commission. 
His son Sebastian, in 1497, sailed with the fleet, which had 
been preparing for his father, and directing his course by 
his journals, proceeded to the 67th degree of north lati- 
tude, and, returning to the southward, fell in with the conti- 
nent in the 56th degree of north latitude; and thence ex- 
plored the coast as far south as the Floridas. From these 
discoveries originated the claims of England to these parts 
of the northern continent, 
iicpi In 1602, Bartholomew Gosnold discovered some part of 

New-England. He first touched on its eastern coast, in a- 
bout 43 degrees of north latitude ; and, sailing to the south- 
ward, landed an the Elizabeth Islands. He made sora^^ 



Chap. I. CONNECTICUT. 1^ 

discoveries of the adjacent parts, and gave the name lo Book I. 
Ca}ie Cod and Marthas Vineyard. v^-^^v-^^ 

Captain Henry HluIsoii, commissioned by king James 
F. in 1608, sailed, in the employment of several London ^^^''• 
merchants, to North-America. He came upon the coast in 
about 40 degrees of north latitude, and made a discovery 
of Long-Island and Hudson's river. He proceeded up the 
river as far as the latitude of 43, and called it by his own 
name. 

About two years after he made a second voyage to the jeio; 
river, in the service of a number of Dutch merchants ; and, 
some time after, made sale of his right to the Dutch. The 
right to the country, however, was antecedently in king 
James, by virtue of the discovery which Hudson had made 
under his commission. The English protested against the 
sale ; but the Dutch, in 1614, under the Amsterdam West- 
india company, built a fort nearly on the same ground 
where the city of Albany now is, which they called fort 
Aurania. Sir Thomas Dale, governor of Virginia, direct- 
ly after dispatched captain Argall to dispossess the Dutch, 
and they submitted to the king of England, and under him 
to the governor of Virginia.* 

The same year captain John Smith, who some years be- 1614; 
fore had been governor of Virginia, made a voyage to this 
part of the continent. He ranged the coast from Penob- 
scot to Cape Cod ; made a discovery of the river Pascata- 
qua, and the Massachusetts islands. On his return to 
England, he published a description of the country, with a /■% 

map of the sea coast, and gave it the name oO^cw-Eng- i / A f 

In 1620, a number of pious people, parTof Mr. JohnNew- 
B.obinson's church and congregatioVi, who, by the violence P'y?"°"''» 
of persecution, had been driven from their pleasant seats \q2Q, ' 
and enjoyments in England, arrived on the coast ; and, 
after braving every danger, and enduring almost every 
hardship and distress of which human nature is capable, 
effected a permanent settlement in this part of North-Ameri- 
ca. They gave it the name of New-Plymouth. By vol- 
untary compact they formed themselves into a small com- 
monwealth, and had a succession of governors. They set- 
tled all that part of Massachusetts included in the county 
of Plymouth. By making permanent settlements, to which 
others might resort, on their first ari^ival in New-England, 
or afterwards in times of distress; by making treaties with 
the Indians, by which the peace of the country was pre- 
served ; by their knowledge of it, and the experience 
-f Smith's iijstory of New- York, p. x?. 



20 HISTOKY OF Chap. I. 

Book I. which they had gained, they were of peculiar advant- 
v-^-v-x.^ age to those who came over and made settlements after 
them. They were a pious, industrious people, and exhib- 
ited towards each other the most striking examples of fra- 
ternal affection. They continued a distinct colony for a- 
bout seventy years, until their incorporation, by the char- 
ter of William and Mary, in 1691, with the colony of Mas- 
sachusetts and the province of Maine. 

November 3d, 1620, just before the arrival of Mr. Rob- 
New-Eng- inson's people in New-England, king James the first, by 
land, Nov. letters patent, under the great seal of England, incorpo- 
3, 1620. rated the duke of Lenox, the marquises of Buckingham and 
Hamilton, the earls of Arundel and Warwick, and others, 
to the number of forty noblemen, knights and gentlemen, 
by the name " of the council established at Plymouth in 
the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling and govern- 
ing of New-England in America" — "and granted unto 
them, and their successors and assigns, all that part of 
* America, lying and being in breadth from forty degrees of 
north latitude, from the equinoctial line, to the forty eighth 
degree of said northerly latitude inclusively, and in length 
of, and within all the breadth aforesaid, throughout the 
main lands from sea to sea." The patent ordained that 
this tract of country should be called New-England in 
America, and by that name have continuance for ever. 

This grant is the broad basis on which stand all the other 
grants made to the colonies in New-England. 7'his pre- 
pared the way for future grants and the immediate settle- 
ment of New-England. 
Patent ofV' On the 19th of March, 1628, the Plymouth company 
cUusetts granted unto Sir Henry Roswell, Sir John Young, knights, 
March 19 Thomas Southcoat, John Humphry, John Endicott and Si- 

1628. mon Whiicorab, their h^irs and assigns forever, all that 
part of New-England in America, which lies and extends 
between Merrimack river and Charles river, in the bot- 
tom of Massachusetts bay, and three miles to the north and 
south of every part of Charles river, and three miles south 
of the southernmost part of said bay, and three miles to 
the northAvard of every part of Merrimack river, and "all 
lands and hereditaments whatsoever lying within the lim- 
its aforesaid north and south, in latitude and breadth ; and 
in length and longitude, of and within all the breadth a- 
foresaid throughout the main lands there, from the Atlantic 
sea and ocean on the east part, to the south sea on the west 

Confirmed P^"'"'^*" 

March 4 ^^ ^1^6 4th of March, 1629, king Charles the first con- 

1629. firmed this patent under the great seal of England, This 



C»AP. I. CONNECTICUT. 31 

was the patent, of Massachusetts bay, under which the set- Book I. 
tlement of that colony immediately commenced. v-^-n/ii,^ 

At this time, liberty of conscience could not be enjoyed No liberty 
in the parent country. No indulgence was granted even ^' .*'""' . 
to the most pious, loyal, and conscientious people, who £„' land, 
would not strictly conform to the habits, ceremonies, and 
worship of the church of England. All non-conformists 
were exposed to fines, imprisonments, the ruin of their 
families, fortunes,' and every thing which ought to be dear 
to men. CThe most learned, pious, orthodox, and inoffen- 
sive people, who did not conform to the church of England, 
were treated, by the king and his bishops, with far greater 
severity, than drunkards, sabbath breakers, or even the 
most notorious debauchees.) They were condemned, in 
the spiritual courts, without juries ; without having the wit- 
nesses against them brought into couit, to depose face to 
face; and, sometimes, without knowing the crime alledged 
against them, or who were the witnesses by whom it was » 

to be proved. Many of the pious people in England, were ^629. 
so harassed and persecuted for their non-conformity, that 
they determined, if possible, rather to make settlements in 
a dreary wilderness, at the distance of three thousand 
miles from their native couuntry, than endure the persecu- 
tion and sutTerings, to which they were constantly exposed 
from the hands of those who ought to have cherished and 
defended them. This cruel treatment of our venerable 
ancestors, was the cause of the settlement of the New-Eng- 
land colonies and churches. It will ever be the distin- N'ew-Eng- 
guishing glory of these colonies, that they were not origi- land set- 
nally formed for the advantages of trade and worldly emol- "'^'^ lorthe 
ument, but for the noble purposes of religion, the enjoy- jglii'^n_ 
ment of liberty of conscience in the worship and ordinan- 
ces of God. The pious fathers of these colonies wished to 
enjoy the uncorrupted gospel, administered in all its ordi- 
nances in purity and pov/er, and to transmit the invaluable 
blessings of civil and religious liberty to their remotest 
posterity. With these vievv^s they left their native country, 
their pleasant seats and enjoyments in Europe, and made 
settlements in the wilds of America. 

The same year in which the patent of Massachusetts re- 
ceived the royal confirmation, Mr. John Endicott was sent 
over, with about three hundred peo{)le, by the patentees, 
TO prepare the way for the settlement of a permanent colo- 
ny in that part of New-England. They arrived at Naum- Salfm spf- 
keak in June, and began a settlement, which they named 24[|,' ■'""'' 
Salem. This was the first town in Massachusetts, and the 
cccond in New-England. 




22 HISTORY OF ChAP. I. 

Book I. About a hundred of the planters who came over with 
Mr. Endicott, removed very soon to Mishawam, and began 
a plantation at that place. Here they erected a very spa- 
cious house, and made other preparations for the accom- 
modation of those who wei-e expected from England the 
next year. They called their settlement Charlestown. 

At a meeting of the company for the planting of the 
Massachusetts, in England, August 29th, it was voted, that 
the patent and government of the plantation be transferred 
to New-England.* 

The next year, therefore, seventeen ships were prepa- 
red, with all necessaries for the settlement of a colony. 
Eleven or twelve of these ships made a safe arrival in 
f630. New-England by the middle of July, and they all arrived 
before the close of the year.t In these came over gover- 
nor Winthrop, and the magistrates of tlie colony, who had 
been previously chosen in England. With them also came 
a number of ministers, to illuminate the infant churches, 
and preach in the wilderness the glad tidings of salvation. 
Gov. Win- On the 10th or 12th of July, governor Winthrop arrived 
fhrop ar- at Charlestovvn, with about fifteen hundred people. They 
rh^i^* encamped in cottages, booths, and tents, upon Charles- 
town July town hill. Their place of public worship was under a large 
10th. spreading tree. Here Messrs. Wilson and Phillips preach- 
ed their first sermons to these pious pilgrims. | In the 
ships which arrived this year, there came over about sev- 
enteen hundred people. In this and the last year, there 
Townsset- came into New-England two thousand planters. These 
tied m settled about nine or ten towns or villages. A consider- 
cbuseUs ^^^^ number settled at Boston and Charlestown. Many of 
1630. ' the principal characters fixed their abode in these towns. 
Governor Winthrop lived in the great house, which had 
been erected the preceding year at Charlestown. Mr. 
Isaac Johnston, who married the lady Arabella, sister of 
the earl of Lincoln, and who had the best estate of any of 
the company, fixed his residence at Boston. He was the 
great promoter of the settlement of the capital of the Mas- 
sachusetts. § Sir Richard Saltonstall, who was another of 
the magistrates, v/ith his company, setded at Watertown. 
They made choice of Mr. Phillips for their' pastor. Mr. 
Pyncheon, and another company, began a settlement at 
Roxbury, and the famous Mr. John Elliot and Mr. Weld, 
Y/ho came into New-England the next year, were elected 
their ministers. Other companies settled Medford and 
Weymouth. Boston and Charlestown, the first year, con 

^' rrinre'sChron. p. 192. t Ibid, part ii. p. 10. ^ Ibid. p. 2-10. 
J Ibid, part ii. sect. 2. p. 2. 



€hap. I. CONNECTICUT. 23 

sidered themselves as one company, and chose Mr. Wilson Book 1. 
for their pastor. v-^~v^">.,/ 

In one of the first ships wliich arrived this year, came WM. 
over the Rev. Mr. John Wariiam, Mr. John Maverick, 
Mr. Rossiter, Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Henry Wolcott, and oth- 
ers of Mr. Warham's church and congregation, who first 
settled the town of Windsor, in Connecticut. Mv. Rossiter 
and Mr. Ludlow were magistrates. Mr. Wolcott had a 
fine estate, and was a man of superior abilities. This was 
an honourable company. Mr. Warham had been a fa- 
mous minister in Exeter, the capital of the county of De- 
vonshire. The people who came with him, were from 
the three counties of Devonshire, Dorsetshire, and Somer- 
setshire. 

Some time before the 20th of March, just as they were- 
about to embark for New-England, upon a day of solemn 
fasting and prayer, they were formed into a congregational 
church, in the new hospital at Plymouth, in England. 
They then made choice of Mr. Warham and Mr. Maverick 
to be their pastor and teacher, and they were ordained, or 
re-installed to the care of this particular church. The fa- 
mous Mr. White, of Dorchester, preached and assisted on 
this occasion.! 

They sailed from Plymouth, in England, on the 20th of 
March, in the ship Mary and John, of 400 tons, and arri- Mr. Ws[r= 
vcd at Nantasket on the Lord's day, May 30th. The next ham ar- 
day, captain Squeb, master of the ship, put them and their f'^^^' ^^^ 
goods on shore, at Nantasket point, and, in this situation, j^e first 
left them to shift for themselves.^ But, by the assistance tiers of 
of some of the old planters, they obtained a boat, and pro- Windsor, 
ceeded up Charles river, to the place since called Water- 
town. Here they landed their goods, and erected a shel- 
ter to cover them ; but as they had many cattle, and found 
a neck of land at Mattapan, afibrding good accommodations 
for them, they soon removed and began a settlement there. 
They named their town Dorchester. 

Sir Richard Saltonstall's people, who settled at Water- 1630. 
town, were the first settlers of Weathersfield, in Connecti- Planters of 
cut. Mr. Phillips, who was elected their pastor, at Wa- Weath- 
tertown, had been mijiister at Boxford, in" the county of ^"^^ '^' ' 
Essex. Most of them were, probably, the people of his 
former charge, and from the same county. 

The emigrants v/ho came into New-England with Mr. Mortality 
Endicott and governor Winthrop, soon after their arrival, of the°lkst 

t Prince's Chron. p. 200. ^^'*'^®" 

% Ibid. p. 207. Captaia Squeb was, afterwasds, oblij^cd to pay dama- 
•g|es fot this conduct. 



£'4 HISTORY OF Chap. T, 

Book I. were visited with uncommon sickness and mortality. Of 
v-*»'">^'>*^ the company who came with Mr. Endicott the last year, 
eighty were in their graves before governor Winthrop ar- 
rived. He found the colony in very miserable circumstan- 
ces. Many of those who v/ere yet living, were in a weak 
and sickly condition. The people had scarcely a suffi- 
ciency of provisions for their subsistence fourteen days. 
Besides, they had sustained a capital loss in their servants. 
They brought over with them a hundred and eighty. These 
cost them more than three thousand pounds sterling. But 
they were so straightened for provisions, that they were 
necessitated to give all those who survived the sickness, 
their liberty, that they might shift for themselves.* 

Many of the ships which arrived this year, had a long 
passage of seventeen or eighteen weeks; in consequence 
of which, numbers had the scurvy, and came on shore in a 
i^ickly condition. By reason of wet lodgings, in cottages 
and miserable huts, for the want of fresh food and other 
conveniences, this sickness increased. Other diseases al- 
so, soon attacked them with violence ; so that, in a fort- 
night or three weeks, the sickness became general. In a 
short time, so many fell sick, that the well were not suffi- 
cient properly to attend them, and bury the dead. Great 
numbers died, and were buried on Charlestown hili.t The 
sickness and mortality greatly retarded the necessary la- 
bours and affairs of the colony ; so that many of the people 
were obliged to lie in tents, or miserable huts, during the 

1630. Avinter. By the next spring, a hundred and twenty, or 
more, were among the dead. Of this number were Mr. 
Johnson and Mr.Rossiter. The charming lady Arabella, ce- 
lebrated for her many virtues, died before her husband. She 
was sister to the earl of Lincoln ; and, for the sake of re- 
ligion, came from a paradise of ease, plenty, and delight, 
in the house of a renowned earl, into a wilderness of toil, 
disaster, and misery. 

About a hundred of the people were discouraged, and 
returned to England ; two hundred were dead, and some 
went to Piscataqua. About seventeen hundred remained j 
a little more thjn a hundred and eighty persons, or thirty 
families, on an average, to each town. The greatest num- 
bers fixed themselves at Boston and Watertown. In these 
towns, there were, probably, nearly sixty families : in 
Charlestown and Dorchester, about forty ; and in the oth- 
er towns, not more than fifteen or twenty families. | 

Fnmino, i[j addition to all the other calamities, with which these 

1631. ' 

* Prince's Cbron. p. 209, 210. . t Ibid. p. 242.. 

:j: Ibid, part ii. p. 1 and 31. 



Chap. I, CONNECTICUT. 25 

plantations had been visited, they, this year, experienced Book I. 
the distress of famine. By the beginning of February, v-^^n^-^-/ 
bread failed in every house, except the governor's, and 
even in this the family were reduced to the last loaves. 
!Such were the necessities of the people, that they fed on 
clams, muscles, ground-nuts, and acorns. Indeed, in the 
Avinter season, it was with great difficulty that the people 
procured these poor articles of subsistence. The gover- 
nors foreseeing, in the fall, that they should want provi- 
sions, dispatched a ship to Ireland to procure them a sup- 
ply. Her happy arrival on the .5th of February, prevented 
their perishing with famine. The return of health in the 
spring, the srrival of other vessels, with provisions, after- 
wards, and a plenteous harvest, gave the affairs of the col- 
ony a more prosperous appearance. 

While affairs were thus transacting in the colony, the vio- 
lent persecution of the puritans in England made great 
numbers look towards America as the only safe retreat 
from the impending storm. This, annually, occasioned a 
large accession of new planters to the settlements in New- 
England, y 

In 1630, the Rev. Mr. Thomas Hooker, a gentleman of 
great abilities, and a famous preacher, at Chelmsford, in 
the county of Essex, was silenced for non-conformity. To 
escape lines and imprisonment, he fled into Holland. He 
was held in such high and universal esteem among his ac- 
quaintance, that forty-seven ministers, in his vicinity, peti- 
tioned the bishop of London in his favour. These were 
all conformists, and witnessed for Mr. Hooker, that they 
esteemed him, and knew him " to be, for doctrine ortho- 
dox, for life and conversation honest, for disposition peace- 
able, and no wise turbulent or factious." However, as he 
was a non-conformist, no personal or acquired excellencies, 
no testimonials of his good conduct, nor prayers of his 
friends, could save him from prosecutions and deposition. 

He was so esteemed as a preacher, that not only his 
own people, but others, from all parts of the county of Es- 
sex, flocked to hear him. The noble earl of Warwick, 
though he resided at a great distance from Chelmsford, 
was so delighted with his public performances, that he fre- 
quently attended them. Great numbers not only attended 
his ministry, but experienced its salutary effects, and found 
themselves willing to emigrate into any part of the world, 
to enjoy the happiness of such a pastor. No sooner, there- 
fore, was he driven from them, than they turned their eyes 
towards New-England. They hoped that, if comfortable 
settlements could be made in this part of America, they 

D 



2f3 HIST0RY OF Chap. !. 

Book I. might oi)tain him for their pastor. Therefore, in 1632, a 
----''vv^ large body of them came over and settled at Newtown, 

1632. since called Cambridge, in Massachusetts. Numbers oi 
them, it seems, came over at an earlier period, and began 
to settle at Weymouth, but, this year, they all removed to 
Newtown. They had expressed their earnest desires to 
Mr. Hooker, that he would come over into New-England, 
and take the pastoral charge of them. 

Mr. Hook- At their desire he left Holland, and having obtained Mr. 
er arrives, Samucl Stonc, a Iccturer at Torcestcr, in Northampton- 
1633 ' ' ^l^*''c? ^or ^^ assistant in the mir)istry, took his passage for 
America in the Griffin, a shi|) of 300 tons, and arrived at 
Boston, Sept. 4th, 1633. With him came over the famous 
Mr. John Cotton, Mr. Johii Haynes, afterwards governor 
of Connecticut, Mr. Goff, and two hundred other passen- 
gers, of importance to the colony. 

1633. ]Vir. Hooker, soon after his arrival at Boston, proceeded 
to Newtown, where, finding himself in the midst of a joyful 
and affectionate people, he was filled with joy himself. He 
embraced them with open arms, saying, in the language of 
the apostle, "Now I live, if ye stand fast in the Lord."* 
These were the pious people who afterwards settled the 
town of Hartford. 

Messrs. Soon after Mr. Hooker's arrival, he was chosen pastor, 

Hooker g^j jyjj.^ Stone teacher of the people at Newtown. On the 
ordained ^ ^ ^^ of October the church was gathered, and, after solemn 
Oct. 11th, fasting and prayer, the pastor and teacher were ordained 
1633. to their respective offices. The church at Watertown, had 
Mr. Phil- been gathered before, on the 27th of August, 1630, and Mr. 
'*l^*°''^^'"' Phillips ordained pastor. Thus, the three churches of 
fcrtown W'indsor, Hartford, and Weathersfield, were gathered an- 
Auc 27tli, tecedently to their settlement in Connecticut, and it does 
1630. jiQt appear that they were ever re-gathered afterwards. 

* Magnalia B. Ill, The Life of Hooker. 




Chap. II. CONNECTICUT. 



CHAPTER II. 

The patent of Connecticut. The situation, extent, bounda- 
ries, and area of the settled part of the colony. The dis- 
covery of Connecticut river j a description of it, and the 
signif cation of its name. The colonyldcrives its name 
from the river. Description of other rivers. Plymouth 
and Dutch houses. Prospects of trade upon the river. 

THE great Plymouth company wished to make grants 
of their lands as fast as they could find purchasers; 
and conformity was so pressed, and the times grew so dif- 
ficult in England, that men of quality, as well as others, 
were anxious to provide, for themselves and their friends, 
a retreat in America. Another patent, therefore, contain- 
ing a large tract of country in New-England, soon suc- 
ceeded that of Massachusetts. 

On the 19th of March, 1631, Robert, earl of Warwick, Old patent 
president of the council of Plymouth, under his hand and °^ 9""" 
seal, did grant and confirm uqlo the honourable William iq^^ ' 
Viscount Say and Seal, Robert Lord Brooks, Robert Lord 
Rich, Charles Fienncs, Esq. Sir Nathaniel Rich, Sir Rich- 
ard Saltonstall, and others, to the number of eleven, and to 
their heirs, assigns, and associates, for ever, " All that part 
of New-England, in America, which lies and extends itself 
from a river there, called Narraganset river, the space of 
forty leagues upon a strait line near the sea shore, towards 
the south-west, west and by south, or west as the coast 
lieth towards Virginia, accounting three English miles to 
the league, and all and sij^ular the lands and hereditaments 
whatsoever, lying and being within the bounds aforesaid^ 
north and south in latitude and breadth, and in length and 
longitude of, and within all the breadth aforesaid, through- 
out all the main lands there, from the western ocean to the 
south seas ; and all lands, grounds, soil, wood and wood 
lands, ground, havens, ports, creeks and rivers, waters, 
fishings and hereditaments whatsoever, lying within the 
said space, and every part and parcel thereof; and also, 
all islands lying in America aforesaid, in the said seas, or 
either of them, on the western or eastern coasts, or parts of 
the said tracts of land, by these presents to be given or 
grar)ted."* The council of Plymouth, the preceding year, 
1630, granted this whole tract to the carl of Warwick, and 
it had been confirmed to him by a patent from king Charleci 
the fir>t. 

* See this patent iathe Appendix, No, 1. 



20 HISTORY OF Chap. IL 

Book I. This is the original patent of Connecticut. The set- 
v,^~v-^w/ tiers of the two colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven 
were the patentees of Viscount Say and Seal, lord Brook, 
and their associates, to whom the patent was originally 
given. 
Extent of President Clap describes the extent of the tract, convey- 
*'^^9^"- ed by this patent, in the w^ords following: "All that part 
patent. ^f JNew-England which lies west from Narraganset river, a 
hundred and twenty miles on the sea coast ; and from 
thence, in latitude and breadth aforesaid, to the south sea. 
This grant extends from Point Judith, to New-York ; and 
from thence, in a west line to the south sea : and if we take 
Narraganset river in its whole length, this tract will extend 
as far north as Worcester : it comprehends the whole of 
(he colony of Connecticut, and much more."* Ncal, Doug- 
lass, Hutchinson,! and all ancient historians and v/riters, 
have represented all the New-England grants as extending 
west from the Atlantic ocean to the isouth sea. Indeed the 
words of the patent are most express, declaring its extent 
to be south west or west, towards Virginia, to be in length 
and longitude throughout all the main lands to the south 
sea. 

The colony of the Massachusetts, and the commission- 
ers of the united colonies of New-England, understood the 
patents in this light, and hence extended their claims to the 
westward of the Dutch settlements. The Massachusetts, 
in the year 1659, made a grant of lands, opposite to fort 
Aurania, upon Hudson's river, to a number of principal 
merchants, in the colony, who were planning to make set- 
tlements in those parts. | The same year, the commission- 
ers of the united colonies asserted their claim of all the 
western lands to the south sea. In a letter to the Dutch 
governor, September 1st, 1659, tfley write, " We presume 
you have heard from your people of the fort of Aurania, 
Uiat some of our people, the English, have been lately in 
those parts, upon discovery of some meet places for plan- 
tations, within the bounds of the patent of the Massachu- 
setts colony ; which from the latitude of 42 degrees and a 
half, or 42 degrees and 33 and a half riiinutes, and so 
northerly, extends itself from east to west, in longitude 
through the main land of America, from the Atlantic ocean 
to the south or west sea." 

The patents to Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia, 
have ever been understood to have the same westerly ex» 

* Manuscripts of president Clap. 

t Neal's history N. E. vol. i. p. 148. Doufflass, vol. ii. p. 90 and 160 ; 
and Hutchinson vol. i. p. 64 and vol. ii. p. 203. 
t ilutchiasoQ voL i. p. 159. 



Chap. IL CONNECTICUT. 29 

tension. In the same light have they always been viewed, Book 1. 
by the British kings, and have been pleaded and acted np- ^^~v^->»,. 
on, in treaties, between the court of Great-Britain, and 
the French and Spanish monarchs. By virtue of this con- 
struction of patents and charters of the American colonics, 
it was, that all the western territories, as far as Mississip- 
pi, were, in the late peace with Great-Britain, ceded to the 
states of America. From the same construction of (he pa- 
tents, congress have taken a formal surrender of the unap- 
propriated western lands from particular states, and from, 
Connecticut no less than from others. 

The situation of the settled part of Connecticut is chiefly pjfuation, 
from 41 to 42 degrees of north latitude, and from 72.to 73 ^^f i' and 
degrees and 45 minutes west longitude. U is bounded ^p^ " ,. 
south by the sea shore about 90 miles, irom Byram river, cut. 
in the latitude of 40 degrees and 58 minutes, and longitude 
72 degrees and 25 minutes, to Pawcatuck river, in lati- 
tude 41 degrees and 17 minutes, and in longitude 72 de- 
grees and 25 minutes ; east on the colony of Rhode-Isl- 
and 45 miles; north on Massachusetts 72 miles, the line 
running nearly in the latitude of 42 degrees ; and west on 
New- York about 73 miles. It contains 4,730 square mJies, 
and 3,020,000 acres. One twentieth part of the colony is 
water and highways.* Exclusive of these there are 
2,869,000 acres. Of this about 2,640,000 are estimated 
improvable. The land is excellently watered, and libe- 
ral to the husbandman. Though, in some places, it is 
mountainous and broken, yet the greatest part of this is 
profitable either for wood or grazing. There are some 
thin lands, but these are profitable with proper manuring 
and cultivation. 

The present population is more than fifty souls to every Deg»ee of 
square mile, including land and water. It is about one ^°P"'*' 
person to every ten or twelve acres of land. 

The first discoveries made of this part of New-England 
were of its principal river and the fine meadows lying upon 
its bank. Whether the Dutch at New-Netherlands, or the 
people of New-Plymouth, were the first discoverers of the 
river is not certain. Both the English and Dutch claimed 
to be the first discoverers, and both purchased and made a 
settlement of the lands upon it nearly at the same time. 

In 1631, Wahquimacut, a sachem upon the river Con- Invitation 
necticut, made a journey to Plymouth and Boston, earnest- to settle on 
ly soliciting the governors of each of the colonies to send ^ ^^^^^' 

* To find the quantity of water and highways, an accurate computa- 
tion v;as made of the proportion of water and hi^hwajs in a particular 
town, which was supposed to contain an average with the towns in gene- 
ral. 



30 HISTORY OF Chap. II. 

Book 1. men to make settlements upon the river. lie represented 
^.-«»^.'-"x^ the exceeding IVuitAiIness of the country, and promised that 
he would supply the English, if they would make a settle- 
ment there, with corn annually, and give them eighty beav- 
er skins. He urged that two men might be sent to view 
the country. Had this invitation been accepted it might 
have prevented the Dutch claim to any part of the lands 
upon the river, and opened an extensive trade, in hemjj, 
lurs, and deer skins, with all the Indians upon it, and far 
into Canada. 

The governor of Massachusetts treated the sachem and 
his company with generosity, but paid no further attention 
to his proposal. Mr. Winslow, the governor of Plymouth, 
judged it worthy of more attention. It seems, that soon af- 
ter he went to Connecticut, and discovered the river and 
the adjacent parts. The commissioners of the united colo- 
nies, in their declaration against the Dutch, in 1C53, say, 
" Mr. Winslow, one of the commissioners for Plymouth, 
discovered the fresh river when the Dutch had neither trad- 
ing house nor any ])retence to a foot of land there."* 

It very soon aj>peared that the earnestness, with which 
the Indian sachem solicited the English to make settle- 
ments on the river, originated in the distressed state of the 
river Indians. Pekoath, at that time, the great sachem of 
the Pequims, or Pequots, was conquering them, and driv- 
ing their sachems from that part of the country. The In- 
dian king imagined that, if he could persuade the English 
lo make settlements there, they would defend him from his 
too powerful enemies.! 

The next year, the people of New-Plymouth made more 

1G3$. particular discoveries, upon the river, and found a place 

near the mouth of the little river, in Windsor, at which 

they judged a trading house might be erected, which would 

be advantageous to the colony. 

The Indians represented that the river Connecticut ex- 
tended so far north, and so near the great lake, that they 
jiassed their canoes from the lake into it; and that from 
the great swamps about the lake came most of the beaver 
in which they traded. 

Oneof the branches of Onion river, in Vermont, is with- 
in ten miles of Connecticut river. This was anciently call- 
ed the French river. The French and Indians from Catia- 
tla came by this river, and from this into Connecticut, 
vvhen they made their attacks on the northern frontiers of 
New-England and Connecticut. 

* Records of the United Colonies. 
t Winthrop's Journal, p. 25. 



Ghap. II. CONNECTICUT. 31 

Connecticut river has its source in that 'grand ridge of Book I. 
mountains which divides the waters of New-England and ^^*»^'-''w^ 
Canada, and extends north-easterly to the gulph of St. Descrip- 
Lawrence. The source of its highest branch is in about ^'"""'^ 
45 degrees and a half, or 46 degrees of north latitude, ^ut river. 
Where it enters New-England, in 45 degrees of north lati- 
tude, it is ten rods in breadth, and in running sixty miles 
further, it becomes twenty-four rods wide. It forms the 
boundary line between New-PIampshirc and Vermont a- 
boui two hundred miles. Thence running through the 
states of Massachusetts and Connecticut, it disembogues 
its waters into Long-Island sound, between Saybrook and 
Lyme. It runs with a gentle flow, as its course is, between 
three and four hundred miles. Its breadth through Con- 
necticut, as a medium, is between a huntlred rods and half 
a mile. In the high spring floods it overflows its banks, 
and in some places is nearly two miles in breadth. As its 
banks arc generally low, it forms and fertilizes a vast tract 
of the finest meadow ; feasible, fertile, and in which a 
stone is scarcely to be found. The general course of this 
beautiful river, above, and between the states of New- 
Hampshire and Vermont, is nearly south west; thence it 
turns and runs but a few degrees west of south to its mouth. 
At a small distance from its mouth is a bar of sand, ap- 
parently formed by the conflux of the river and tide. Up- 
on this there is but ten feet of water at full tide. The bar 
is at such a distance from the mouth of the river, that the 
greatest floods do not increase the depth of the water. This 
is some obstruction to navigation, but any vessel, which 
can pass the bar, may proceed without obstruction as fai- 
as Middletown, thirty miles from the somid ; and vessels of 
eighty, and a hundred tons, go up to Hartford, fifty miles 
from the river's mouth. By means of locks and cuts, at 
the falls, it is now navigable, for boats, more than three 
hundred miles. 

In Connecticut, there is one exception to the lowness 
of the river's banks. About three miles below Middle- 
town the river makes its way through two laountains. by 
which its breadth is contracted to about foily rods. This 
occasions the waters, sometimes, in the spring floods, to 
rise, even at Hartford, twenty feet above the common sur- 
face of the river. This, for the length of its course, its 
gentle flow, its excellent waters, the rich and extensive 
meadows which it forms, and the immense quantities of 
fish, with which it abounds, is one of the finest rivers in 
New-England. 

None of the ancient adventurers, who discovered the 



3-2 HISTORY OF Chap. If, 

Book I. great continent of North- America, or New-England, made 
"-i^-v-N^/ any discovery of this river. It docs not appear that it 
was known to any civilized nation, until some years after 
the settlement of the English and Dutch, at Plymouth and 
New-Netherlands. 
Connect!- From this fine river, which the Indians called Qnonehta- 
fpomTtr*^ cut, or Connecticut, (in English, the long river,) the color 
principal ny. Originally took its name. Indeed this is one principal 
river. source of its wealth and convenience. 
Descnp. 'Yhe Housatonrck and the little or Farmington river, 
rivere. westward of it, and Pequot river, now called the Thames, 
on the east, are also considerable sources of its opulence 
and prosperity. The Housatonick, now commonly called 
Stratford rivei-, has two principal branches. One rises in 
lianesljorough, and the other in Windsor, in the county of 
Berkshire, in Massachusetts. Where it enters Connecti- 
cut, between Salisbury and Canaan, it is about fifty rods 
wide, and running through the whole length of the colony, 
it empties into the sound between Milford.and Stratford. 
It is navigable twelve miles to Derby. Between Milford 
and Stratford it is about eighty rods wide, and there is a- 
bout four fathoms of water. Were it not obstructed, by a 
bar of shells, at the mouth, it would admit large ships. 
Between Salisbury and Canaan is a cataract wdiere the wa- 
ter of the whole river falls perpendicularly sixty feet. 
The fall produces a perfectly white sheet of water, and a 
mist in which various floating rainbows are exhibited, 
forming a scene exquisitely grand and beautiful. 
Of Nau- '^^^^ Naugatuck, or Waterbury river, is another consid- 

gatuck crable branch of the Housatonick. Its source is in Tor- 
rington, and running through Harwinton, Plymouth and 
Waterbury, it empties itself into said river at Derby. 
Of the lit- The little, or Farmington river, rises in Becket, in Mas- 
tie river, sachusetts, crosses the boundary line between the colonies 
at Hartland, and passing through Barkhempsted and New- 
Hartford, runs south considerably below the Centre of 
Farmington first society ; then, making a remarkable turn, 
it runs back nearly a north course, twelve or fourteen 
miles into Simsbury ; where it turns easterly, and running 
into Windsor, discharges its waters into Connecticut river 
nearly in the cenlre of the town. This formerly was re- 
plenished with all kmds of fish in as great a profusion as 
Connecticut. The numerous dams, which more lately 
have been erected upon it, have very greatly obstructed 
their passage. 
GfPe- Pequot river, or the Thames, empties into the sound nt 

quot. New-London. It is navigable fourteen miles, to Norwich 



Chap. II. CONNECTICUT. 33 

landing. Here it loses its name, and branches into She- Book I. 
tucket on the cast, and Norwich or little river on the Avest. v^^-~v^%w/ 

About a mile from the mouth of the little river, is a re- Descrip- 
markable romantic cataract. A perpendicular rock, about ^^'^'^ oi iiie 
twelve feet high, extends itself across the whole channel : j^^orvvicb. 
over (his the river pitches, in one entire sheet, on to a bed 
of rocks : here it is compressed by a very narrow and 
crooked passage, between two craggy cliffs, and for fifteen 
or twenty rods, forces its way over numerous pointed 
rocks, with the most violent agitation ; thence it flows into 
a large bason, which spreads itself for its reception. The 
long and constant falling of the waters, have excavated the 
rocks, even to admiration. In some, cavities are made, of 
a circular form, not less than five or six feet deep. The 
smooth and gentle flow of the river above the fall, the reg- 
ularity and beauty of its descent, the roughness and foam 
of the waters below, and the rugged, towering cliff impend- 
ing the whole, presents the sj->cctator with a scene ma- 
jestic and pleasing beyond description. 

The Shetucket, which name it bears as far only as the of she- 
southern boundary of Windham, is formed by the Willa- tucket, 
mantick and Quenibaug rivers. The VVillamanttck has Wiilamau- 
its source in Massachusetts, enters Connecticut at Stafford, Qu'eni^bau^ 
and is the boundary line between Tolland and Willington, 
Coventry and Mansfield, and passing by Windham, loses 
itself in the Shetucket. Quenibaug rises in Brimfield, in 
Massachusetts, and passing through Sturbridge and Dud- 
ley, crosses the line between that state and Connecticut, at 
Thompson ; and dividing Pomfret from Killingly, Canter- 
bury from Plainfield, and Lisbon from Preston, flows into 
the Shetucket. 

The colony is watered and fertilized by numerous other 
rivers, of less extent and utility. 

As the people at Plymouth had explored Connecticut 
river, and fixed upon a place convenient for building and 
commerce, and found the original proprietors of the soil 
desirous of their making settlements among them, they 
judged it an affair worthy of public, and immediate atten- 
tion. 

In July, 1633, Mr. Winslovv and Mr. Bradford there- 
fore made a journey to Boston, to confer with governor 
Winthrop and his council, on the subject. Governor Wins- 
low and Mr. Bradford proposed it to them, to join with 
Plymouth, in a trade to Connecticut, for hemp and beaver, 
and to erect a house for the purposes of commerce. It 
was represented as necessary, to prevent the Dutch from 
taking possession of that fine country, who, it waj» report- 

E 



1 HISTORY of Chap. l\ 

Book I. ed, were about to build upon the river : but governor Win- 
-""VN^ throp declined the motion : he objected that it was no*: 
1C33, proper to make a plantation there, because there were 
three or four thousand warlike Indians upon the river ; and 
because the bar at the mouth of it was such, that small 
pinnaces only could enter it at high v/ater ; and because 
tiiat, seven months in the year, no vessels could go into it. 
by reason of the ice, and the violence of the stream. 

The Plymouth people therefore determined to undertake 
the enterprise at their ov^^n risk. Preparations were mad'- 
for erecting a trading house, and establishing a small com- 
pany upon the river. In the mean time, the master of a 
vessel from Massachusetts, who was trading at New-Neth- 
erlands, shewed to Walter Van Twiller, the Dutch gover- 
nor, the commission which the English had to trade and 
settle in New-England; and that his majesty the king of 
Englatid, had granted all these parts to his own subjects. 
Me therefore desired that the Dutch would not build aJ 
Connecticut. This appears to have been done at the di- 
rection of governor Winthrop ; for, in consequence of it, 
Uie Dutch governor wrote a very complaisant letter to 
hiin, in which he represented, that the lords, the States 
General, had granted the same country to the West-India 
compan}-. He requested therefore, that the English wouW 
make no settlements at Connecticut, until the affair should 
be determined between the court of EnglaiKl, and the 
States General.* This appears to have been apiece ot 
policy in the Dutch governor, to keep the English still, un- 
til the Dutch had got a firm footing upon the river. 

Several vessels, this year, went into Connecticut river to 
trade. John Oldham, from Dorchester, and three mea 
September ^^.j(.[^ j^j^^^^ ^1^^ travelled through the wilderness to Connec- 
ticut, to view the country, and trade with the Indians. The 
sachem upon the river made him most welcome, and gave 
him a present in beaver. He found that the Indian hemp 
grew spontaneously in the meadows, in great abundance : 
he purchased a quantity of it; and, upan trial, it appeared 
much to exceed the hemp which grew in England. 

William Holmes, of Plymouth, with his company, hav- 
ing prepared the frame of a house, with boards and materi- 
als for covering it immediately, put them on board a ves- 
sel, and sailed for Connecticut. Holmes had a commission 
from the governor of Plymouth, and a chosen company ta 
accomplish his design. When he came into the river, he 
found that the Dutch had got in before him, made a ligh.r 
fort, and planted two pieces of cannon : this was erected 

* Wintlirop'a Journal, p. 55> 



Chap. 11. CONNECTICUT. S5 

at the place since called Hartford. Tlie Dutcli forbid Book ]« 
Holmes' going up the river, stood by their cannon, ordered >,^-n,-v^' 
him to strike his colours, or they wonld fire upon him: l»ut 
he was a man of spirit, assured them that he had a com- 
Kiission from the governor of Plymouth to go up the river, 
and that he must obey Jiis orders : they poured out their 
threats, but he proceeded, and landing on the tvest side of 
the river, erected his house a little below the mouth of the riymmitii 
little river, in Windsor.* The house Avas covered with'^ousee- 
the utmost dispatch, and fortified with palisadocs. '^"^^^ vvilTds ** 
sachems, who were the original owners of tlie soil, hadoct. 16;«, 
been driven from this part of the country, by the Pequols ; 
and were now carried home on board Holmes' vessel. Of 
them the Plymouth people purchased the land, on which 
they erected their house. t This, governor Wolcott says, Dutch 
Vt^as the first house erected in Connecticut.]: The Dutch, house ;it 
about the same time, erected a trading house at Hartford, "'^''t^ord* 
which they called the Hirse of good hope.§ 

It was with great difficulty that Holmes and his compa- 
ny erected and fortified their house, and kept it afterwards, from the* 
The Indians were offended at their bringing home the ori- Duirh anc^ 
ginal proprietors, and lords of the country, and the Dutch Indians. 
tliat they had settled there, and were about to rival them 
in trade, and in the possession of those excellent lands up- 
on the river : they were obliged therefore to combat both, 
and to keep a constant watch'upon them. 

The Dutch, before the Plymouth people took possession 
of the river, had invited them, in an amicable manner, to 
trade at Connecticut; but when they were apprised that 
they were making preparations for a settlement there, they 
repented of the inviotion, and spared no exertions to pre- 
vent them. 

On the 8 th of June, the Dutch had sent Jacob Van Cuj*- 
ter, to purchase lands upon the Connecticut. He made a 
purchase of about twenty acres at Hartford, of Nepuquash, q , „- 
a Pequot caj)tain. Of this the Dutch took possession in 
October, and on the 25th of 'the month, Curter j)rotested Dec. 1634. . 
against William Holmes, the builder of the Plymouth 
house. Some time afterwards, the Dutch governor, Walter 
Van Twiller, of fort Amsterdam, dispatched a reinforce- 
ment to Connecticut, designing to drive Holmes and his 
company from the river. A band of seventy men, under 
arms, with banners displayed, assaulted the Plymouth 

*ManuPcripts of governor Wolcott. 
t Prince's Chron. part ii. sec. 2, p. 94, 95, 9C. 
1(}n bis manuscripts. 

{ Smith represents this house as built ten years before it was. Hist, of 
^ew-Yorkj p. 2. 



36 HISTORY OF Chap. IL 

Book 1. house, but they found it so well fortified, and the men who 
N,.^"v->i^ kept it so vigilant and determined, that it could not be tak- 
en without bloodshed : they therefore came to a parley, 
and finally returned in peace. 

The Dutch were always mere intruders. They had no 
right to any part of this country. The English ever denied 
their right, and when the Dutch placed a governor at New- 
Netherlands, and the court of England made complaint 
of it to the States General, they disowned the affair, and 
said it was only a private undertaking of an Amsterdam 
"West-India company. King James the first commissioned 
Edward Langdon to be governor, at New-Netherlands, 
and named the country New-Albion. The Dutch submit- 
ted to the English government, until the troubles in Eng- 
land, under the administrations of king Charles the first 
and the long parliament.* Taking the advantage of the 
distraction of those times, they again usurped and estab- 
lished their government, until they were reduced by king 
Charles the second, in 1664. They gave great trouble to 
both the colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven. 
,p , . The people of New-Plymouth had carried on a trade up- 

fur, on Connecticut river for nearly two years before they 

erected a trading house. They found the country to be 
excellent and the trade profitable ; but that, were there a 
house and company to receive the commodities which were 
brought down from the inland country, the profits would 
be much greater. The country abounded with beaver« 
The Dutch purchased not less than ten thousand skins an- 
1633 nually. Plymouth and Massachusetts people sometimes 
sent, in a single ship, for England, a thousand pounds 
sterling worth of otter and beaver skins. The extent of 
Connecticut river, the numerous Indians upon it, and the 
easy communication which they had with the lakes, and 
natives of Canada, gave an extensive opening for a trade in 
furs, skins, corn, hemp and all kinds of commodities which 
the country afforded. 

This was a year of great sickness at Plymouth. They 
lost twenty of their people. Some of them were their 
principal and most useful inhabitants. 
Mortality It was a dreadful year to the Indians in the Massachu- 
amougthe getts. Two sachems with a great part of their Indians 
Nov!and ^^i^d. The small pox, which spread among them, was the 
Bee. occasion of the mortality. The people of Massachusetts 

shewed them great kindness in their distress. Several 
towns received their children to prevent their taking the in- 
fection, and to nurse and save them if they had taken if ; 
* Doug, volo iL p. 222. 



Chap. III. CONNECTICUT. 37 

but the most of them died, notwithstanding all the care and Book I. 
pains which could be exercised towards them. When >w^-x/-'v' 
their own people forsook them, the Ens;lish, who lived 
near them, went to their wigwams and ministered to 
them. Some families spent almost their whole time with 
them. One Englishman buried thirty of their dead in one 
dav.* 



CHAPTER III. 

The stale of the country of Connecticut xohen the settlement 
of the colony commenced. Its trees and fruits. Its ani- 
mals. Number^ situation, genius, manners, arms, uten- 
sils and jvars of the Indians, 

WHEN the English became first acquainted with that 
tract comprised within the settled part of Connec- 
iicut, it was a vast wilderness. There were no pleasant 
fields, nor gardens, no public roads, nor cleared plats. 
Except in places where the timber had been destroyed, 
and its growth prevented by frequent fires, the groves were 
thick and lofty. The Indians so often burned the coun- 
try, to take deer and other wild game, that in many of the 
plain, dry parts of it, there was but little small timber. 
Where lands were thus burned there grew bent grass, or 
as some called it, thatch, two, three and four feet high, 
according to the strength of the land. This, with other jg^g 
combustible matter, which the fields and groves produced, 
when dry, in the spring and fall, burned with violence and 
killed all the small trees. The large ones escaped, and 
generally grew to a notable height and magnitude. In 
this manner the natives so thinned the groves, that they 
were able to plant their corn and obtain a crop. 

The constant fall of foliage, with the numerous kinds of 
weeds and wild grass, which annually died and putrified 
on the lands, yielded a constant manure, and exceedingly 
enriched them. Vegetation was rapid, and all the natural 
productions of the country luxuriant. 

It abounded with the finest oaks of all kinds, with ches- Trees. 
nut, walnut and wild cherry trees, with all kinds of maple, 
beech, birch, ash and elm. The butternut tree,buttonwood, 
basswood, poplar and sassafras trees, were to be found 
* Winthrop's Journal, p. 59. 



38 HISTORY OF CHAr. IH. 

Book I. generally upon all tracts in Connecticut. White, yellow 

^^j'-N/^'w/ and pitch pine, white and red cedar, henilock and spruce> 
grew plenteouslv in many places. In the north and north- 
western part oi the colony were excellent groves of pine, 
with spruce and fir trees. The white wood tree also, 
notable for its height and magnitude, making excellent 
boards and clapboards, was the natural growth of the 
country. In some towns white wood trees have grown iti 
great abundance. All other kinds of small trees, of less 
utility, common to New-England, flourish in Connecticut, 

Natural The country abounded with a great variety of wild fruit. 

fruits. In the groves were walnuts, chesnuts, butternuts, hazle- 
luits and acorns in great abundance. Wild cherries, cur- 
rants and plumbs, were natural productions. In the low 
lands, on the banks of the rivers, by the brooks and gut^ 
ters, there was a variety and plenty of grapes. The coun- 
try also abounded with an almost endless variety of escu- 
lent and medicinal berries, herbs and roots. Among the 
principal and most delicious of these were strawberries, 
blackberries of various kinds, raspberries, dewberries, 
whoi'tleberries, bilberries, blueberries and mulberries. 
Cranberries also grew plenteously in the meadows, which 
when well prepared furnish a rich and excellent sauce. 
Juniperberries, barberries and bay berries, which are of 
the medicinal kind, grow spontaneously in Connecticut. 
The latter is an excellent and useful berry, producing a 
most valuable tallow. It is of a beautiful green, and has u 
fine perfume. Beside these, there was a profusion of vari- 
ous other kinds of berries of less consideration. Some 
even of these, however, are very useful in various kinds 
of dyes and in certain medicinal applications. 

The earth spontaneously produced ground nuts, arti- 
chokes, wild leeks, onions, garlicks, turnips, wild pease, 
plantain, radish, and other esculent roots and herbs. 

Among the principal medicinal vegetables of Connecti- 
cut are the blood root, seneca snakeroot, liquorice root, 
dragon root, pleurisy root,* spikenard, elecampane, Solo- 
mon's seal, sarsaparilla, senna, bittersweet, ginseng, an- 
gelica, masterwort, motherwort, lungwort, consumption 
root,t great and small canker weed, high and low centaury, 
sweet and blue flag, elder, maidenhair, pennyroyal, celan- 

* Esclepias df^cumbens. 

t This is the Geuro Urbanum of Linnaeus. It is known in Britain hy 
ihe nSime of Herb Bennet, or common Jlvens. Dr. Buchhave, from loni^ 
experience, recommends it as much superior to the Peruvian bark, in the 
«;ure of periodical and other diseases. Medical commentaries by a socie- 
ty/ of Physicians in Edinburs;h, vol. vii. p. 279 to 288. He represents three 
<aunce^ of this root, as equal to a pound of the <-ortex. 



Chap. II]. CONNECTICUT. 3^ 

dine, mallow, marsh mallow, slippery elm, adder's tongue Book f. 
and rattlesnake weed. Indeed a great proportion of the v^^^/'-v.-' 
the roots and plants of the country, with the bark, buds 1633. 
and roots of many of the trees, are used medicinally. 
There is a great variety of plants and flowers, the names 
and virtues of which are not known. § 

The country was no less productive of animals, than of 
natural fruit. In the groves there were plenty of deer, Animals, 
naoosc, fat bears, turkies, herons, partridges, quails, pi- 
geons, and other wild game, which were excellent for food. 
There were such incredible numbers of pigeons in New- 
England, when the English became first acquainted with 
it, as filled them with a kind of astonishment. Such nu- 
merous and extensive flocks would be seen flying for some 
hours, in the morning, that they would obscure the light. 
An American historian writes, " It passeth credit, if but 
the truth were written." 

Connecticut abounded in furs. Here were otters, bea- 
ver, the black, gray, and red fox, the racoon, mink, musk- 
i^at, and various other animals, of the fur kind. The wolt", 
■wild cat, and other animals, common in New-England, 
were equally so in Connecticut. Wolves were numerous 
in all parts of New-England, when the settlements com- 
menced, and did great damage to the planters, killing theiy 
sheep, calves, and young cattle. 

The country afforded an almost incredible plenty of wa- Fowl. 
ter fowl. In the bays, creeks, rivers, and ponds, were 
wild geese, and ducks of all kinds, wigeons, sheldrapes, 
broadbills, teal of various sorts, and other fowl, which 
were both wholesome and palatable. In the waters, on 
the shores, and in the sands, were lobsters, oysters, clams, 
and all kinds of shell fish in abundance. Most of these 
arc reckoned among the dainties of the table. 

In the seas, bays, rivers, and ponds, there was a varie- 
ty, and an innumerable multitude of fish. Connecticut p. , 
river, in particular, was distinguished for that plenty and 
variety which it aiforded in the proper season : especially 
for those excellent salmon, with which its waters were re- 
plenished. 

As Connecticut abounded in wild animals, so it did also, ,. 
with wild and savage men. In no part of New-England merous in 
were the Indians so numerous, in proportion to the extent Connecti- 
of territory, as in Connecticut. The sea coast, harbors, *^"*- 
bays, numerous ponds and streams, with which the country 
abounded, the almost incredible plenty of fish and fowl 

^ Tlie roots and flowers of America, would be the most valuable addi- 
tion to (he works of the celebrated Linnxus, which could be made. 



40 HISTORY OF CHAf. III. 

Book I. which it afforded, were exceedingly adapted to their con- 

N-^-v->»^ venience and mode of living. The exceeding fertility of 
1633. the meadows, upon several of its rivers, and in some other 
parts of it, the excellence of its waters, land the salubrity 
of the air, were all circumstances, which naturally collect- 
ed them in great numbers to this tract. Neither wars, nor 
sickness, had so depopulated this, as they had some other 
parts of New-England. 
. From the accounts given of the Connecticut Indians, 

numbers ^^^^ cannot be estimated at less than twelve or sixteen 
thousand. They might possibly amount to twenty. They 
could muster, at least, three or four thousand warriors.* 
It was supposed, in 1633, that the river Indians only could 
bring this number into the field. t These were principally 
included within the ancient limits of Windsor, Hartford, 
Weathersfield, and Middletown. Within the town of 
Windsor only, there were ten distinct tribes, or sovereign- 
ties. About the year 1670, their bowmen were reckoned 
at tv/o thousand. At that time, it was the general opinion, 

SLtuadon. ^^^^ there were nineteen Indians, in that town, to one En- 
glishman. There' was a great body of them in the centre 
of the town. They had a large fort a little north of the 
plat on which the first meeting-house was erected. On 
the east side of the river, on the upper branches of the Po- 
dunk, they were very numerous. There were also a great 
number in Hartford. Besides those on the w^est side of 
the river, there was a distinct tribe in East-Hartford. 
These were principally situated upon the Podunk, front 
the northern boundary of Hartford, to its mouth, where it 
cmjjties into Connecticut river. Totanimo, their first sa- 
chem with whom the English had any acquaintance, com- 
manded two hundred bowmen. These were called the 
Podunk Indians. 

At Mattabesick, now Middletown, v/as the great sachem 

Forts. Sowheag. His fort, or castle, was on the high ground, 
facing the river, and the adjacent country,, on both sides 
of the river, was his sachemdom. This was extensive, 
comprehending the ancient boundaries of Weathersfield, 
then called Pyquaug, as well as Middletown. Sequin was, 
sagamore at Pyquaug, under Sowheag, when the English 
began their settlements. On the east side of the river, in 
the tract since called Chatham, was a considerable clan, 
called the Wongung Indians. At Machenioodus, now cal- 
led East-Haddam, was a numerous tribe, famous for their 
jrawaws, and worshipping of evil spirits. t South of these, 

*" Winthrop's Journal, p. 31. + Manuscripts from Windsor. 
.1: Manuscripts of the Rev. Mr. Hosmer. 



Chap.IIL CONNECTICUT. 41. 

in the easternmost part of Lyme, were the western Nehan- Book I. 
ticks. These were confederate with the Pcquots. South ^^^^n.^^^^ 
and east of them, from Connecticut river to the eastern ]G33. 
boundary line of the colony, and north-east or north, to its 
northern boundary line^ lay the Pequot and Moheagan 
country. This tract was nearly thirty miles square, inclu- 
ding the counties of New-London, Windham, and the prin- 
cipal part of the county of Tolland. § 

Historians have treated of the Pequots and Moheagans, Pequot 
as two distinct tribes, and have described the Pequot coun- ^""^ '^^''- 
try, as lying principally within the three towns of New- couut'ry. 
London, Groton, and Stonington. All the tract above this, 
as far north and east as has Ijeen described, they have rep- 
resented as the Moheagan country* Most of the towns in 
this tract, if not all of them, hold their lands by virtue of 
deeds from Uncas, or his successors, the Moheagan sa- 
chems. It is, however, much to be doubted, whether the 
Moheagans were a distinct nation from the Pequots. They 
appear to have been a part of the same nation, named 
from the place of their situation. Uncas was evidently of 
the royal line of the Pequots, both by his father and moth- 
er ; and his v/ife was daughter of Tatobam, one of the Pe- 
quot sachems.* He appears to have been a captain, or 
petty sachem, under Sassacus, the great prince of the na- 
tion. When the English first came to Connecticut, he was 
in a state of rebellion against him, in consequence of some 
misunderstanding between them ; and of little power or 
consequence among the Indians. 

The Pequots were, by far, the most warlike nation in pequot sa- 
Connecticut, or even in New-England. The tradition is, chems. 
that they were, originally, an inland tribe ; but, by their 
prowess, came down and settled themselves, in that fine 
country along the sea coast, from Nehantick to Narragan- 
set bay. When the English began their settlements at 
Connecticut, Sassacus had twenty-six sachems, or princi- 
pal war captains, under him. The next to himself, in dig- 
nity, was Mononottoh. The chief seat of these Indians, 
was at New-London and Groton. New-London was their 
principal harbor, and called Pequot harbor. They had 
another small harbor at the mouth of Mystic river. Their 
principal fort was on a commanding and most beautiful em- ^.j^^gg^t. 
inence, in the town of Groton, a few miles south-easterly 
from fort Griswold. It commanded one of the finest pros- 
pects of the sound and the adjacent country, which is to 

i President Clap's manuscripts, and Chandler's map of. the Moheagan 
country. 

* Preface to Capt. Mason's history, and genealogy pf Uncas, upon the 
records of Connecticut. 

F 



42 HISTORY" OF Chap. III. 

Book I. be found upon the coast. This was the royal fortress, 
'-«»-v->-/ where the chief sachem had his t-esidence. He had an- 
1633, other fort near Mystic river, a few miles to the eastward 
of this, called Mystic fort. This was also erected upon a 
beautiful hilt,^ or eminence, gradually descending towards 
the south and south-east. The Pequots, Moheagans, and 
Nehanticks, could, doubtless, muster a thousand bowmen. 
The Pequots only were estimated at seven hundred War- 
riors. Upon the lowest computation w^e therefore fmd at 
least three thousand warriors on the river Connecticut, and 
in the eastern part of the colony. If we reckon every 
third person a bowman, as some have imagined, then the 
whole number of Indians, in the town and tract mentioned, 
would be nine thousand ; but if there were but one to four 
or live, as is most probable, then there were twelve or fif- 
teen thousand. 

West of Connecticut river and the ?owns upon it, there 
were not only scattering families in almost ever}' part, but, 
in several places, great bodies of Indians. At Simsbury 
and New-Hartford, they were numerous; and upon those 
line meadows, formed by the meanders of the little river, 
at Tunxis, now Farmington, and the lands adjacent, was 
another very large clan. There was a small tribe at Guil- 
ford, under the sachem squaw, or queen, of Menunkatuck, 
At Branford and East-Haven there was another. They 
had a famous burying ground at East-Haven, which they 
\isited and kept up, with much ceremony, for many years 
after the settlenvent of New-Haven, 

At Milford, Derby, Stratford, Norwalk, Stamford, and 
Greenwich, their numbers were formidable. 

At Milford, the Indian name of which was Wopowdge, 
dku*"^ "" there were great numbers ; not only in the centre of the 
town, but south of it, at Milford point. In the fields there, 
the shells brought on by the original inhabitants are said 
to be so deep, that they never have been ploughed, or dug 
through, even to this day. On the west part of the town 
was another party. They had a strong fortress, Avith flan- 
kers at the four corners, about half a mile north of Strat- 
ford ferry. This was built as a defence against the Mo- 
hawks. At Turkey hill, in the north-west part of Milford, 
there was another large settlement, 
^^d IT^^t- ^" Derby, there were two large clans. There was one 
fordludi- atPaugusset. This clan erected a strong fort against the 
ans. Mohawks, situated on the bank of the river, nearly a mile 

above Derby ferry. At the falls of Naugatuck river, four 
or five miles above, was another tribe. 

At Stratford, the Indians were equally, if not more nu- 



^HAr. III. CONNECTICUT. 4B 

merous. In that part of the town only, which is compris- Book T. 
ed within the limits of Huntington, their warriors, after the ^^<-^^-v^• 
English had knowledge of ihem, were estimated at three iG33. 
hundred ; and, before this time, they had been mucii wast- 
ed by the Mohawks. 

The Indians at Stamford and Greenwich, and in that stamforf^ 
vicinity, probably, were not inferior in. nunnbers to those Indiau'? 
at Stratford. There were two or tliree tribes of Indians in 
Stamford, when the English began the settlement of the 
jtown. In Norwalk wei'c two petty sachemdoms ; so that 
within these towns, there was a large and dangerous body 
of savages. These, with the natives between them and 
Hudson's river, gave extreme trouble to the Dutch. The 
i^orwalk and Stamford Indians gave great alarm, and occa- 
sioned much expense to the English, after they made set- 
dements i/. that^:)art of the colony. 

In the town of Woodbury, there were also great numbers 
of Indians. The most numerous body of them was in that 
part of the town, since named South-Britain. 

It would doubtless be a moderate computation, to reckon 
A\ these different clans at a thousand warriors, or four or 
live thousand people. There must therefore have been 
sixteen, and it maybe, twenty thousand ^Indians in Con- 
necticut, when the settlement of it commenced. 

East of Connecticut were the Narraganset Indians : Narragan- 

o set In- 

these were a nunierous and powerful body. When the dians. 

English settled Plymouth, their fighting men were reckon- 
ed at three or four thousand.* Fifty years after this time, 
they were estimated at two thousand. The Pequots and 
Narragansets maintained perpetual war, and kept up an 
implacable animosity between them. The Narragansets 
were the only Indians in the vicinity of the Pequots, which 
they had not conquered. To these their very name was 
dreadful. They said Sassacus was " a^l one God ; no man 
could kill him."t 

On the northeasterly and northern part of the colony, Nipmuck 
were the Nipmuck Indians. Their principal seat was radians, 
about the great ponds in Oxford, in Massachusetts, but 
their territory extended southv/ard into Connecticut, more 
than twenty miles. This was called the Wabbequasset 
and Whetstone country ; and sometimes, the Moheagan 
conquered country, as Uncas had conquered and added it 
to his sachemdom. I 

* Prince's Chron. p. 116. 
t Major Mason's history of the Pequot war. 

|: President Clap's manuscripts, and Chandler's map of the Moheagau 
country. 



44 



HISTORY OP 



(?HAP. in. 



Indians 
Passive 
couraae. 



features. 



Book I. The Connecticut, and indeed all the New-England In- 
vv,<*-N/-<-w/ dians, were large, strait, well proportioned men. Their 
1633. bodies were firm and active, capable of enduring the grcat- 
Descrip- est fatigues and hardships. Their passive courage was 
fion of the almost incredible. When tortured in the most cruel man- 
ner ; though flayed alive, though burnt with fire, cut or 
torn limb from limb, they would not groan, nor show any 
signs of distress. Nay, in some instances they would glory 
over their tormentors, saying that their hearts would never 
be soft until they were cold, and representing their tor- 
ments as sweet as Englishmen's sugar.* When travel- 
ling in summer, or winter, they regarded neither heat nor 
cold. They were exceedingly light of foot, and would 
travel or run a very great distance in a day. Mr. Will- 
iams says, " I have known them rim between eighty and a 
hundred miles in a summer's day and back again within two 
days." As they were accustomed to the woods, they ran 
in them nearly as well as on plain ground. They were 
exceedingly quick sighted, to discover their enemy, or 
their game, and equally artful to conceal themselves. 
Their features were tolerably regular. Their faces are 
generally full as broad as those of the English, but flatter ; 
they have a small, dark coloured good eye, coarse black 
hair, and a fine white set of teeth. The Indian children, 
Avhen born, are nearly as white as the English children ; 
but as they grow up their skin grows darker and becomes 
nearly of a copper colour. The shapes both of the men 
and women, especially the latter, are excellent. A crook- 
ed Indian is rarely if ever to be seen. 

The Indians in general were quick of apprehension, in- 
genious, and when pleased, nothing could exceed their 
courtesy and friendship. Gravity and eloquence distin- 
guished them in council, address and bravery in war. 
They were not more easily provoked than the English ; 
but when once they had received an injury, it was never 
forgotten. In anger they were not, like the English, talka- 
tive and boisterous, but sullen and revengeful. Indeed, 
when they were exasperated, nothing could exceed their 
I'evcnge and- cruelty. When they have fallen into the 
power of an enemy, they have not been known to beg for 
life, nor even to accept it when offered them. They have 
seemed rather to court death.! They were exceedingly 
improvident. If they had a supply for the present, they 
gave themselves no trouble for the future. The men de- 
clined all labor, and spent their time in hunting, fishing, 

* Hubbard's Narrative, p. 130 and 172. 
^ Jf'ffersoia's notes, p. 10», 100, aud Hubbard's nsrralivc, p. 130, 172. 



Genius. 



Chap. III. CONNECTICUT. 45 

shooting, and warlike exercises. They were cxceHcnt. Book I. 
marksmen, and rarely missed their game, whether run- v.^^^v-^-' 
ning or flying. 1633. 

VvThey imposed all the drudgery upon their women. Treat- 
They gathered and brought home their wood, planted,™^"*"'' 
dressed and gathered in their corn. They carried home ,„(,ji^ 
the venison, fish and fowl, which the men took in hunting. 
When they travelled, the women carried the children, 
packs and provisions. The Indian women submitted pa- 
tiently to such treatment, considering it as the hard lot ol" 
the woman. This ungenerous usage of their haughty 
lords, they repaid with smiles and good humour.-*^ 

It has been common among all heathen nations, to treat 
their women as slaves, and their children, in infancy, with 
litde tenderness. The Indian men cared little for their 
children when young, and were supposed at certain times, 
to sacrifice them to the devil. Christianity only j)rovide<> 
for that tender and honorable treatment of the woman, 
which is due to die sex formed of man. This alone pro- 
vides for the tender care, nursing and education of her 
offspring, and is most favorable to domestic happiness, to 
ihe life and dignity of man. 

^^ The Indian women were strong and masculine ; and as 
they were more inured to exercise and hardship than the 
men, were even more firm and capable of fatigue and suf- 
fering than they ^' They endured the pains of child-bear- 
ing without a groan. It was not uncommon for them, soon 
after labor, to lake their children upon their backs and 
travel as they had done before.* 

The clothing of the Indians in New-England, was the Drefs, 
skins of wild beasts. The men threw a light mantle of 
skins over them, and wore a small flap which was called 
Indian breeches. They were not very careful, however, 
to conceal their nakedness. The women were much more 
modest. They wore a coat of skins, girt about their loins, 
which reached down to their hams. — They never put this 
off in company. If the husband chose to sell his wife's 
beaver petticoat, she could not be persuaded to part with 
it, until he had provided another of some sort. 

In the winter, their blanket of skins, which hung loose 
in the summer, was tied or wrapped more closely about 
them. The old men in the severe seasons also wore a sort 
of trowsers made of skins and fastened to their girdles, 
They wore shoes without heels, which they called mocka- 
sins. These were made generally of moose hide, but 

* Wood'sprospect of New-England, Neal and Hutchinson, Neal's Hi«t. 
N F. vol. i. p. 45. Hutchinson, vol, i. p. 462 to 4G7, 



46 



HISTORY OF 



Chap.^II, 



Book I. soiiietimes of buck skin. They were shaped entirely to 
V^*^''""'*-' the foot, gathered at the toes and round the ankles, and 
made fast with strings. 

^' Their ornaments were pendants in their ears and nose, 
carved of bone, shells and stone. These were in the form 
of birds, beasts and fishes. They also wore belts of wam- 
pompeag upon their arms, over their shoulders and about 
their loins.'^ They cut their hair into various antic forms 
and stuck them with feathers. They also, by incisions into 
which they conveyed a black or blue, unchangeable ink, 
made on their cheeks, arms, and other parts of their bo- 
dies, the figures of moose, deer, bears, wolves, hawks, ea- 
gles and all such living creatures as were most agreeable to 
their fancies. These pictures were indelible, and lasted 
during life. The sachems, on great days, when they de- 
signed to show themselves in the full splendor of majesty, 
not only covered themselves with mantles of moose, or 
deerskins, with various embroideries of white beads, and 
wif ■) paintings of diilerent kinds ; but they wore the skin of 
a bear, wild cat or some terrible creature upon their shoul- 
ders and arms. \ They had also necklaces of fish bones, 
and painting themselves in a frightful manner, made a most 
ferocious and horrible appearance. The warriors who, 
on public occasions, dressed themselves in the most wild 
and terrific forms, were considered as the best men. 

The Indian houses or wigwams, were, at best, but poor 
smoky cells. They were constructed generally like ar- 
bours, of small yoimg4iices, bent and twisted together, and 
so curiously covc^Jl^llh 'mats or bark, that they were 
tolerably dry and warm. The Indians made their fire in 
the centre of the house, and there was an opening at the 
top, which emitted the smoke. For the convenience of 
wood and water, these huts were commonly erected in 
groves, near some river, brook or living spring. When 
the wood failed, the family removed to another place. 

They lived in a poor low manner : their food was coarsr: 
and simple, without any kind of seasoning : they had nei- 
ther spice, salt, nor bread : they had neither butter, cheese, 
nor milk : they drank nothing better than the water which 
ran in the brook, or spouted from the spring : they fed 
on the flesh and entrails of moose, deer, bears, and all 
kinds of wild beasts and fowls; on fish, eels, and creeping 
things ; they had good stomachs, and nothing came amiss. 
In the hunting and fishing seasons, they had venison, 
moose, fat bears, racoons, geese, turkies, ducks, and fish of 
all kinds. In the summer, they had green corn, beans, 
squashes, and the various fruits which the country naturaK 



Chap. III. CONNECTICUT. 47 

ly produced. In the winter they subsisted oil corn, beans, Book I. 
fish, nuts, groundnuts, acorns, and the very gleanings ofs^^-^^s^ 
the grove. '\ 1633. 

\\ They had no set meals, but like other wild creatures, No set 
ate when they were hungry, and could find any thing to™^^'*' 
satisfy the cravings of nature. Some times they had little 
or nothing for several days ; but when they had provisions, 
they feasted. If they fasted for some time, they were 
sure at the next meal to make up for all they had lost be- 
fore. They had but little food from the earth, except what 
it spontaneously produced. Indian corn, beans and squash- 
es, were the only eatables for which the natives in New- 
England labored. The earth was both their scat and their 
table. With trenchers, knives, and napkins, they had no 
acquaintance. 

Their household furniture was of small value. Their Household 
best bed was a mat or skin: they had neither chair nor furniture, 
stool. They ever sat upon the ground, commonly with 
their elbows upon their knees : this is the manner in which 
their great warriors and councillors now sit, even in the 
most public treaties with the English. '^A few wooden and 
stone vessels and instruments, serve all the purposes of 
domestic life. They had no steel nor iron instrument, utensils 
\ Their knife was a sharp stone, shell, or kind of reed, which 
they sharpened in such a manner, as to cut their hair, 
make their bows and arrows, and served for all the purpo- 
ses of a knife. They made them axes of stone : these 
they shaped somewhat similar to our axes ; but with this 
difference, that they were made with fKedwMffgtead of an 
eye, and fastened with a withe, like a bracksmith's chissel. 
They had mortars, and stone pestles, and chissels : great 
numbers of these have been found in the country, and kept 
by the people, as curiosities. They dressed their corn 
with a clamshell, or with a stick, made flat and sharp at 
one end. These v/ere all the utensils which they had, ei- 
ther for domestic use, or for husbandry. 

Their arts and manufactures were confined to a very Arts and 
narrow compass. Their only weapons were bows and ar- °ianufac- 
rows, the tomahawk and the wooden sword or spear. Their 
bows were of the common construction : their bowstrings 
were made of the sinews of deer, or of the Indian hemp. 
Their arrows v.ere constructed of young elder sticks, or of 
other strait sticks and reeds : these were headed with a 
sharp (linty stone, or with bones. The arrow was cleft at 
one end, and the stone or bone was put in and fastened 
with a small cord. The tomahawk was a stick of two or 
three feet in length, with a knob at one end. Some tiine^ 



A3 HISTORY OF Chap. IIL 

Book I. it was a stone hatchet, or a stick, with a piece of decrs 
v-,.*-N/--^-y horn at one end, in the form of a pick axe. Their spear 
1633. was a strait piece of wood, sharpened at one end, and har- 
dened in the fire, or headed with bone or stone.' 
\ With respect to navigation, they had made no improve- 
ments beyond the construction and management of the hol- 
low trough or canoe. They made their canoes of the ches- 
iiut, whitewood, and pine trees. As these grew strait to a 
great length, and were exceedingly large as well as tall, 
they constructed some, which would carry sixty or eighty 
men :* these were first rates ; but commonly they were not 
more than twenty feet in length, and two in breadth. The 
Pequots had many of these, in which they passed over to 
the Islands, and warred against, and plundered the Island- 
ers. The Indians upon Long-Island had a great number 
of canoes, of the largest kind. 
Indian ca- 'pj^g construction of these, with such miserable tools as 
s'tiucted. the Indians possessed, was a great curiosity. The manner 
was this : when they had found a tree to their piu-pose, to 
fell it they made a fire at the root, and kept burning it and 
cutting it with their stone axe, until it fell : then they kin- 
dled a fire at such a distance from the butt as they chose, 
and burned it off again. By burning and working with 
their axe, and scraping with sharp stones and shells, they 
made it hollow and smooth. In the same manner they 
shaped the ends, and finished it to their wishes. 
' They constructed nets, twenty and thirty feet in length, 
ijox)ks. ^"^" hshing ; especially for the purpose of catching stur- 
geon : these wer^^t^rought with cords of Indian hemp, 
twisted by the haiKR of the women. They had also hooks, 
made of fiexible bones, which they used for fishing. 

With respect to religion and morals, the Indians in New- 
Pali-ion England were in the most deplorable condition. Thfcy 
and morals believed that there was a great Spirit, or God, whom they 
called KiTCHTAN. They imagined that he dwelt far away 
in the southwest, and that he was a good God. But they 
worshipped a great variety of gods. They paid homage to 
the fire and water, thunder and lightning, and to whatever 
ihey imagined to be superior to themselves, or capable of 
doing them an injury. t They paid their principal homage 
to Hobbamocko. They imagined that he was an evil spir- 
it and did them mischief; and so, from fear, they wor- 
shipped him, to keep him in good humour. They appear- 
ed to have no idea of a sabbath, and not to regard any par- 
ticular day more than another. But in times of uncommon 

* Wiiithrop's Journal, p. 54. 

* Hagiialia, b. iii, p. 192. 



Chap. III. CONNECTICUT. 49 

distress, by reason of pestilence, war, or famine, and upon Book I. 
occasion of great victories and triumph, and after the in- v.^~v-'^^ 
gathering of the fruits, they assembled in great numbers, 1633. 
for the celebration of their superstitious rites.* The whole 
country, men, women and children, came together upon 
these solemnities. The manner of their devotion was, to 
kindle large fires in their wigwams, or more commonly in 
the open fields, and to sing and dance round them in a wild 
and violent manner. Sometimes they would all shout aloud, 
with the most antic and hideous notes. They made rattles 
of shells, which they shook, in a wild and violent marmer, 
to fill uj) the confused noise. After the English settled in 
Connecticut, and they could purchase kettles of brass, they 
used to strain skins over them, and beat upon them, to aug- 
ment their wretched music. They often continued these 
wild and tumultuous exercises incessantly, for four or five 
hours, until they were worn down and spent with fatigue. 
Their priests, or powaws, led in these exercises. They 
were dressed in the most odd and surprising manner, with 
skins of odious and frightful creatures about their heads, 
faces, arms, and bodies. They painted themselves in the 
most ugly forms which could be devised. They sometimes 
sang, and then broke forth into strong invocations, with 
starts, and strange motions and passions. When these 
paused, the other Indians groaned, making wild and dole- 
ful sounds. At these times, they sacrificed their skins, In- 
dian money, and the best of their treasures. These were 
Taken by the powaws, and all cast into the fires and con- 
sumed together. After the English came into the country, 
and they had hatchets and kettles, they sacrificed these in 
the same manner. The English were also persuaded, that 
they, sometimes, sacrificed their children, as well as their 
most valuable commodities. No Indians in Connecticut 
were more noted for these siiperstitions than those of Wo- 
powage and Machemoodus. Milford people observing an 
Indian child, nearly at one of these times of their devotion, 
dressed in an extraordinary manner, with all kinds of In- 
dian finery, had the curiosity to inquire what could be the 
reason. The Indians answered, that it was to be sacrificed, 
and the people supposed that it was given to the devil. 
The evil spirit, which the New-England Indians called 
Hobbamocko, the Virginia Indians called Okee. So de- 
luded were these unhappy people, that they believed these 
barbarous sacrifices to be absolutely necessary. They 
imagined that, unless they appeased and conciliated their 
gods in this manner, they would neither suffer them to have 
■^ Masoalia, B.III. pt 192. 
O 



60 HISTORY OF Chap. Ill, 

Cook f. peace, nor harvests, fish, venison, fat bears, nor turkeys ; 

••-^^v^^^ but would visit them with a general destruction. 
1633. Witli respect to morals, they were indeed miserably de- 

M(/ruls, praved. Mr, Williams and Mr. Callender, who, at an 
early period, were acquainted with the Indians in Rhode- 
Island, Mr. Hooker, and others, have represented them as- 
sunk into the lowest state of moral turpitude, and as the 
very dregs of human nature.* Though the character which 
they gave them was, in some respects, exaggerated and 
absurd, yet it cannot be denied, that they were worship- 
pers of evil spirits, liars, thieves, and murderers. They 
certainly were insidious and revengeful, almost without a 
parallel ; and they wallowed in all the filth of wantonness. 
Great pains were taken with the Narraganset and Con- 
necticut Indians, to civilize them, and teach them Chris- 
tianity ; but the sachems rejected the gospel with indigna 
tion and contempt. The}' would not suffer it to be preach- 
ed to their subjects. Indeed, both made it a public inte 
rest to oppose its propagation among them. Their policy, 
religion, and manners, were directly opposed to its pure 
doctrines and morals. 

ConrUlitp The manner of their courtship and marriages manifested 

and mar- i\iQ[y impurity. When a young Indian wished for marriage. 
° ' he presented the girl with whom he was enamoured, with 
bracelets, belts, and chains of wampum. If she received 
his presents, they cohabited together for a time, upon trial. 
If they pleased each other, they were joined in marriage 5 
but if, alter a few weeks, they were not suited, the man, 
leaving his presents, quitted the girl, and sought another 
mistress, and she another lover.t In this manner they 
courted, until two met who were agreeable to each other. 
Before marriage the consent of the sachem was obtained, 
and he always joined the hands of ihe young pair in wed- 
lock. 

riuraiiiy The Indians in general kept many concubines, and never 

oi wives, thought they had too many women. | This especially was 
the case with their sachems. They chose their concu- 
bines agreeably to their fancy, and put them away at 
pleasure. When a sachem grew weary of any of his wo- 
men, lie bestowed them upon some of his favourites, or 
chief men. The Indians, however, had one wife, who was 
the governess of the family, and whom they generally kept 
during life. In cases of adultery, the husband either put 
away the guilty wife, or satisfied himself by the infliction 

* Williams' manuscripts, and Mr. Callendtr's sermon, 

* Tlutcliinson, vol. i. p. 461, 462. 
t deal's Hist. N. E. p. 38, 39. 



enAF. III. CONx\ECTICUT. 5\ 

of some severe punishment. Husbands and wives, parents Book I. 
and children, lived together in the same wigwams, without v-^i-N^-s--' 
any different apartment, and made no great jn-ivacy ofsuch 1G33. 
actions as the chaster animals keep from open view. 

The Indian government, generally, was absolute mon- ^"'^'^" 
archy. The will of the sachem was his law. The lives '^^^^^^^ ' 
and interests of his subjects were at his disposal. But in 
all-important affairs, he consulted his counsellors. When 
ihey had given their opinions, they deferied the decision 
of every matter to him. V/hatever his determinations were, 
they applauded his wisdom, and without hesitation obeyed 
his commands. In council, the deportment of the sachems 
was grave and majestic to admiration. They appeai-ed to 
be men of great discernment and policy. Their speeches 
were cautious and politic. The conduct of their counsel- 
lors and servants was profoundly respectful and submis- 
sive. 

The counsellors of the Indian kings in New-England, '^'^*^P^'^''" 
were termed the paniese. These were not only the wisest, ^^ 
but largest and bravest men to be found among their sub- 
jects. They were the immediate guard of their respective 
sachems, who made neither war nor peace, nor attempted 
any weighty affair, without their advice. In war, and all 
great enterprises, dangers, and sufferings, these discovered 
a boldness and firmness of mind exceeding all the other 
warriors. 

To preserve this order among the Indians, great pains 
were taken. The stoutest ar»d most promising boys were 
chosen, and trained up with peculiar care, in the observa- 
tion of certain Indian rites and customs. They were ke[)t 
from all delicious meats, trained to coarse fare, and made 
(0 drink the juice of bitter herbs, until it occasioned violent 
vomitings. They were beaten over their legs and shins 
with sticks, and made to run through brambles and thick- 
ets, to make them hardy, and, as the Indians said, to ren 
der them more acceptable to Hobbamocko. 

These paniese, or ministers of state, were in league with 
the priests, or powaws. To keep the people in awe, they 
pretended, as well as the priests, to have converse with 
the invisible world, and that Hobbamocko often appeared 
to them. 

Among the Connecticut Indians, and among all the In- The crowq 
dians in New-England, the crown was hereditary, always heredita- 
descending to the eldest son. When there was no male ^' 
issue, the crown descended to the female. The blood royal 
was held in such veneration, that no one was considered as 
beirto the crown, but such as were royally descended o\\ 



62 HISTORY OF Chap. Ill, 

Book I. both sides. When a female acceded to the crown, she was 
v>^-s,/-N^ called the sunk squaw, or queen squaw. There were many 
1633. petty sachems, tributary to other princes, on whom they 
M-ere dependant for protection, and without whose consent 
they made neither ])eace, war, nor alliances with other na- 
tions. 
Revenues f\-^Q revenues of the crown consisted in the contributions 
priuce, ^^ ^^^ people. They carried corn, and the first fruits ot 
their harvest of all kinds, beans, squashes, roots, berries, 
and nuts, and presented them to their sachem. They made 
him presents of flesh, fish, fowl, moose, bear, deer, beaver 
and other skins. One of the paniese was commonly ap- 
pointed to receive the tribute. When the Indians brought 
it, he gave notice to his sachem, who went out to them, 
and by good words and some small gifts, expressed his 
gratitude. By these contributions, his table was supplied ; 
so that he kept open house for all strangers and travellers. 
Besides, the prince claimed an absolute sovereignty over 
the seas within his dominion. Whatever was stranded on 
the coast, all v^^recks and whales floating on the sea, and 
taken, were his.* In war, the spoils of the enemy, and all 
the women and royalties of the prince conquered, belong- 
ed to him who made the conquest, 
fcachems The sachcm was not only examiner, judge, and execu- 
judges and lioner, in all criminal cases, but in all matters of justice 
execu- between one man and another. Incasesof dishonesty, the 
Indians proportioned the punishment to the number oi times 
in which the delinquent had been found guilty. For the 
first oficuice, he was reproached for his villainy in the most 
disgraceful manner; for the second, he was beaten with a 
cudgel upon his naked back. If he still persisted in his 
dishonest practices, and was found guilty a third time, h^ 
was sure, besides a sound drubbing, to have his nose slit, 
that all men might know and avoid him. Murder was, in 
all cases, punished with death. The sachem whipped the 
delinquent, and slit his nose, in cases which required these 
punishments ; and he killed the murderer, unless he were 
at a great distance. In this case, in which execution could 
not be done with his own hands, he sent his knife, by which 
it was effected. The Indians would not receive any pun- 
ishment which was not capital, from the hands of any ex- 
cept their sachems. They would neither be beaten, whip- 
ped, nor slit by an officer : but their prince might inffict 
these punishments to the greatest extremity, and they 
would neither run, cry, nor flinch. Indeed, neither the 
crimes jior the punishments are esteemed so infamous^ 
*Magnalia, B.VI. p. 31. 



Chap. III. CONNECTICUT. 53 

among the Indians, as to groan or shrink under suffering. Book I. 
The sachems were so absolute in their government, that v,*^/-^^ 
they contemned the limited authority of the Engh'sh gover- IB33. 
nors. 

'^ The Indians had no kind of coin ; but they had a sort of Indian 
money, which they called wampum, or wampumpeag. Itmonpy* 
consisted of small beads, most curiously wrought out of 
shells, and perforated in the centre, so that they might be 
strung on belts, in chains and bracelets. These were of 
several sorts. The Indians in Connecticut, and in New- 
England in general, made black, blue and white wampum. 
Six of the white beads passed for a penny, and three of the 
black or blue ones for the same. The five nations made, 
another sort, which were of a purple colour. The white 
beads were wrought out of the inside of the great conchs, 
and the purple out of the inside of the muscle shell. They 
Avere made perfectly smooth, and the perforation was done 
in the neatest manner. Indeed, considering that the Indians 
had neither knife, drill, nor any steel or iron instrument, 
the workmanship was admirable. ''After the English set- 
tled in Connecticut, the Indians strung these beads on 
belts of cloth, in a very curious manner. The squaws 
made caps of cloth, rising to a peak over the top of the 
head, and the fore part was beautified with wampum, curi- 
ously wrought upon them. The six nations now weave 
and string them in broad belts, which they give in their 
treaties, as a confirmation of their speeches and the seals 
of their friendship.''^ 

The Indians of Connecticut and New-England, although 
consisting of a great number of different nations and clans, 
appear all to have spoken radically the same language. 
From Piscataqua to Connecticut, it was so nearly the same, Languaije, 
that the different tribes could converse tolerably together. I 
The Moheagan or Pequot language was essentially that of 
all the Indians in New-England, and of a great part of the 
Indians in the United States.]: The word Moheagans, is a 
corruption of Muhhekaneew, in the singular, or of Muhhe- 
kaneok in the plural number. Not only the natives of 
New-England, but the Pencbscots, bordering on Nova- 
Scotia, the Indians of St. Francis, in Canada, the Dela- 
wares, in Pennsylvania, the Shawanese, on the Ohio, and 
the Chippewaus, at the westward of lake Huron, all spoke 
the same radical language. The same appears evident 

*Colden'3 history, vol. i. p. 3,4,71,72, 
t Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 479. 

^ Dr. Edwards' observations on Uie language of the Muhlieliance*y \a- 
isans. 



54 HISTORY OF Chap. III. 

Book I. also with respect to the Ottowans, Nanticooks, Munsees, 
"-•^'^^"^^ Menomonees, Missifaugas, Saukies, Ottagaumies, Killisti- 
1633. noes, Nipegons, Algonkiiis, Winnebagoes and other In- 
dians. The various tribes, who evidently spoke the same 
original language, had ditlcreiit dialects ; yet, perhaps, 
they differed little more from each other, than the style of 
a Londoner now does from that of his great grandfather. 
The want of letters and of a sufficient correspondence be- 
tween the several nations may well account for all the va- 
riations to be found among the natives in New-England, 
and between them and the other tribes which have been 
mentioned. All the New-England Indians expressed the 
pronouns both substantive and adjective by prefixes and 
suthxes, or by letters or syllables added at the beginnings 
or ends of their nouns. § In this respect there is a re- 
markable coincidence between this and the Hebrew lan- 
guage, in an instance in which the Hebrew entirely dif- 
fers from all the ancient and modern languages of Europe. 
^ffinityof From this affinity of the Indian language, with the He- 
and He- l^rew, from their anointing their heads with oil, their dan- 
hrew luD- cing in their devotions, their excessive howlings and 
guages. mourning for their dead, their computing time by nights 
and moons, their giving dowries to their wives, and caus- 
ing their women at certain seasons to dwell by themselves, 
and some other circumstances, the famous Mr. John Eliot, 
the Indian apostle, was led to imagine that the American 
Indians were the posterity of the dispersed Israelites.* 
They used many figures and parables in their discourses, 
and some have reported that, at certain seasons, they used 
no knives, and never brake the bones of the creatures 
which they eat. It has also been reported, that in some 
of their songs the word Hallelujah might be distinguished.! 
The Indian language abounds with gutterals and strong 
aspirations, and their words are generally of a great length, J 
which render it peculiarly bold and sonorous. The In- 
dian speeches, like those of the eastern nations, generally 
were [jidorned with the most bold and striking hgures, and 
have not been inferior to any which either the English or 
French have been able to make to them. The Indians in 
general, throughout the continent, were much given to 
speech making. As eloquence and war were, with them, 

i Dr. Edwards' observation!? on the fndian langua£:e. 

* Magnalia b. iii. p. 192, 193. t Hutchinson vol. i. p. 478. 

t Nunomatchekodtantanioonganunonash was a singse word, which in 
English, signifies, Our lusts, Noowomautaramoonkanunnonnash v/as 
another, signilymg. Our loves. Kummogkodonattoottummooctiteaongan- 
iiunnonash was another, expressing no more than. Our question. Mag^tt- 
?ia b, iii. p, 193. 



Chap. III. CONNECTICUT. 55 

the foundations of all consequence, the whole force of their Book I* 
genius was directed to these acquisitions. In council, v^^--v-^>./ 
their opinions were always given in set speeches ; and to 1633. 
persons whom they highly respected, it was not unusual, 
on meeting and parting, or on matters of more than com- 
mon importance, to address their compliments and opin- 
ions in formal harangues. The Indians commonly spake 
with an unusual animation antl vehemence. 

The Indians in New-England, rarely if ever admitted Land' R. 
the letters L and R into their dialect ; but the Mohawks, °ot used 
whose language was entirely different, used them both. d".^n^j"r 
Some of the western Indians, who speak the same language ifct of N. 
radically, with the Moheagans, use the L. The Mohea- EngJ^nfi- 
gan language abounds with labials, but the Mohawk dif- 
fers entirely from this, and perhaps from every other, in 
this respect, that it is wholly destitute of labials. The 
Mohawks r^steemed it a laughable matter indeed, for men 
lo shut their mouths that they might speak.* 

The Indians in Connecticut, and in all par's of New- Burial of 
England, made great lamentations at the burial of their *^'^^ ^^ 
dead. Their manner of burial was to dig holes in the 
ground with stakes, which were made broad and sharpen- 
ed at One end. Sticks were laid across the bottom, and 
the corpse, which was previously v/rapped in skins and 
mats, was let down upon them. The arms, treasures, uten- 
sils, paint and ornaments of the dead, were buried with 
them, and a mound of earth was raised upon the whole. 
In some instances the Indians appear to have used a kind 
of embalming, by wrapping the corpse in large quantities 
of a strong scented red powdcr.t In some parts of New- 
England, the dead were buried in a sitting posture with 
their faces towards tlie east. The women on these occa- Mourning, 
sions painted their faces with oil and charcoal, and while 
the burial was performing, they, v.ith the relatives of the 
dead, made the most hideous shrieks, bowlings and la- 
mentations. Their mourning continued, by turns, at night 
and in the morning, for several days. During this term 
all the relatives united in bewailing the dead. 

When the English began the settlement of Connecticut, Indians of 
all the Indians both east and west of Connecticut river, Connecti- 
were tributaries, except the Pequots, and some few tribes ^"l^'"''^"' 
which Avere in alliance with them. The Pequots had 
spread their conquests over all that ])art of the state east 
of the river. They had also subjugated the Indians on the 
sea coast, as far eastward as Guilford. Uncas therefore, 

* Colden's history vol. i. p. 16. 
t Neal's liistorr N. F. vol, i. p. ?P. 



vl; history of Chap. HI, 

Book I. after the Pequots were conquered, extended his claims as 
^^-v-'v^ far as Hammonasset, in the eastern part of that township.*' 
J633. The Indians in these parts were tlierefore tributaries to the 
Pequots. 

The Mohawks* had not only carried their conquests as 
far southward as Virginia, but eastward, as far as Con- 
Jiecticut river. The Indians therefore, in the western parts 
of Connecticut, were their tributaries. Two old Mo- 
hawks, every year or two, might be seen issuing their or- 
ders and collecting their tribute, with as much authority 
and haughtiness as a Roman dictator. 

It is indeed difficult to describe the fear of this terrible 
nation, which had fallen on all the Indians in the western 
parts of Connecticut. If they neglected to pay their tri- 
bute, the Mohawks would come down against them, plun- 
der, destroy, and carry them captive at pleasure. When 
they made their appearance in the country, the Connecti- 
cut Indians would instantly raise a cry from hill to hill, a 
Mohawk! a Mohawk ! and fly like sheep before wolves, 
without attempting the least resistance. 1 The Mohawks 
would cry out, in the most terrible manner, in their lan- 
guage, importing " We are come, we are come, to suck 
your blood. "f When the Connecticut Indians could not 
escape to their forts, they would immediately flee to the 
English houses for shelter, and sometimes the Mohawks 
would pursue them so closely as to enter with them, and 
kill them in the presence of the family. If there was time 
to shut the doors they never entered by force, nor did 
they, upon any occasion, do the least injury to the English. 
When they came into this part of the country for war, 
they used their utmost art to keep themselves undiscover- 
ed. They v/ould conceal themselves in swamps and thick- 
ets, watching their opportunity, and all on a sudden, rise 
upon their enemy and kill or captivate them, before they 
had time to make any resistance. 
Mohawks About the time v/hen the settlement of New-Haven com- 
menced, or not many years after, they came into Connec- 
ticut, and surprised the Indian fort at Paugusset. To pre- 
vent the Connecticut Indians from discovering them, and 
that not so much as a track of them might be seen, they 
marched in the most secret manner, and when they came 
near the fort travelled wholly in the river. Secreting 
themselves near the fort, they watched their opportunity, 
and suddenly attacking it, with their dreadful yellings and 
violence, they soon took it by force, and killed and capti- 

* Manuscript? of Mr. Piupgles. 
t Coldcn's history voL i. p. 3. X Wood's prospect of N. England. 



i?;iii;rijC 
set. 



Chap. III. CONNECTICUT. 5? 

vated whom they pleased. Having pkindered and des- Book L 
troyed, at their pleasure, they returned to their castles, ^^^'^v"*^ 
west of Albany. 1633. 

As the Indians in Connecticut were slaughtered and op- Motives 
pressed, either by the Pequots or Mohawks, they were J"'^"'-"JS 
generally friendly to the settlement of the English among ans to 
them. They expected, by their means, to be defended permit the 
against their terrible and cruel o[)pressors. They also E">?''^^^ 
found themselves benefited by trading with them. They ments" 
furnished themselves with knives, hatchets, axes, hoes, 
kettles and various instruments and utensils which highly 
contributed to their convenience. They could, with these, 
perform more labor in one hour or day, than they could in 
many days without them. Besides, they found that they 
could exchange an old beaver coat, or blanket, for two or 
three new ones of English manufacture. They found a 
much better market for their furs, corn, peltry, and all their 
vendible commodities. 

The English were also careful to treat them w^ith justice 
and humanity, and to make such presents to their sachems 
and great captains, as should please and keep them in 
good humor. 

By these means, the English lived in tolerable peace 
with all the Indians in Connecticut, and New-England, 
except the Pequots, for about forty years. 

The Indians, at their first settlement, performed many Indian 
acts of kindness towards them. They instructed them in '""<^"^^-' 
the manner of planting and dressing the Indian corn. 
They carried them upon their backs, through rivers and 
w^aters ; and, as occasion required, served them instead of 
boats and bridges. They gave them much useful informa- 
tion respecting the country, and when the English or their 
children were lost in the woods, and were in danger of 
perishing with hunger or cold, they conducted them to 
their wigwams, fed them, and restored them to their fami- 
lies and parents. By selling them corn, when pinched 
with famine, they relieved their distresses and prevented 
their perishing in a strange land and uncultivated wilder- 
ness. 



H 




HISTORY OF Chap. IV 



CHAPTER IV. 

The people at Dorchester, Watertowndnd Newtormi, finding 
themselves straitened in the Massachusetts, determine to 
remove to Connecticut, Debates in Massachusetts rela- 
tive to their removal. The {general court at first prohib- 
ited it, Intt afilerioards gave its consent. The people re- 
7noved and settled the towns of Windsor, Hartford and 
Weathersfield. Hardships and losses of the first winters. 

'^' ^ UCH mimbers were constantly emigrating to Nevv- 
Ik3 England, in consequence of the persecution of the 
puritans, that the people at Dorchester, Watertown and 
Newtown, began to be much straitened, by the accession 
of new planters. By those who had been at Connecticut, 
tliey had received intelligence of the excellent meadows 
upon the river : they therefore determined to remove, and 
once more brave the dangers and hardships of making set- 
tlements in a dreary wilderness. 
May. Upon application to the general court for the enlarge- 

ment of their boundaries, or for liberty to remove, they, at 
iirst, obtained consent for the latter. Hovvever, when k 
was afterwards discovered, that their determination was to 
plant a new colony at Connecticut, there arose a strong 
Septeto- opposition ; so that when the court convened in Septem- 
^vr. ber, there was a warm debate on the subject, and a great 

division between the houses. Indeed, the whole colony 
was affected with the dispute. 
AigMm€iits ^jj.^ Hooker, who was more engaged in the enterprise 
in^' to Coil- ^'^'^'^ ^^^ other ministers, took up the affair and pleaded for 
necticut. the people. He urged, that they were so straitened for ac- 
commodations for their cattle, that they could not support 
the ministry, neither receive, nor assist a-ny more of their 
friends, who might come over to them. He insisted that 
the planting of towns so near together was a fundamental 
error in their policy. He pleaded the fertility and happy 
accommodations of Connceclicut : That settlements upon 
the river were necessary to prevent the Dutch and others 
from possessing themselves of so fruitful and important a 
part of the country ; and that the minds of the people 
were strongly inclined to plant themselves there, in prefer- 
ence to every other place, which had come to their knowl- 
edge. 
Ar-umpn«s On the Other side it was insisted, That in point of con- 
afgaiust It. gQ jgj^(;Q ^)-j(,y ought not to depart, as they were united to 



Chap. iV. CONNECTICUT. 59 

(he Massachusetts as one body, and bound by oath to seek Book I. 
the good of that commonwealth: and that on principles of '^■'^•^'^■' 
policy it could not, by any means, be granted. It was 1031. 
pleaded, that as the settlements in the Massachusetts were 
new and weak, they were in danger of an assault from theii' 
enemies : That the departure of Mr. Hooker and the peo- 
ple of those towns, would not. only draw ofTmany from the 
Massachusetts, but prevent others from settling in the coln^ 
ny. Besides, it was said, that the removing of a ciindle- 
stick was a great judgment : That by suffering it they 
should expose their brethren to great danger, both from 
the Dutch and Indians. Indeed, it was affirmed that they 
might be accommodated by the enlargements oticrcd them 
by the other towns. 

After a long and warm debate, the governor, two assist- '^'^^^'^"''^ 
ants, and a majority of the representatives, were for grant- * '^' ^ " 
ing liberty for Mr. Hooker and the people to transplant 
themselves to Connecticut. The deputy-governor howev- 
er and six of the assistants were in the negative, and so no 
vote could be obtained.* 

This made a coiisiderable ferment, not only in the gene- 
fal court, but in the colony, so that Mr. Cotton was desired 
to preach on the subject to quiet the court and the people 
of the colony. This also retarded the commencement of 
the settlements upon the river. Individuals, however, 
were determined to prosecute the business, and made 
preparations effectually to carry it into execution. 

It appears, that some of tiie Watertown people came 
this year to Connecticut, and erected a few huts at i*y~ 
quag, now Weathei-sfield, in which a small number of men 
made a shift to winter. 1 

While the colonists were thus prosecuting the business ^^ay 3, 
of settlement, in New-England, the right honourable James, ^^'^^^ 
Marquis of Hamilton, obtained a grant from the council of 
Plymouth, April 20th, 1635, of all that tract of country 
which lies between Connecticut river and Narragansct riv- 
er and harbour, and from the mouths of each of said rivers 
northward sixty miles into the country. However, by 
reason of its interference with the grant to the lord Say 
and Seal, lord Brook, &c. or for s,ome other reason, the 
deed was never executed. Thq ]\Iarquis made no settle- 
ment upon the land and the claim became obsolete. 

The next May, the Newtown people, determining to set- 
lie at Connecticut, renewed their application to the gene 

* Winthrop's Journal, p. 10. 

t This is the tradition, and the Rev. Mr. Meeks of Weathersfield in hi? 
njanuscripts says, Weathersfjeld is the olc^est town on the ri^er 



60 HISTORY OF Chap. IV. 

Book I. ral court, and obtained liberty to remove to any place 
i^rf»-v^x^ wtiich they should choose, with this proviso, that they 
1635. should continue under the jurisdiction of the Massachu- 
setts. J 

A number of Mr. Warham's people came this summer 
into Connecticut, and made preparations to bring their 
families, and make a permanent settlement on the river. 
Tlie Watertown people gradually removed, and prosecut- 
ed their settlement at Weathersfield. At the same time, 
the planters at Newtown began to make preparations for 
removing to Hartford the next spring. 

Meanwhile, twenty men arrived in Massachusetts, sent 
over by Sir Richard Saltonstali, to take possession of a 
great quantity of land in Coniiecticut, and to make settle- 
ments under the patent of lord Say and Seal, with whom 
he was a principal associate. The vessel in which they 
came over, on her return to England, in the fall, was casi 
away on the isle Sable. t 
AuguBt, As the Dorchester men Ijad now set down at Connecti- 

cut, near the Flvinouth trading house, governor Bradford 
wrote to them, complaining of their conduct, as injurious 
to the people of Plymouth, who had made a fair purchase 
of the Indians, and taken a prior possession.* 

The Dutch also, alarmed by the settlements making in 
Connecticut, wrote to Holland for instructions and aid, to 
drive the English from their settlements upon the river.t 
The people at Connecticut having made such prepara- 
Oct. 15th ^ions as were judged necessary to eTlect a permanent set- 
Ihe plan- tlement, began to remove their families and property. On 
ters on the ji^g fifteenth of October, about sixty men, women, and chil- 
inove their ^^^'^5 ^^^^^ their horses, cattle, and swine, commenced their 
families tojourney from the Massachusetts, through the wilderness, 
Connecti- to Connecticut river. After a tedious and difficult jour- 
'^" ' ney, through swamps and rivers, over mountains and rough 

ground, v/hich were passed with great difficulty and fa- 
tigue, they arrived safely at the places of their respective 
destination. They were so long on their jaurney, and so 
much time and pains were spent in passing the river, and 
in getting over their catde, that, after all their exertions, 
winter came upon them before they were prepared. This 
was an occasion of great distress and damage to the plan- 
tations. 
Oct. Gth, Nearly at the same time, Mr. John Winthrop, son of 
ihtopVr"-' governor Winthrop, of Massachusetts, arrived at Boston, 
>ivc5. at with a commission from lord Say and Seal, lord Brook, 

t Winlhrop's Journal, p. B2. t Winthrop's Journal, p. 83 and 89. 
* Winthrop's Journal, p. 86, t The isamej p. 86. 



Chap. IV. CONNECTICUT. ©l 

and other noblemen and gentlemen interested in the Con- Book I. 
necticut patent, to erect a fort at the mouth of Connecticut ^-^-^/'^^l-/ 
river. Their lordships sent over men, ordnance, ammuni- 1635. 
tion, and 2000 pounds sterling, for the accomplishment of 
their design. I 

Mr. Winthrop was directed, by his commission, immedi- 1^-,, com- 
ately on his arrival, to repair to Connecticut, with fifty able mission. 
Kien, and to erect the fortifications, and to build houses for 
the garrison, and for gentlemen who might come over into 
Connecticut. They were first to build houses for their 
then present accommodation, and after that, such as should 
be suitable for the reception of men of quality. The lat- 
ter were to be erected within the fort. It was required 
that the planters, at the beginning, should settle themselves 
near the mouth of the river, and set down in bodies, that 
they might be in a situation for entrenching and defending 
themselves. The commission made provision for the re- 
servation of a thousand or fifteen hundred acres of good 
land, for the maintenance of the fort, as nearly adjoining 
to it as might be with convenience.* 

Mr. Winthrop, having intelligence that the Dutch were 
preparing to take possession of the mouth of the river, as ]\ir^'\!\ ,„' 
soon as he could engage twenty men, and furnish them ihrop dis- 
with provisions, dispatched them in a small vessel, of about P^^ched a 
thirty tons, to prevent their getting the command of the ^^onnecti- 
river, and to accomplish the service to which he had been cut. 
appointed. 

But a few days after the party, sent by Mr. Winthrop, 
arrived at the mouth of the river, a Dutch vessel appeared 
off the harbor, from New-Netherlands, sent on purpose to 
take possession of the entrance of the river, and to erect Dutch not 
fortifications. The English had, by this time, mounted two suffered tr> 
pieces of cannon, and prevented their landing.! Tims, ^^^'^' 
providentially, was this fine tract of country preserved for 
our venerable ancestors, and their posterity. 

Mr. Winthrop was appointed governor of the river Con- 
necticut, and the parts adjacent, for the term of one year. 
He erected a fort, built houses, and made a settlement, ac- 
cording to his instructions. One David Gardiner, an ex- 
pert engineer, assisted in the work, planned the fortifica- 
tions, and was appointed lieutenant of the fort. 

Mr. Davenport and others, who afterwards settled New- 
Haven, were active in this afiair, and hired Gardiner, in be- 
half of their lordships, to come into New-England, and as- 
sist in this business. I 

I Winthrop's Journal, p. 88. * Appendix, No. II. 

t Wli)tlirop's Journal, p. 90, 91. ^ Manuscripts of Gardineri 



G2 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. IV, 



Book I. 



1635. 

Agreement 
respecting 
the plant- 
ers in Con- 
necticut. 



Novem- 
ber. 



Famine in 
Connecti- 
cut, the 
16th. 

Arrived in 
Massa- 
chusetts, 
the 26th. 



As the settlement of the three towns on Connecticut river 
was begun before the arrival of Mr. Winthrop, and the de- 
sign of their lordships to make plantations upon it was 
known, it was agreed, that the settlers on the river should 
either remove, upon full satisfaction made, by their lord- 
ships, or else sufficient room should be fqund for them and 
llieir companies at some other place. I 

The winter set in this year much sooner than usual, and 
the weather was stormy and severe. By the 15th of No- 
vember, Connecticut river was frozen over, and the snow 
was so deep, and the season so tempestuous, that a con- 
siderable number of the cattle, which had been driven or 
from the Massachusetts, could not be brought across the 
river. The people had so little time to prepare their huty 
and houses, and to erect sheds and shelters for their cattle, 
that the sufferings of man and beast were extreme. Indeedj, 
the hardships and distresses of the first planters of Con- 
necticut scarcely admit of a description. To carry much 
provision or furniture through a pathless wilderness, was- 
impracticable. Their principal provisions and household 
furniture were, therefore, put on board several small ves- 
sels, which, by reason of delays and the tempestuousness 
of the season, were either cast away or did not arrive. 
Several vessels were wrecked on the coasts of New-Eng- 
land, by the violence of the storms. Two shallops ladea 
with goods, from Boston to Connecticut, in October, were 
cast away on Brown's island, near the Gurnet's nose ; and 
the men, with every thing on board, were lost. J A vessel, 
with six of the Connecticut people on board, which sailed 
from the river for Boston, early in November, was, about 
the middle of the month, castaway in Manametbay. The 
men got on shore, -and, after wandering ten days. in deep 
snow and a severe season, without meeting with any hu- 
man being, arrived, nearly spent with cold and fatigue, at 
New-Plymouth. 

By the last of November, or beginning of December, 
provisions generally failed in the settlements on the river, 
and famine and death looked the inhabitants sternly in the 
face. Some of them, driven by hunger, attempted their 
way, in this severe season, through the wildei-ness, from 
Connecticut to Massachusetts. Of thirteen, in one com- 
pany, who made this attempt, one, in passing the rivers, 
fell through the ice, and was drovv'ned. The other twelve 
were ten days on their journey, and would all have perish- 
ed, had it not been for the assistance of the Indians. 

Indeed, such was the distress in general that, bythe3',V 
t Winthrop'a Jouinal, p 88. j The same, p. 87. 



€hap. IV. CONNECTICUT. 63 

and 4th of Decemljer, a considerable part of the new set- Book I- 
tiers were obliged to abandon their habitations. Seventy v-^-v/->-/ 
persons, men, women, and children, wefe necessitated, in 1635. 
the extremity of winter, to go down to the mouth of the December 
S'iver, to meet their provisions, as the only expedient to ^ °' '^^^' 
preserve their lives. Not meeting with the vessels which 
ihey expected, they all went on board the Rebecca, a ves- 
sel of about 60 tons. This, two days before, Avas frozen 
in twenty miles up the river; but by the falling of a small 
rain and the influence of the tide, the ice became so broken 
aad was so far removed, that she made a shift to get out. 
She ran, however, upon the bar, and the people were forced Dec. 10th, 
to unlade her, to get her off. She was reladen, and, in 
five days, reached I3oston. Had it not been for these pro- 
vidential circumstances, the people must have perished 
with famine. 

The people who kept their stations on the river suffer- The set- 

cd in an extreme dce;rec. After all the help they were ^'^''^ ^^"^ , 
,, 1-11 ir TTT I acorns ana 

able to obtain, by huntmg, and Irom the Indians, they were trains. 

obliged to subsist on acorns, malt and grains.* 

Numbers of the cattle, which could not be got over the 
river before winter, lived through without any thing but 
what they found in the woods and meadows. They win- 
tered as well, or better, than those which were brought 
over, and for which all the provision was made, and pains 
taken, of which the owners were capable. However, a 
great number of cattle perished. The Dorchester, or Wind- Loss ia 
sor people lost, in this single article, about two hundred cattle. 
])0und3 sterling. Their other losses were very consider- 
able. 

It is difficult to describe, or even to conceive, the appre- 
hensions and distresses of a people, in the circumstances 
of our venerable ancestors, during this doleful winter. All 
the horrors of a dreary wilderness spread themselves 
around them. They were encompassed with numerous, 
fierce and cruel tribes of wild and savage men, who could 
have swallowed up parents and children, at pleasure, in 
their feeble and distressed condition. They had neither 
bread for themselves, nor children'; neither habitations nor 
<;lothing convenient for them. Whatever emergency might 
happen, they were cut off, both by land and water, from 
any succour or retreat. What self-denial, firmness, and 
magnanimity are necessary for such enterprises ! How dis- 
tressful, in the beginning, was the condition of those now 
fair and opulent towns on Connecticut river ! 

For a few years after the settlements on the river com- 
* Winthrfip's Journal, p. 90,91; fo 02. 



64 HISTORY OF (^HAP. IVo 

Book I. menced, ihey bore the same name with the towns in the 
v,j»-N/-'v^ Massachusetts, whence the first settlers came. 
1636. The Connecticut planters, at first settled under the gen- 
eral government of the Massachusetts, but they held courts 
of their own, which consisted of' two principal men from 
each town ; and, on great and extraordinary occasions, 
these were joined with committees, as they were called, 
consisting of three men from each town. These courts had 
power to transact all the common affairs of the colony, and 
with their committees, had the power of making war and 
peace, and treaties of alliance and friendship with the na- 
tives within the colony. 
First court The first court in Connecticut, was holdea at Newtown, 
ti STorii ^P^'i' 26th, 1636. It consisted of Roger Ludlow, Esq. 
26. ' Mr. John Steel, Mr. William Swain, Mr. William Phelps, 
Mr. William Westwood, and Mr. Andrew Ward. Mro 
Ludlow had been one of the magistrates of Massachusetts 
in 1630, and in 1631 had been chosen lieutenant-governor 
of that colony. At this court it was ordered, that the in- 
habitants should not sell arms nor ammunition to the In- 
dians. Various other affairs were also transacted relative 
to the good order, settlement, and defence of these infant 
towns.* 
People rer. Several of the principal gentlemen interested in the set- 
turn to tlement of Connecticut, Mr. John Haynes, who at this 
lleaj^^ts" ^""^ ^^'^^ governor of Massachusetts, Mr. Henry Wolcott, 
Mr. Wells, the ministers of the churches, and others had not 
yet removed into the colony. As soon as the spring ad- 
van'^ed, and the travelling would admit, the hardy men be- 
gan to return from the Massachusetts, to their habitations 
on the river. No sooner were buds, leaves and grass so 
grown, that cattle could live in the woods, and obstruc- 
tions removed from the river, so that vessels could go up 
with provisions and furniture, than the people began to re- 
turn in large companies, to Connecticut. Many, who had 
not removed the last year, prepared, with all convenient 
dispatch, for a journey to the new settlements upon the 
river. 
Mr. Hook- About the beginning of June, Mr, Hooker, Mr. Stone, 
«r removes and about a hundred men, women and children, took their 
ta Connec- departure from Cambridge, and travelled more than a 
June.'" hundred miles, through a hideous and trackless wilderness, 
to Hartford. They had no guide but their compass ; made 
their way over mountains, through swamps, thickets, and 
rivers, which were not passable but with great difficulty. 
They had no cover but the heavens, nor any lodgings but 
• RerordsofCoDntcticut, 



Chap. IV. CONNECTICUT. 6S 

those which simple nature afforded them. They drove Book I. 
with them a hundred and sixty head of cattle, and by the v-^-v-^^ 
way, subsisted on the milk of their coVt^s. Mrs. Hooker 1636. 
was borne through the wilderness upon a litter. The peo- 
ple generally carried their packs, arms, and some utensils. 
They were nearly a fortnight on their journey. 

This adventure was the more remarkable, 'as many of 
this company were persons of figure, who had lived, in 
England, in honor, affluence and delicacy, and were entire 
strangers to fatigue and danger. 

The famous Mr. Thomas Shepard, who, with his peo- 
ple, came into New-England the last summer, succeeded 
Mr. Hooker at Cambridge. The people of his congrega- 
tion purchased the lands which Mr. Hooker and his com- 
pany had previously possessed. 

The removal of Dorchester people to Windsor is said to Mt. Mav- 
have been disagreeable to their ministers, but, as their e rick died 
whole church and congregation removed, it was necessary "^^ 
that they should go with them. However, Mr. Maverick 
died in March, before preparations were made for his re- 
moval. He expired in the 60th year of his age. He was 
characterized as a man of great meekness, and as labori- 
ous and faithful in promoting the welfare both of the 
church and commonwealth. 

Mr. Warham removed to Windsor in September, but he 
did not judge it expedient to bring his family until better 
accommodations could be made for their reception. Soon 
after the removal of Mr. Warham from Dorchester, a new 
church was gathered in that town, and Mr. Mather was or- 
dained their pastor. 

Mr. Phillips, pastor of the church at Watertowfi, did 
not remove to Weathersfield. Whether it was against his 
inclination, or whether the people did not invite him, does 
not appear. They chose Mr. Henry Smith for their min- 
ister, who came from England in office. 

The colony of New-Plymouth professed themselves to pjymoutii 
be greatly aggrieved at the conduct of the Dorchester peo- people 
pie, in settling on the lands, where they had made a pur- ^SS"^^': 
chase, and where they had defended themselves and that 
part of the country against the Dutch. They represerted 
that it had been a hard matter that the Dutch and Indians 
had given them so much trouble as they had done, but that 
it was still more grievous to be supplanted by their profess- 
ed friends. Mr. Winslow of Plymouth, made a journey to 
Boston, in the spring, before governor Haynes and some 
other principal characters removed to Connecticut, with a 
view to obtain compensation for the injury dane to the 

I 



€t; HISTORY OF Chap. I¥, 

Book I. Plymouth men, who had built the trading house upon the 

w^-v-x-/ river. The Plymouth people demanded a sixteenth part 
(636. of the lands and 100 pounds as a compensation ; but the 
Dorchester people vs'euld not comply with their demands.* 
There however appeared to be so much justice, in making 
them some compensatiois, for the purchase they had made, 
and the goofl services which they had done, that some time 
after, the freeholders of Windsor gave them fifty poundsj, 
forty acres of meadow, and a large tract of upland for their 
satisfaction.! 

June 7th '^^ ^ court holden at Dorchester, it was ordered, that eve 
ry town should keep a watch, and be well supplied with, 
ammunitiot). The constables were directed to warn the 
watches in their turns, and to make it their care that they 
should be kept according to the direction of the court. 
They also were required to take care, that the inhabitants 
were wel! fuitiished with arms and ammunition, and kepC 
in a constant slate of defence. As these infant settlements 
were filled and surrounded with numerous savages, the 
people conceived themselves in danger when they lay down 
and when they rose up, Avhen they went out and when 
they came in. Their circumstances were such, that it was 
judged necessary for every m,an to be a soldier. 

September At a third court, therefore, holden at Watertown, an or- 

^^^- der was given," that the inhabitants of the several toWns 

should train once a month, and the officers were authorized 
to train those who appeared very unskilful more frequent- 
ly, as circumstances should require. The courts were hol- 
den at each town by rotation, according to its turn. 

,?r»rm!j- j^ setiiement was made, this year, at Springfield, by Mr. 

tied. ' Pyuchcon and his company from Roxbury, This for a- 
bout two years was united in government with the towns 
in Connecticut. In November, Mr. Pyncheon for the first 
time appears among the members of the court. 

Govern- All the powers of government, for nearly three years. 

ment at seem to have been in the magistrates, of whom two were 
appointed in each town. These gave all orders, and di- 
rected all the afiairs of the plantation. The freemen ap- 
pecir to have had no voice in making the laws, or in any 
pan of the government, except in some instances of gene- 
ral and uncommon concern. In these instances, commit- 
tees were sent from the several towns. Juries were em- 
ployed injury cases, from the first settlement of the colony^ 
This was a summer and year of great and various la- 

* Winthrop's Journal, p. 96. 

t Governor Wolcot^'s manuscripts compared with governor VVintbrop^* 
Tourual, 



iiist. 



tJHAP. IV. CONNECTICUT. 67 

bors, demanding the utmost exertion and diligence. Ma- Book I. 
ny of the planters had to remove themselves and eftVcts ■^..^^v^'^^ 
irom a distant colony. At the same time, it was absolute- 1638. 
Jy necessary, that they should turn the wilderness into gar- Labors of 
dens and fields, that they should plant and cultivate the ^'"^ •^' '"' 
earth, and obtain some tolerable harvest, unless they would 
again experience the distresses and losses of the preceding 
year. These were too great, and too fresh in their memo- 
ries, not to rouse all their exertion and forethought. It 
was necessary to erect and fortify their houses, and to 
jpnake better preparations for the feeding and covering ot 
their cattle. It was of equal importance to the planters, 
not only to make roads for their particular convenience, 
but from town to town ; that, on any emergency, they 
might fly immediately to each other's relief. It was with 
great difficulty that these purposes could be at first ac- 
complished. The planters had not been accustomed to 
felling the groves, to clearing and cultivating new lands. 
They were strangers in the country, and knew not what 
kinds of grain would be most congenial with the soil, and 
produce the greatest profits, nor had they any experience 
how the ground must be cultivated, that it might yield a 
plentiful crop. They had ievf oxen, or instruments for 
husbandry. Everything was to be prepared, or brought 
from a great distance, and procured at a dear rate. Be- 
sides all these labors and difficulties, much time was taken 
up in constant watchings, trainings, and preparations for 
ihe defence of themselves and children. The Pequots had, 
already, murdered a number of the English ; some of the 
Indians, in Connecticut, were their allies; and they had 
maintained'a great influence over them all. They were a 
treacherous and designing people ; so that there could be 
no safety, but in a constant preparation for any emergency. 
Some of the principal characters, who undertook this 
great work of settling Connecticut, and were the civil and f5.ther.s0f 
religious fathers of the colony, were Mr. Haynes, Mr. Lud- Connecti- 
low', Mr. Hooker. Mr. Warliam, Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Wells, "-""^t- 
Mr. Willis, Mr. Whiting, Mr. Wolcott, Mr. Phelps, Mr. 
Webster, and captain Mason. These, were of the firsi. 
class of settlers, and all, except the ministers, were chosen 
magistrates or governors of the colony. Mr. Swain, Mr. 
Talcott, Mr. Steel, Mr. Mitchell, and others, were capital 
men. Mr. John Haynes, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Hoi)kins, Mr. 
Stone, Mr. George Wyllys, Mr. W^lls, Mr. Whiting, Mr. 
Thomas Webster, and Mr. John Talcott, were all of Hart- 
ford. Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Henry Wolcott, Mr. Warham, 
Mr. William Phelps, and captain John Mason, were some 



68 HISTORY OF Chap. IV. 

Book I. of the principal planters of Windsor. Mr. William Swain, 
^^^"^v-s^ Mr. Thurston Rayrier, Mr. Henry Smith, Mr. Andrew 
1636« Ward, Mr. Mitchell, and Mr. John Deming, were some of 
the chief men, who settled the town of Weathersfield. 
These were the civil and religious fathers of the colony. 
They formed its free and happy constitution, were its leg- 
islators, and some of the chief pillars of the church and 
commonwealth. They, with many others of the same ex- 
cellent character, employed their abilities and their estates 
for the pros{:>erity of the colony. 

While the three plantations on the river were making 
the utmost exertions for a permanent settlement, Mr. Win- 
throp was no less active, in erecting fortifications and con- 
venient buildings at its entrance. Though he had, the last 
year, sent on one company after another, yet the season 
was so far advanced, and the winter set in so early, and 
with such severity, that little more could be done than just 
to keep the station. When the spring advanced, the works 
were, therefore, pressed on with engagcdness. Mr. Win- 
ihrop and his people were induced, not only in faithful- 
ness to their trust, but from fears of a visit from the Dutch, 
and from the state of that warlike people, the Pequots in 
the vicinity, to hasten and complete them, with the utmost 
dispatch. A good fort was erected, and a number of hou- 
ses were built. Some cattle were brought from the Massa- 
chusetts, for the use of the garrison. Small parcels of 
groHnd were improved, and preparations made for a com- 
fortable subsistence, and good defence. 

There were, at the close of this year, about two hun- 
dred and fifty men in the three towns on the river, and 
there were twenty men in the garrison, at the entrance of 
it, under the command of lieutenant Gardiner. The whole 
consisted, probably, of about eight hundred persons, or oi 
a hundred and sixty or seventy families. 



Chap. V, CONNECTICUT. 69 

Book I. 

CHAPTER V. 1636. 

The war with the Pequots. The origin of it. The mvrder 
of captains Stone and Norton ^ of Mr. Oldham and oth- 
ers. Mr. Endicoi''s expedition against them. The Pe- 
quots kill a number of the garrison at the mouth of the 
rix^r, and besiege the fort. Captain Mason is sent down 
from Connecticut zoith a reinforcement. The enemy make 
a descent on Weathersfield ; torture and mock the En- 
glish. The coxirt at Connecticut declares war against 
them. Captain Mason takes Mistic fort. Sassacus des- 
troys his royal fortress, and flees to the westward. A 
second expedition is undertaken against the Pequots con- 
jointly, by Massachxisetts and Connecticut. The great 
swamp fght. The Pequots subdued. Sassacus, flying 
to the Mohazvks, zoas beheaded. The captivated and sur- 
viving Pequots, after the war, 7oere given to the Mohea- 
gansyUnd Karragansets, and their na?ne extinguished. 

THE Indians in general, were ev€r jealous of the Eng- 
lish, from the first settlement of New-England, and 
wished to drive them from the country. Various circum- 
stances however, combinect to frustrate their designs. The 
English, on their first settlejpent at New-Plymouth, enter- 
ed into such friendly treaties with some of the principal 
tribes, and conducted themselves with such justice, pru- 
dence and magnanimity towards them and the Indians in 
general, as had the most happy influence to preserve the 
peace of the country. The animosities of the Indians 
among themselves, and their implacable hatred of each oth- 
er, with their various separate interests, contributed to the 
same purpose. Some of them wished for the friendship 
and neighbourhood of the Engjish, to guard them from one 
enemy, and others of them to protect them from another.. 
All wished for the benefit of their trade ; and it is proba- 
ble, that they had no apprehensions, at first, that a handful 
of people would ever overrun, and fill the country. It was 
therefore nearly sixteen years before they commenced 
open hostilities upon their English neighbours. But no 
sooner had they begun to trade and make settlements at 
Connecticut, than that great, spirited, and warlike nation, 
the Pequots, began to murder and plunder them, and to ,. , 
wound and kill their catUe. captains 

In 1634, a number of Indians, who were not native Pc- stone and 
quots, but in confederacy with them; miu'dered captain ^^^^^l""' 



70 HISTORY OF Chap. V. 

Book I. Stone and captain Norton, with their whole crew, con- 
<s*»^v-x^ sisting of eight men : they then plundered and sunk the 
J 634. vessel. Captain Stone was from St. Christopher's, in the 
West-Indies, and came into Connecticut river, with a view 
of trading at the Dutch house. After he had entered the 
river, he engaged a number of Indians to pilot two of his 
men up the river, to the Dutch : but night coming on, they 
went to sleep, and were both murdered by their Indian 
guides. The vessel, at night, was laid up to the shore. 
Twelve of those Indians, who had several times before 
been trading with the captain, apparently in an amicable 
manner, were on board. Watching their opportunity, 
when he was asleep, and several of the crew on shore, 
they murdered him secretly in his cabin, and cast a cov- 
ering over him, to conceal it from his men : they then fell 
upon them, and soon killed the whole company, except 
captain Norton. He had taken the cook room, and for a 
long time made a most brave and resolute defence. That 
he might load and fire with the greatest expedition, he had 
placed powder in an open vessel, just at hand, which, in 
the hurry of the action, took fire, and so burned and blind- 
ed him, that he could make no further resistance. Thus, 
after all his gallantry, he fell with his hapless companions, 
fart of the plunder was received by the Pequots, and 
another part by the eastern Nehanticks. Sassacus and 
Ninigret, the sachems of those Indians, were both privy to 
the aflair, and shared in the goods and articles taken from 
the vessel. It was supposed that the Indians had pre-con- 
certed this massacre.* 

The November following, the Pequots sent a messenger 
ThePe- to Boston, to desire peace with the English. He made an 
quots de- offer of a sreat quantity of beaver skins and wampumpeaG:, 
^ ' to persuade the governor to enter into a league with them. 
The governor answered the messenger, thai the Pequots 
must send men of greater (jualily than he was ; and that he 
Avould then treat with them. The Pequots then sunt two 
messengers to the governor, carrying a present, and eai- 
nestly soliciting peace. The governor assured them, thai 
the English were willing to be at peace with them ; but in- 
sisted, that, as they had murdered captain Stone and his 
men, they must deliver up the murderers, and make full 
compensation. The messengers pretended, that captain 
Stone had used the Indians ill, and provoked them to kill 
him : that their sachem, who was concerned in the affair^ 
had been killed by the Dutch, and that the Indians who 
perpetrated the murder, were all dead but two ; and that, 
* Mason's history, and Hubbard's narrati^^. 



Chap. V. CONNECTICUT. tt 

if they were guilty, they would desire their sachem to de- Book I. 
liver them up tojustice. They offered to concede all their v-^^v'-x./ 
right at Connecticut river, if the English should desire to 1635. 
settle there ; and engaged to assist them as far as was in Treaty 
their power, in making their settlements. They also jj'^'^ *^® 
promised that they Avould give the English four hundred ^'^"° 
fathoms of wampum, forty beaver, and thirty otter skins* 
After long and mature deliberation, the governor and his 
council entered into a treaty with them, on the conditions 
which they had proposed. The English were to send a 
vessel with cloths, to trade with them fairly, as with friends 
and allies.* 

The reasons of their so earnestly soliciting peace, at this 
lime, were, that the Narragansets were making war furi- 
ously upon them ; and the Dutch, to revenge the injuries 
done them, had killed one of their sachems, with several of 
their men, and captivated a number more. They wished 
not, at this critical time, to increase the number of their 
enemies. They artfully suggested to their new allies, the 
governor and council of Massachusetts, their desire, that 
they would be mediators between them and the Narragan- 
sfets. They also intimated their willingness, that part of 
the present which they were to send, might be given to 
them, for the purpose of obtaining a reconciliation. Such 
was the pride and stoutness of their spirits, and so much 
did they stand upon a point of honour, that though they 
wished for peace with their enemy, yet they would not di- 
rectly offer any thing for that purpose. This treaty was 
signed by the parties, but hostages were not taken to se- 
cure the performance of the articles, and the Pequots never 
performed one of them. Whatever their designs v/ere at 
that time, they afterw'ards became more and more mis- 
chievous, hostile and bloody. 

The next year, John Oldham, who had been fairly tra- 
ding at Connecticut, was murdered near Block Island. He 
had with him only two boys and two Narraganset Indians, 
These were taken and carried off. One John Gallup, as 
he was going from Connecticut to Boston, discovered Mr. 
Oldham's vessel full of Indians, and he saw a canoe, hav- 
ing Indians on board, go from her, laden with goods. Sus- 
pecting that they had murdered Mr. Oldham, he hailed 
them, but received no answer. Gallup wa>* a bold man,/ 
and though he had with him but one man and two boys, he 
immediately bore down upon them, and fired duck shot so ' 

thick among them, that he soon cleared the deck. The 

*WinthtopV, Journal, p, 75, compared M'ith Hubbard's narrative, p. 15, 
'6. 17. 



72 HISTORY OF Chap. V. 

Book I. Indians all got under the hatches. He then stood off, and 
v.^'~N/'^N-^ running down upon her quarter with a brisk gale, ntjarly 
1636. overset her ; and so frightened the Indians, that six of 
diem leaped into the sea, and were drowned. He then 
steered off again, and running down upon her a second 
time, bored her with his anchor, and raked her fore and aft 
with his shot. But the Indians kept themselves so close, 
that he got loose from her; and running down a third time 
upon the vessel, he gave her such a shock, that five more 
leaped overboard, and perished, as the former hcid donco 
He then boarded the vessel, and took two of the Indians, 
and bound them. Two or three others, armed with swords, 
in a little room belo\V, could not be driven from their re- 
treat. Mr. Oldham's corpse was found on board; the head 
split, and the body mangled in a barbarous manner. He 
was & Dorchester man, one of Mr. Warham's congregation. 
In these circumstances, Gallup, fearing that the Indians 
whom he had taken might get loose, especially if they were 
kept together, and having no place where he could keep 
(hem apart, threw one of them overboard. Gallup and his 
company then, as decentl-y as circumstances would permit, 
put the corpse into the sea. They stripped the vessel, and 
took her rigging, and the goods which had not been carri- 
ed off, on board their ow'n. She was then taken in tow, 
with a view to carry her in ; but the night coming on, and 
the v/ind rising, Galhip was obliged to let her go adrift, 
and she was lost. The Itxlians who perpetrated the mur- 
der were principally the Block-Islanders, v/ith a number 
of the Narragansets, to whom these Indians, at this time^ 
were subject. Several of the Narraganset sachems were 
in the plot, and it was supposed that the Indians whom Old- 
bam had with him, were in the conspiracy. Several of the 
murderers fled to the Pequots, and were protected by them» 
They were, therefore, considered as abettors of the mur- 
der. 

The governor and council of Massachusetts, therefore,' 
the next year, dispatched captain Endicott, with ninety 
voliuiteers, to avenge these murders, unless the Indians 
should deliver up the murderers, and make reparation for 
the injuries which they had done. The Narraganset sa- 
chems sent home Mr. Oldham's two boys, and made such 
satisfaction, and gave such assurances of their good con- 
duct, for the future, as the English accepted ; but the other 
Indians made no compensation. Captain Endicott was, 
therefore, instructed to proceed to Block-Island, put the 
raen to the sword, and take possession of the island. The 
women and children were to be spared. Thence he way 



CiiAP. V. CONNECTICUT. 73 

to sail to the Pequot country, and demand of the Peqnots Book I. 
the murderers of captains Stone and Norton, and of the s.^'-^r^'sm/ 
other Englishmen who were of their company. He was 1630. 
also to demand a thousand fathoms of wampum for dama- 
ges, and a number of their children for hostages, until the 
murderers should be delivered, and satisfaction made. If 
they refused to comply with these terms, he was directed 
to take it by force of arms. He had under him captains 
John Underhill and Nathaniel Turner. They sailed from 
Boston on the 25th of August. When he arrived at Block- Aug.^S5. 
island, forty or fifty Indians appeared on the shore, and 
opposed his landing ; but his men soon landed, and, after a 
little skirmishing, the Indians fled to the woods. The In- 
dians secreted themselves in swamps, thickets, and fast- 
nesses, where they could not be found. There were two 
plantations on the island, containing about sixty wigwams, 
some of which were very large and fair. The Indians 
had, also, about two hundred acres of corn. After the 
English had spent two days on the island, burning the wig- 
wams, destroying their corn, and staving their canoes, they 
sailed for the Pequot country. When they had arrived in 
Pequot harbour, captain Endicott acquainted the Pequots 
with the design of his coming, demanded satisfaction for 
the murders which they had committed against the English, 
and compensation for the damages which they had done 
them. In a few hours, nearly three hundred of the Pe- 
quots collected upon the shore ; but soon after they were 
fully informed of his business, they began to withdraw into 
ihe woods, and, instead of treating, answered him with 
their arrows, from the adjacent rocks and fastnesses. He 
landed his men on both sides of the harbour, burnt their 
wigwams, and destroyed their canoes, but made no spirited 
attack upon them, nor pursuit after them. As their corn 
was standing, no pains were taken for its destruction. 
They killed an Indian or two, and then returned to Boston. 
They all arrived on the 14th of September, unharmed ei- Sept. 14. 
ther by sickness or the sword.* Enough, indeed, had 
been done to exasperate, but nothing to subdue a haughty 
and warlike enemy. 

Sassacus and his captains were men of great and inde- Views and 
pendent spirits ; they had conquered and governed the na- feelings of 
tions around them without controul. They viewed the Eng- Sassacus.. 
lish as strangers and mere intruders, who had no right to 
the country, nor to controul its original proprietors, inde- 
pendent princes and sovereigns. They had made settle- 
ments in Connecticut without their consent, and brpu^ht 
* Winthrop's Journal, p. 103, 106, 107. 

K 



74 HISTORY OF Chap. V,, 

Book I. home the Indian kings whom they had conquered, and re- 
v-*^N,--x^ stored to them their authority and lands. They had buih 
1636. a fort, and were making a settlement, without their appro- 
bation, in their very neighbourhood. Indeed, they had 
now proceeded to attack and ravage their country. They 
were now, therefore, all kindled into resentment and rage: 
they determined upon, and breathed nothing but war and 
revenge. They detei-mined to extirpate, or drive all the 
English from New-England. 
FoKcy of Eoi' this purpose, they conceived the plan of uniting the 
the I'e- Indians generally against them. They spared no art nor 
quots, pains to make peace with the Narragansets, and to engage 
them in the war against the English. They represented, 
that the English, who were merely foreigners, were over- 
spreading the country, and depriving the original inhabit- 
ants of their ancient rights and possessions : that, unless 
effectual measures were immediately taken to prevent it. 
ihey would soon entirely dispossess the original proprie- 
tors, and become the lords of the continent. They insist- 
ed, that, by a general combination, they could either de- 
stroy, or drive them from the country. With great advan- 
tage did they represent the facility with which it might be 
effected. They said there would be no necessity of com- 
ing to open battles : that, by killing their cattle, firing 
their houses, laying ambushes on the roads, in the fields, 
and wherever they could surprise and destroy them, the} 
might accomplish their wishes. They represented, that, if 
the English should effect the destruction of the Pecjuots^ 
Ravage re- they would also soon destroy the Narragansets. So just 
venge pre- and politic were these representations, that nothing but 
veuts uu- ^[^^j thirst for revenge which inflames the savage heart, 
could have resisted their influence. Indeed, it is said, 
that, for a time, the Narragansets hesitated. 

The governor of Massachusetts, to prevent an union be- 
tween these savage nations, and to strengthen the peace 
between the Narraganset Indians and the colony, sent for 
Miantonimoh, their chief sachem, inviting him to~ come U< 
Boston. Upon this. Miantonimoh, with another of the 
Narraganset sachems, two of the sons of Canonicus, witis 
a numbed- of their men, went to Boston, and entered into 
the following treaty. 
Troafy That there should be a firm peace between them and the 

■witti the English, and their posterity : That neither party should 
Narragan- j^^ke peace with the Pequots, without the consent of the 
^ ^' other: That they should not harbor the Pequots, and that 

they should return all fugitive servants, and deliver ovev 
tg the English, or put to death, all murderers. The En- 



Chap. V. CONNFXTICUT. 57 

glish were to girc ihem notice, when they went out against Book I. 
the Pequots, and they were to furnish them with guides. v-^-v'^-> 
It was also stipulated, that a free trade should be maintain- 163G. 
ed between the parties. 

Cajjtain Underhill and twenty men, appointed to rein- p ^ 
force the garrison at Saybrook, lying wind bound off Pe- liiriit in 
quot harbor, after Mr. Endicott's departure, a party oftl>tirowa 
them went on shore to plunder the Pequots, and bring off''®^'^"*^®' 
their corn. After they had plundered a short time, and 
brought off some quantity of corn, the Pequots attacked 
them, and they fought a considerable part of the afternoon. 
At length, the enemy retired, and they returned to their 
boats. They had one man wounded, and imagined they 
killed and wounded several of the Indians. 

About the beginning of October, the enemy, concealing 
themselves in the high grass, in the meadows, surprised 
five of the garrison at Saybrook, as they were carrying Surprise 
home their hay. One Butterfield was taken and tortured ^'?.^,^^ . 
to death. The rest made their escape ; but one of them^'^^" *^ " 
had five arrows shot into him. From this disaster, the 
place received the name of Butterfield's meadow. 

Eight or ten days after, Joseph Tilly, a master of a small 
vessel, was captivated by the enemy, as he was going 
down Connecticut river. He came to anchor two or three ly^taken' " 
miles above the fort, and' taking a canoe, and one man and tortu- 
with him, went a fowling. No sooner had he discharged "'J- 
iiis piece, than a large number of Pequots, arising fronji 
ihcir concealment, took him, and killed his companion. 
Tilly was a man of great spirit and understanding, and 
determined to show himself a man. The Indians used 
iiim in the most barbarous manner, first cutting off his 
hands, and then his feet, and so gradually torturing him to 
de^th. But as all their cruelties could not elliect a groan, 
they pronounced him a stout man. 

The enemy now kept up a constant watch upon the riv- 
er, and upon the people at Saybrook. A house had been 
erected, about two mites from the fort, and six of the gas- 
rison were sent to keep it. As three of them were fowl- 
ing, at a small distance from the house, they were sudden- 
ly attacked, by nearly a hundred Pequots. Two of them 
were taken. The other cut his way through them, sword 
in hand, and made his escape ; but he was wounded with 
two arrows.* 

Before winter, the garrison were so pressed by the en- ^^l^ 'j 
emy, that they were olDliged to keep almost wholly within ^jth in- 

* HubbariVs Narrative, Wialhrop's Journal, aid Mason''s Hiitory of the '^'^'^^• 
Peqyot ^var- 



76 HISTORY OF Chap. V. 

Book I. the reach of their guns. The Pequots razed all the out- 
^^^s/--^^ houses, burnt the stacks of hay, and destroyed almost evc- 
1636. ry thhig, which was not within the command of the fort. 
The catde wliich belonged to the garrison, were killed and 
wounded. Some of them came home, with the arrows of 
the enemy sticking in them. Indeed, the fort was but lit- 
tle better than in a state f.f siege, a great part of the win- 
ter. The enemy so encompassed it about, and watched 
all the motions of the garrison, that it was dangerous, at 
any time, to go out of the reach of the cannon. 

When the s[)ring came on, they became still more mis- 
chievous and troublesome. They kept such a constant 
watch upon the river, that men could not pass up and 
down, with any safety, without a strong guard. They 
waylaid the roads and fields, and kept Connecticut in a 
state of constant fear and alarm. 

In March, lieutenant Gardiner, who commanded the fort 

March gj Savbrook, eoiner out with ten or twelve men, to burn the 
1637. Men { i • j u ^ e \ A ] 

killed at Diarsiies, was waylaid by a narrow neck oi land, and as 

Saybropk. soon as he had passed the narrow part of the neck, the en- 
emy rose upon him, and killed three of his men. The 
rest made their escape to the fort ; but one of them was 
mortally wounded, so that he died the next day. The 
lieutenant did not escape without a slight wound. The 
' enemy pursued them in great numbers, to the very fort, 

and compassed it on all sides. They challenged the En- 
glish to come out and fight, and mocked them, in the 
groans, pious invocations, and dying language of their 
friends, whom they had captivated, when they were tor- 
turing them to death. They boasted. That they could 
kill English men " all one flies." The cannon loaded 
with grape shot were fired upon them, and they retired. 
Some time after, the enemy, in a number of canoes, be- 
inc down" ^^^ '^ shallop, which was going down the river, with three 
the river, nien on board. The men fought bravely, but were over- 
powered with numbers. The enemy shot one through the 
head with an arrow, and he fell overboard ; the other two 
T/ere taken. The Indians ripped them up, from the bot- 
tom of their bellies to their throats, and cleft them down 
their backs : they then hung them up by their necks upon 
trees, by the side of the river, that as the English passed 
by, they might see those miserable objects of their ven- 
geance. 

The Pequots tortured the captives to death in the most 
cruel manner. In some, they cut large gashes in their 
flesh, and then poured embers and live coals into the 
v/ouiids. When, in their distress, they groaned, and in a 



« HAP. V. CONNECTICUT. 77 

pious manner committed their departing spirits to their Re- Book I. 
deemer, these barbarians would mock and insult them in ^^^-sy^^^ 
their dying agonies and prayers. 1637. 

On the 21st of February, the court met at Newtown, and Feb. 2ist. 
letters were written to the governor of Massachusetts, rep- £*^"y- ^j 
resenting the dissatisfaction of the court with Mr. Endi- 
cott's expedition, the consequences of which had been so 
distressful to Connecticut. The court expressed their de- 
sires that the colony of Massachusetts would more effectu- 
ally prosecute the war with the Pequots.* it was also 
represented to be the design of Connecticut to send a force 
against them. 

At tliis court it was decreed, that the plantation called 
Newtown, should be named Hartford ; and that AVater- 
town should be called Weathersfield. It was soon after 
decreed, that Dorchester should be called Windsor. Hart- 
ford was named in honor to Mr. Stone, who was born at 
Hartford, in England. 

Captain Mason was soon after dispatched with twenty March, 
men, to reinforce the garrison at Saybrook, and to keep the 
enemy at a greater distance. After his arrival at the fort, 
the enemy made no further attacks upon it, but appeared 
very much to withdraw from that quarter. 

A party of them took a different route, and, in April, 
waylaid the people at Weathersfield, as they Vv'ero going . . 
into their fields to labour, and killed six men and three [)a„,a^e at 
women. Two maids were taken captive : besides, they Weathers- 
killed twenty cows, and did other damages to the inhabi- ^^^^' 
tants. 

Soon after this, captain Underbill, who had been ap- 
pointed, in the fall preceding, to keep garrison at Say- 
brook, was sent from the Massachusetts, with twenty men, 
to reinforce the garrison. Upon their arrival at Say- 
brook, captain Mason and his men immediately returned- 
to Hartford. 

The affairs of Connecticut, at this time v/ore a most Gloomy 
gloomy aspect. They had sustained great losses in cattle circum- 
and goods in the preceding years, and even this year they ^he'colonv 
were unfortunate with respect to their cattle. They had 
no hay but what they cut from the spontaneous produc- 
tions of an uncultivated country. To make good English 
meadow, was a work of time. The wild, coarse grass, 
which the people cut, was often mowed too late, and but 
])oorly made. They did not always cut a sufficient quan- 
tity, even of this poor hay. They had no corn, or proven- 
der, with which they could feed them : and. amidst the 

■ Winthrop's journal, p. V23. 



78 HISTORY OF Chap. V^ 

Book I. multiplicity of affairs, which, at their first settlement, de- 
^-^'^^-x^ manded their attention, they could not provide such she!- 
1637. ters for them, as were necessary during the long and se- 
vere winters of this northern climate. From an union of 
these circumstances, some of their cattle were lost, anil 
those which lived ijirough winter, were commonly poor, 
and many of the cows lost their yoimg. Notwithstanding 
all the exertions the people had made the preceding sum- 
mer, they had not been able, in the multiplicity of their af- 
fairs, and under their inconveniences, to raise a sufficiency 
of provisions. Their provisions were not only very coarse, 
but very dear, and scanty. The people were not only in- 
experienced in the husbandry of the country, but they had 
but few oxen or ploughs.* They performed almost the 
whole culture of the earth with their hoes. This rendered 
it both exceedingly slow arid laborious. 

Every article bore a high price. Valuable as money 
was, at that day, a good cow could not be purchased un- 
der thirty pounds ; a pair of bulls or oxen not under forty 
pounds. A mare from England or Flanders, sold at thirty 
pounds ; and Indian corn at about five shillings a bushel : 
labour, and other articles bore a proportionable price. 

In addition to all these difficulties, a most insidious and 
dreadful enemy were now destroying the lives and proper- 
ty of the colonists, attempting to raise the numerous In- 
dian tribes of the country against them, and threatened the 
utter ruin of the whole colony. The inhabitants were in a 
feeble state, and few in number. They wanted all their 
men at home, to prosecute the necessary business of the 
plantations. They had not a sufficiency of provisions for 
themselves: there would therefore be the greatest difliculty 
in furnishing a small army with provisions abroad. They 
could neither hunt, fish, nor cultivate their fields, nor trav- 
el at home, or abroad, but at the peril of their lives. They 
were obliged to keep a constant watch by night and day ; 
to go armed to their daily labours, and to the public wor- 
ship. They were obliged to keep a constant watch and 
guard lit their houses of ivorship, on the Lord's day, and 
at other seasons, whenever they convened for the public 
worship. They lay down and rose up in fear and danger. 
If they should raise a party of men and send them to fight 
the enemy on their own ground, it would render the settle- 
ments proportionably weak at home, in case of an assault 
from the enemy. Every thing indeed appeared dark and 

* It seems, that at this period there were but thii ty ploughs in the whole 
■rclony of Maesachusett:'. Winthrop's journal, p. 114. It is n'ot piohab.'e 
^hp.t there 'vere t^n, perhaps r.ot five, ia Connecticut. 



CrtAP. V. CONNECTICUT. 79 

threatening. But nothing could discourage men, who had Book I. 
an unshaken confidenee in the divine government, and "^-^"^-"^^ 
were determined to sacrifice every other consideration, for 1637. 
the enjoyment of the uncorrupted gospel, and the propaga- 
lion of religion and liberty in America. / 

In this important crisis, a court was summoned, at Hart- Court 
ford, on Monday the 1st of May. As they were to delib- ^^^ '^^^' 
erate on matters in which the lives of the subjects and the "' 
A'ery existence of the colony were concerned, the towns 
for the first time, sent committees. The spirited measures 
adopted by this court, render the names of the memljers 
worthy of perpetuation. The magistrates were Roger 
Ludlow, Esq. Mr. Welles, Mr. Swain, Mr. Steel, Mr. 
Phelps and Mr. Ward. The committees were Mr. Whit- 
ing, Mr. Webster, Mr. Williams, Mr. Hull, Mr. Chaplin, 
Mr. Talcott, Mr. Geffords, Mr. Mitchel and Mr. Sherman. 

The court, on mature deliberation, considering liiat the ^fn^'o^ 
Pequots had killed nearly thirty of the English ; that they ..vi'ar a- 
had tortured and insulted their captives, in the most horri- gainst the 
ble manner ; that they were attempting to engage all the ^^^1"''*''' 
Indians to unite for the purpose of extirpating the English ; 
and the danger the whole colony was in, unless some capi- 
tal blow could be immediately given their enemies, deter- 
mined, that an offensive war should be carried on against 
them, by the three towns of Windsor, Hartford and Weath- 
ersfield. They voted, that 90 men should be raised forth- 
with ; 42 from Hartford, 30 from Windsor, and 16 from 
Weathersfield. Notwithstanding the necessities and pov- 
erty of the people, all necessary supplies were voted for 
ihis little army.* No sooner was this resolution adopted, 
than the people prosecuted the most vigorous measures, to 
Carry it into immediate and effectual execution. 

The report of the slaughter and horrid cruelties prac- Ma=sa. 
tised by the Pequots, against the people of Connecticut, chusetts 
roused the other colonies to harmonious and spirited exer- anf^PbDi- 
tions against the coumion enemy. Massachusetts deter- to aList 
mined to send 200, and Plymouth 40 men, to assist Con- Connecti- 
iiecticut in prosecuting the war. Captain Patrick with 40 <^"^' 
men was sent forward, before the other troops, from Mas- 
sachusetts and Plymouth, could be ready to march, with a 
view, that he might seasonably form a junction with the 
party from Connecticut. 

On 
iieclici 

consisted of 90 Engli 

river Indians. They embarked on !x)ard a pink, a pin 
'■■ P*^<:'r>rd«! oi"C">i)iiecticul, 




80 HISTORY 01^ Chap. V. 

Book ly nace and a shallop. The Indians were commanded by 
Uncas, sachem of the Moheagans. The whole was rom- 
1637.) manded by captain John Mason, who had been bred a sol- 
dier in the old countries. The Rev. Mr. Stone of Hart- 
ford went their chaplain. On Monday the 15th, the troops 
May 15. ^ arrived at Saybrook fort. As the water was low, this lit- 
tle fleet several times ran aground. The Indians, impa- 
tient of delays, desired to be set on shore, promising to 
join the English at Saybrook. The captain therefore 
granted their request. On their march, they fell in with 
about forty of the enemy, near the fort, killed seven and 
took one prisoner. 

The prisoner had been a perfidious villain. He had liv- 
■ ed in the fort, some time before, and could speak English 
j well. But after the Pequots commenced hostilities against 
prisoner. ' the Engli:ih, he became a constant spy upon the garrison, 
1 and acquainted Sassacus with every thing he could dis- 
^coveTj/^ He had been present at the slaughter of all the 
EiTglish who had been killed at Saybrook. Uncas and his 
men insisted upon executing him according to the manner 
of their ancestors ; and the English, in the circumstances 
in which they then were, did not judge it prudent to inter- 
})ose. The Indians, kin(iling a large lire, violently tore 
Iiim limb from limb. Barbarously cutting his flesh in pie- 
ces, they handed it round from one to another, eating it, 
singing and dancing round the fire, in their violent and tu- 
multuous manner. The bones and such parts of their cap- 
tive, as were not consumed in this dreadful repast, were 
comraitted to the fiaraes and burnt to ashes. 
Captain r^j^j success was matter of ioy, not only as it was a 

hi? couiK-il check upon tae enemy, but as it was an evidence oi the 
dividi-i ill fidelity of Uncas and his Indians, of which the English 
opinion. j^,j,j |jf,cn before in doubt. There were other circumstan- 
ces, however, which more than counterbalanced this joy. 
The army lay wind bound until Friday, and captain Ma- 
son and his otficers were entirely divided in opinion, with 
i-cspcct to the manner of prosecuting their enterprise. The 
court, by the commission and instructions which it had giv- 
en, ctijoincd the landing of the men at Pequot harbour, 
and that from thence they should advance upon the ene- 
my. The captain was for passing by them, and sailing to 
I>cl>M<es in the Narraganset country. He was fixed in this opinion, 
iiie t-f^u'itill^gcause he found that, expecting the army at Pequot har- 
ot wai. [^QLip^ i]^Qy kept watch upon the river night and day. 
I Their number of men greatly exceeded his : He was in- 
l formed, at Saybrook, that they had sixteen fire arms, with 
powder and shot. The harbour was compassed with rocks 



Chap. V. CONNECTICUT. 81 

and thickets, affording the enemy every advantage. They Book I. 
were upon the land, and exceedingly light of foot. He was -^..^^ys^ 
therefore of the opinion, that they would render it very 1637- 
difficult and dangerous to land, and that he might sustain 
such loss, as would discourage his men and frustrate the 
design of the expedition. If they should make good their 
landing, he was sure that, while they directed their march 
through the country, to the enemy's forts, they would way- 
lay and attack them, with their whole force, at every diffi- 
cult pass. Beside, if they should find, on trial, that they 
were not able to defeat the English, they would run ofl' to 
swamps and fastnesses, where they could not be found; 
and they should not be able to effect any thing capital a- 
gainst them. He was not without hopes that, by going to 
Narraganset, he might surprise them. There was also 
some prospect, that the Narragansets would join him in the 
expedition, and that he might fall in with some part of the 
troops from Massachusetts. 

His officers and men in general were for attending their 
instructions, and going at all hazards directly to the forts. 
The necessity of their affairs at home, the danger of the In- 
dians attacking their families and settlements, in their ab- 
sence, made them wish, at once to dispatch the- business, 
on which they had been sent. They did not relish a long 
march through the wilderness. They also imagined that 
they might be discovered, even should they determine to 
march from Narraganset to the attack of the enemy. la 
this division of opinion, Mr. Stone was desired by the offi- 
cers most importunately to pray for them, That their way 
might be directed, and that, notwithstanding the present 
embarrassment, the enterprise might be crowned with suc- 
cess. 

Mr. Stone spent naostof Thursday night in prayer, and Mr. Stent 
<he next morning visiting captain Mason, assured him, that P^ap. 
he had done as he was desired ; adding, that he was en- 
tirely satisfied with his plan. The council was again call- 
ed, and, upon a full view of all the reasons, unanimously 
agreed to proceed to Narraganset. It was also determin- 
ed, that twenty men should be sent back to Connecticut, 
to strengthen the infant settlements, while the rest of the 
troops were employed in service against the enemy ; and, 
that captain Underbill, with nineteen men from the garri- 
son at Saybrook fort, should supply their places. 

On Friday, May 19th, the captain sailed for Narragan- May 19th, 
set bay, and arrived on Saturday at the desired port. On tjofj*^*''" 
Monday, captain Mason and captain Underbill march- ^^inst (ijg 
H with a guard to the plantation of Canonicus, and ac-^P^qusts. 



£2 HISTORY OP Chap. V. 

Book I. quainted hitn with the design of their coming. A messen- 
•<^-v-x^ gerwas immediately dispatched to Miantonimoh, the cliicf 
1637. sachem of tiie Narragansets, to acquaint him also with the 
expedition. The next day Miantonimoh met them, with 
his chief counsellors and warriors, consisting of about 200 
men. Captain Mason certified him, that the occasion ol 
his coming with armed men, into his country, was to a- 
venge the intolerable injuries which the Pequots, his as 
well as their enemies, had done the English : and, that he 
desired a free passage to the Pcquot forts. After a solemn 
consultation '•; the Indian manner, Miantonimoh answered, 
That he highly approved of the expedition, and that he 
would send men. He observed, however, that the English 
were not sufficient in number to fight with the enemy. He 
said the Pequots were great captains, skilled in war, and 
rather slighted tlie English. Captain Mason landed his 
men, and marched just at night to the plantation of Canon- 
icus, which was appointed to be the place of general ren- 
dezvous. That night there arrived an Indian runner in 
the camp, with a letter from captain Patrick, who had ar- 
rived with his party at Mr. Willianfs' plantation in Provi- 
dence. Captain Patri<?k signified his desire, that captain 
Mason would wait until he could join him. Upon delibe- 
ration it wasdelcrmined not to wait, though a junction was 
greatly desired. The men had already been detained 
much longer than was agreeable to their wishes. When 
they had absolutely resolved the preceding day to march 
the next morning, the Indians insisted that they were but 
in jest; that Englishmen talked much, but would not fight. 
It was therefore feared, that any delay would have a bad 
efl'ect upon them. It was also suspected that, if they did 
not proceed immediately, they should be discovered, as 
there were a number of squaws who maintained an inter- 
course between the Pequot and Narraganset Indians. The 
army therefore, consisting of 77 Englishmen, 60 Mohea- 
gan and river Indians, and about 200 Narragansets, march- 
ed on Wednesday morning, and that day reached the eas- 
tern Nihantick, about eighteen or twenty miles from the 
place of rendezvous the night before. This was a frontier 
to the Pequots, and was the seat of one of the Narraganset 
sachems. Here the army halted, at the close of the day. 
But the sachem and his Indians conducted themselves in a 
haughty manner toward the English, and would not suffer 
them to enter within their fort. Captain Mason therefore 
placed a strong guard round the fort ; and as the Indians 
would not suffer him to enter it, he determined that none of 
theui should come out. Knowing the perfidy of the Indians^ 



Chap. V. CONNECTICUT. 8l3 

and that it was customary among them to suffer the near- Book I. 
est relatives of their greatest enemies to reside with them, ^-^^^^-^^ 
he judged it necessary, to prevent their discovering him to 1637. 
the enemy. 

In the morning, a considerable number of Miantonimph's Thursday 
men came on and joined the English. Tins encouraged 25th. 
many of the Nihanticks also to join them. They soon for- 
med a circle, and made protestations, how gallantly they 
would fight, and what numbers ihey would kill. When 
the army marched, the next morning, the captain had with 
hiij^ nearly 500 Indians. He marched twelve miles, to the 
ford in Pawcatuck river. The day was very hot, and the 
men, through the great heat, and a scarcity of provision, 
began to faint. The army, therefore, made a considerable 
halt, and refreshed themselves. Here the Narraganset In- 
dians began to manifest their dread of the Pequots, and to 
enquire of captain Mason, with great anxiety, what were 
his real designs. He assured them^ that it was his design 
to attack the Pequots in their forts. At this, they appear- 
ed to be panic-struck, and filled with amazement. Many 
of them drew off, and returned to Narraganset. The ar- 
my marched on about three miles, and came to Indian cora 
fields ; and the captain, imagining that he drew near the 
enemy, made a halt,: he called his guides and council, and 
demanded of the Indians how far it was to the forts. They 
represented, that it was twelve miles to Sassacus's fort, 
and that both forts were in a manner impregnable. We- 
quosh, a Pequot captain or petty sachem, who had revolt- 
ed from Sassacus to the Narragansets, was the principal 
guide, and he proved faithful. He gave such information, 
respecting the distance of the forts from each other, and 
the distance which they were then at, from the chief sa- 
chem's, as determined him and his officers to alter the re- 
solution which they had before adopted, of attacking them . 
both at once ; and to make a united attack upon that at 
Mistic. He found his men so fatigued, in marching through 
a pathless wilderness, v/ith their provisions, arms, and am- 
munition, and so affected with the heat, that this resolution 
appeared to be absolutely necessary. One of captain Un- 
derhill's men became lame, at the same time, and began 
to fail. The army, therefore, proceeded directly to Mis- 
tic, and continuing their march, came to a small swam[' 
between two hills, just at the disappearing of the day light. 
The officers, supposing that they were now near the fort, 
pitched their little camp, between or near two large rocks, 
in Groton, since called Porter's rocks. The men were 
iaint and weary, and though the rocks were their pillows. 



84 HISTORY OF Chap. V. 

Book I. their rest was sweet. The guards and sentinels were con- 
t^^-N/-^^ siderably advanced, in the front of the army, and heard 
.1637, the enemy singing, at the fort, who continued their rejoic- 
ings even until midnight. They had seen the vessels pass 
the harbor, some days before, and had concluded, that the 
English were afraid, and had not courage to attack them. 
They were, therefore, rejoicing, singing, dancing, insulting 
them, and wearying themselves, on this account. 

The night was serene, and, towards morning, the moon 
shone clear. The important crisis was now come, when 
the very existence of Coimecticut, under providence, was 
to be determined by the sword, in a single action ; and to 
be decided by the good conduct of less than eighty brave 
men. The Indians who remained, were now sorely dis- 
mayed, and though, at first, they had led the van, and boas- 
ted of great feats, yet were now all fallen back in the rear. 
Attack oa About two hours before day, the men were roused with 
MaV'26th ' ^^' expedition, and briefly commending themselves and 
their cause to God, advanced immediately towards the 
fort. After a march of about two miles, they came to the 
foot of a large hill, where a fine country opened before 
them. The captain, supposing that the fort could not be 
far distant, sent for the Indians in the rear, to come up. 
Uncas and Wequosh, at length, appeared. He demanded 
of them where the fort was. They answered, on the top 
of the hill. He demanded of them where were the other 
Indians. They answered, that they were much afraid. 
The captain sent to them not to fly, but to surround the 
fort, at any distance they pleased, and see whether En- 
glishmen would fight. The day was nearly dawning, and 
no time was now to be lost. The men pressed on, in two 
divisions, captain Mason to the north-eastern, and captain 
Underhill to the western entrance. As the object which 
they had been so long seeking, came into view, and while 
they reflected they were to fight not only for themselves, 
but their parents, wives, children, and the whole colony, 
the martial spirit kindled in their bosoms, and they wer3 
wonderfully animated and assisted. As captain Mason ad- 
vanced within a rod or two of the fort, a dog barked, and 
an Indian roared out, Owanux ! Owanux! That is, En- 
glishmen ! Englishmen ! The troops pressed on, and as 
the Indians were rallying, poured in upon them, through 
the pallisadoes, a general discharge of their muskets, and 
then wheeling off to the principal entrance, entered the 
fort sword in hand. Notwithstanding the suddenness of 
the attack, the blaze and thunder of their arms, the enemy 
made a manly aod desperate resistance, (^aptain Masoa 



Chap. V. CONNECTICUT. 89 

and his party, drove the Indians in the main street towards Book I. 
the west pan of the fort, where some bold men, who had v^^-sy-^^ 
forced their way, met them, and made such slaughter IG.17, 
among them, that the street was soon clear of the enemy. 
They secreted themselves in and behind their wigwams, 
and taking advantage of every covert, maintained an ob- 
stinate defence. The captain and his men entered the 
wigwams, where they w^ere beset with many Indians, who 
took every advantage to shoot them, and lay hands upon 
them, so that it was with great difhculty that they could 
defend themselves with their swords. After a severe con- 
flict, in which many of the Indians were slain, some of the 
English killed, and others sorely wounded, the victory still 
hung in suspense. The captain finding himself much ex- 
hausted, and out of breath, as well as his men, by the ex- 
traordinary exertions which they had made ; in this criti- 
cal state of the action, had recourse to a successful expedi- 
ent. He cries out to his men, We must burn them. He, 
immediately entering a wigwam, took lire, and put it into Fortbumt. 
the mats, with which the wigwams were covered. The fire 
instantly kindling, spread with such violence that all the 
Indian houses were soon wrapped in one general flame. 
As the fire increased, the English retired without the fort, 
and compassed it on every side. Uncas and his Indians, 
with such of the Narragansets as yet remained, took cour- 
age, from the example of the English, and formed onother 
circle in the rear of them. The enemy were now seized 
with astonishment, and forced, by the flames, from their 
lurking places, into open light, became a fair mark for 
the English soldiers. Some climbed the pallisadoes, and 
were instantly brought down by the fire of the English mus- 
kets. Others, desperately sallying forth from their burn- 
ing cells, were shot, or cut in pieces with the sword. Such 
terror fell upon them, that they would run back fiom the 
English, into the very flames. Great numbers perished in 
the conflagration. 

The greatness and violence of the fire, the reflection of 
the light, the flashing and roar of the arms, the shrieks and 
yellings of the men, women and children, in the fort, and 
the shoutings of the Indians without, Just at the dawning of 
the morning, exhibited a grand and awful scene. In a Six hun- 
little more than an hour this whole work of destruction ^"^^^^^^ 
was finished. Seventy wigwams were burnt, and five or stroyed. 
six hundred Indians perished, either by the sword, or in 
the flames.* A hundred and fifty warriors had been sent 

* Captain Mason, ip his history, says six or seven hundred. From the 
number of Wigwams, and the rejnforcementj the probability js, tbatabou^^ 
six huadred were destroyed. 



86 HISTORY OF Chap. V. 

Book I. on, the evening before, who, that very morning, were to 
'>.^'v-s-/ have gone forth against the English. Of tliese, and all 
1637. who belonged to the fort, seven only escaped, and seven 
were made prisoners^ It had been previously concluded 
not to burn the fort, but to destroy the enemy, and lake 
the plunder ; but the captain afterwards found it the only 
expedient to obtain the victory, and save his men. Thus 
parents and children, the sannup and squaw, the old man 
and the babe, perished in promiscuous ruin. 
Dan e Though the victory was complete, yet the army were in 

and dis- great danger and distress. The men had been exceeding- 
tress of the ly fatigued, by the heat, and long marches through rough 
^™^' and difficult places ; and by that constant watch and guard 
which they had been obliged to keep. They had now been 
greatly exhausted, by the sharpness of the action, and the 
exertions which they had been necessitated to make. Their 
loss was very considerable. Two men were killed, apd 
nearly twenty wounded. This was more than one quar- 
ter of the English. Numbers fainted by reason of fa- 
tigue, the heat, and want of necessaries. The surgeon, 
their provisions, and the articles necessary for the wound- 
ed, were on board the vessels, which had been ordered to 
sail from the Narraganset bay, the night before, for Pequot 
harbour ; but there was no appearance of them in thar 
sound. • They were sensible that, by the burning of the 
fort, and the noise of war, they had alarmed the country ; 
and therefore were in constant expectation of an attack, by 
a fresh and numerous enemy from the other fortress, and 
from every quarter whence the P«quots might be collected. 
A number of the friendly Indians had been wounded, 
and they were so distracted with fear, that it was difficult 
even to speak with their guide and interpreter, or to know 
any thing what they designed. The English were in au 
enemies country, and entire strangers to the way in which 
they must return. The eneii^y were far more numerous 
than themselves, and enraged to the highest degree. An- 
other circumstance rendered their situation still more dan- 
gerous, their provisions and ammunition were nearly ex- 
pended. Four or five men were so wounded that it was 
necessary to carry them, and they were also obliged to 
bear about twenty fire arms, so that not more than forty 
men could be spared for action. 

After an interval of about an hour, while the officers 
were in consultation what course they should take, their 
vessels, as though guided by the hand of providence, to 
serve the necessities of these brave men, came full in 
view ; and, uij^er a fair gale, were steering directly int9 



Chap. V. CONNECTICUT. Si 

the harbour. This, in the situation of the army at that Book I. 
time, was a most joyful sight. , s-<^--v-^/ 

Immediately, upon the discovery of the Vessels, about 1637. 
three hundred Indians came on from the other fort. Cap- 
tain Mason, perceiving their approach, led out a chosen 
party to engag« them, and try their temper. He gave 
them such a warm reception, as soon checked and put 
them to a stand. This gave him great encouragement, 
and he ordered the army to march for Pequot harbour. 
The enemy, upon this, immediately advanced to the hill, 
where the fort stood ; and viewing the destruction which 
had been made, stamped and tore their hair from their ^^^ ^"®' 
heads. After a short pause, and blowing themselves up to ™-|^ tea™^' 
the highest tran-sport of passion, they leaped down the hill their hair, 
after the army, in the most violent manner, as though they Pursue thfe 
were about to run over the English. Captain Undcrhill, English. 
who, with a number of the best men, was ordered to de- 
fend the rear, soon checked the eagerness of their pursuit, 
and taught them to keep at a more respectful distance. 
The friendly Indians who had not deserted, now kept close 
to the English, and it was believed that, after the enemy 
came on, they were afraid to leave them. The enemy 
pursued the army nearly six miles, sometimes shooting at 
a distance, from behind rocks and trees, and at other 
limes, pressing on more violently, and desperately haz- 
arding themselves in the open field. 

That the English might all be enabled to fight, captain 
Mason soon hired the Indians to carry the wounded men 
and their arms. The English killed several of the enemy 
while they pursued them, but sustained no loss themselves. 
When they killed a Pequot, the other Indians would shout,, 
run and fetch his head. At length, the enemy finding that 
they could make no impression upon the army, and that 
wounds and death attended their attempts, gave over the 
pi«-suit. 

The army then marched to the harbor, with their colors 
{lying, and were received on board the vessels, with great 
mutual joy and congratulation. 

In about three weeks from the time the men embarked 
at Hartford, they returned again to their respective habita- joy in 
tions. They were received with the greatest exultation. ConnectI' 
As the people had been deeply affected witk their danger, *^"*- 
and full of anxiety for their friends, while nearly half the 
effective men in the colony were in service, upon so haz- 
ardous an enterprise, so sudden a change, in the great vic- 
tory obtained, and in the safe return of so many of their 
children and neighbor^;, filled, them with exceeding joy and 



38 



HISTORY OF 



'hap. Y, 




Book I. thankfulness. Every family, and every worshipping as- 
sembly, spake the language of praise and thanksgiving. 

Several circumstances attending this enterprise, were 
much noticed by the soldiers themselves, and especially by 
all the pious people. It was considered as very providen- 
tial, that the army should march nearly forty miles, and a 
considerable part of it in the enemies country, and not be 
discovered until the moment they were ready to commence 
the attack. It was judged remarkable, that the vessels 
should come into the harbour at the very hour in which 
they were most needed. The life of captain Mason was 
very signally preserved. As he entered a wigwam for fire 
to burn the fort, an Indian was drawing an arrow to the 
very head, and would have killed hini instantly ; but Davis, 
one of his sergeants, cut the bow string with his cutlass, 
and prevented the fatal shot.* Lieutenant Bull received 
an arrow into a hard piece of cheese, which he had in his 
clothes, and by it was saved harmless. Two soldiers, John 
Dyer and Thomas Stiles, both servants of one man, were 
shot in the knots of their neckcloths, and by them preserved 
from instant death. t 

Few enterprises have ever been achieved with more per- 
sonal bravery or good conduct. In few have so great a 
proportion of the effective men of a whole colony, state, or 
nation been put to so great and immediate danger. In few, 
have a people been so deeply and immediately interested, 
as the whole colony of Connecticut was in this, in that un- 
common crisis. In these respects, even the great arma- 
ments and battles of Europe are, comparatively, of little 
importance. In this, under the divine conduct, by seventy- 
seven brave men,- Connecticut was saved, and the most 
Vv'ariike and terrible Indian nation in New-England, defeat- 
ed and ruined. 

Tiie body of the Pequots, returning from the pursuit of 
captain Mason, repaired to Sassacus, at the royal fortress, 
and related the doleful story of their misfortunes. They 
charged them all to his haughtiness and misconduct, and 
threatened him, and his, v,rith immediate destruction. His 
friends and chief counsellors interceded for him; and, at 
their intreaty, his men spared his life. Then, upon con- 
sultation, they concluded, that they could not, with safety, 
remain any longer in the country. They were, indeed, so 
panic struck, tliat, burning their wigwams and destroying 
their fort, they iled and scattered into various parts of the 
country. Sassacus, Mononotto, and seventy or eighty of 
their chief counsellors and warriors, took their route to- 
wards Hudson's river. 

* Hubbard's Narrative. t Mason's History. 



Chap. V. CONNECTICUT. ^ 

Just before captain Mason went out upon the expe'ditioH Book I. 
against the Pequots, the Dutch performed a very neigh- ^^^^^.-^^^ 
hourly office for Connecticut. The two maids, who had 1637. 
been captivated at Weathersfield, had, through the human- Captna- 
ityand mediation of Mononotto's squaw, been sjjared from ^'^'^ ™^"^! 
death, and kindly treated. The Dutch governor, receiv- 
ing intelligence of their circumstances, determined to re- 
deem them at any rate, and dispatched a sloop to Pequot 
harbour for that purpose. Upon its arrival, the Dutcii 
made large offers for their redemption, but the Pequots 
would not accept them. Finally, as the Dutch had a num- 
ber of Pequots on board, whom they had taken, and finding 
that they could do no better, they ofliered the Pequots six 
of their own men for the two maids.* These they accept*- 
ed, and the Dutch delivered the young women at Say- 
brook, just before captain Mason and his party arrived. 
Of them he received particular information respecting the 
enemy. 

An Indian runner, dispatched by Mr. Williams, at Provi- 
dence, soon carried the news of the success of Connecticut 
against the Pequots, to the governor of Massachusetts. 
The governor and his council, judging that the Pequots 
had received a capital blow, sent forward but a hundred 
and twenty men. These were commanded by Mr. Stough- 
ton, and the Rev. Mr, Wilson, of Boston, was sent his 
chaplain. 

This party arrived at Pequot harbour the latter part of 
June. By the assistance of the Narraganset Indians, the June, 
party under captain Stoughton surrounded a large body of 
Pequots in a swamp. They took eighty captives. Thirty Pequots 
were men ; the rest were women and children. The men, taken, 
except two sachems, were killed, but the women and chil- 
dren were saved. t The sachems promised to conduct the 
English to Sassacus, and for that purpose were spared for 
the |*resent. 

The court at Connecticut ordered that forty men should Jun« 2g' 
be raised forthwith for the further prosecution of the war 
against the Pequots, to be commanded by captain Mason. 

The troops from Connecticut made a junction with the 
party under the command of captain Stoughton, at Pequot. 
Mr. Ludlow, with other principal gentlemen from Connec- 
ticut, went also with the army, to advise with respect to the 
meas^ires to be adopted in the fuither prosecution of the 
war. Upon general consultation, it was concluded to 
pursue the Pequots, who had tied to the westward. The 

* Winthrop's Journal, p. 128. 

•* HubbW's Narrative, p. 34, and Wintbrop'* Jouroal, p. 130, 132. 

M 



90 HISTORY Ot Chap. V. 

Book I. ai'iny marched immediately, and soon discovcj-fjd the pla- 
^-,^-v'%^ ces, where the enemy had rendezvoused, at their several 
1637. removes. As these were not far distant from each other, 
it appeared that they moved slowly, having their women 
and children with them. I^hey also were without provis- 
ions, and were obliged to dig for clams, and to range the 
groves foi' such articles as they afforded. The English 
found some scattering Pequots, as th^y scoured the conn- 
try, whom they captivated, and from whom they obtain- 
ed intelligence relative to the Pequots whom they Were 
^ . . f pursuini:". But finding, that the sachems, whom they had 
sachem's Spared, woui ' give tliem no ititonnation, they beneadea 
iiead. them, on their march, at a place called Menunkatuck, 
since Guilford ; from which circumstance, the spot on 
which the execution was done, bears the name of sachem's 
head to the present time. In three days they arrived at 
New-Haven harbour. The vessels sailed along the shore 
while the troops marched by land. At New-Haven, then 
called Quinnipiack, a great smoke, at a small distance, was 
discovered in the woods. The officers supposing, that 
they had now discovered the enemy, ordered the army 
immediately to advance upon them ; but were soon in- 
formed that they were not in that vicinity. The Connee- 
ticut Indians had kindled the lires whence the smoke arose. 
The troops soon embarked on board the vessels. After 
staying several days at New-Haven, the officers received 
intelligence from a Pequot, whom they had previously sent, 
to make discovery, that the enemy were at a considerable 
distance, in a great swamp, to the westward. Upon this 
information, the army marched with all possible dispatch 
to a great swamp, in Fairfield, where were eighty or a hun- 
dred Pequot wairiors, and nearly two hundred other In- 
dians, The swamp was such a thicket, so deep and bog- 
gy, that it was diflicult to enter it, or make any move- 
Great ment without sinking in (lie mire. Lieutenanf Davenport 
n!r™*i and others, rushing eagerly into it, were sorely wounded, 
i3tV. "' '^'"^ several were soon so deep in the mud, that they could 
not get out without assistance. The enemy pressed them 
so liard, that they were jiist ready to seize them by the 
hair of their head. A number of brave men were obliged 
to rescue them swovdinhand. Some of the Indians were 
slain, and the men were drawn out of (he mire. The 
swamp w6s suiTonnded, and after a considerable skirmish 
the Indians desired a parley. As the officers were not wil- 
ling to make a promiscuous destruction of men, women and 
children, and as the sachem and Indians of the vicinity had 
ilea into the swamp, though they had done the colanies no 



Chap. Y. CONNECTICUT. SI 

injury, a parley was granted, Thomas Stanton, a man well Book I. 
acquainted with the manners and language of the Indians, v^^-v-%-/ 
was sent to treat with them. He was authorized to o(i'er 1637, 
life to all the Indians who had shed no English blood. 
Upon this otier, the sachem of the ])lace came out to the 
English, and one company of old men, women and chil- 
dren after another, to the number of about two hundred. 
The sachem of the place declared for himself and his In- 
dians, that they had neither shed the blood of the English 
iior done them any harm. But the Pequot warriors had 
too great a spirit to accept of the offer of life, declaring, 
that they would fight it out. They shot theii arrows at 
Stanton, and pressed so hard upon him, that the soldiers 
were obliged to Hy to his rescue.* The fight was then re- 
newed, the soldiers firing upon them whenever an oppor- 
tunity presented. But by reason of an unhappy division Division 
among the officers, a great part of the enemy escaped. ^Ji'"^^. ^^^^ 
Some were for forcing the swamp immediately, but this 
was opposed, as too dangerous. Others were for cutting 
it down, as they had taken many hatchets, with which they 
were of the opinion it might be eftected. Some others 
wej-e for making a pallisado and hedge round it, but neither 
of these measures could be adopted.! As night came on, 
the English cut through a narrow part of it, by which the 
circumference was greatly lessened; so that the soldiers, 
at twelve feet distance from each other, were aide com- 
pletely to compass the enemy. In this manner they en- 
closed and watched them until it was nearly morning. A 
ihickfog arose just before day, and it became exceedingly 
dark. At this juncture, the Indians took the opportunity 
to break through the English. They made their first at- 
tempt upon captain Patrick's quarters, yelling in their 
hideous manner and pressing on with violence, but they 
were several times driven back. As the noise and tumult 
of war increased, captain Mason sent a party to assist cap- 
tain Patrick. Captain Trask also marched to reinforce 
him. As the battle greatly increased, the siege broke up. 
Captain Mason marched to give assistance in the action. 
Advancing to the turn of the swamp, he found that the ene- 
my were pi*essing out upon him ; but he gave them so warm 
a reception, that they were soon glad to retire. While he 
was expecting that they would make another attempt up- 
on him, they faced about, and falling violently on captain 
Patrick, broke through his quarters and fled. These were Enemf 
their bravest warriors, sixty or seventy of whom made ^^^P^- 
their escape. About twenty were killed, and one hundred 
* Hubbard's Narrative, p, 38. t Masou''g history. 



92 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. V. 



Book 1. 



1637* 
Captives 
divided. 



cTichem's 
■wWp and 
ci)ii<lren. 



at Hart- 
ford, Sept. 



and eighty were taken prisoners. The English also took 
hatchets, wampum, kettles, trays and other Indian utensils. 
The Pequot women and children, who had been capti- 
vated, were divided among the troops. Some were car- 
ried to Connecticut, and others to the Massachusetts. The 
Ecople of Massachusetts sent a number of the women and 
oys to the Wcst-Indjes, and sold them for slaves. It was 
supposed that about seven hundred Pequots were des- 
troyed. The women who were captivated, reported, that. 
thirteen sachems had bepn slain, and (hat thirteen yet sur-' 
vived. Among the latter were Sassacus and Mononotto, 
the two chief sachems. These with about twenty of their 
best men fled to the Mohawks. They carried off with them 
wampum to the amount of 500 pounds.* The Mohawks 
surprised and slew them all, except Mononotto. They 
wounded him, but he made his escape. The scalp of Sas- 
sacus was sent to Connecticut in the fall, and Mr. Ludlow 
and several other gentlemen, going into Massachusetts, in 
September, carried a loci: of it to Boston, as a rare sight, 
and a sure demonstration of the death of their mortal ene- 
my.! 

Among the Pequot captives were the wife and children 
of Mononotto. She was particularly noticed, by the Eng- 
lish, for her great modesty, humanity and good sense. 
She made it as her only request, that she might not be in- 
jured either as to her offspring or personal honor. As a re- 
quital of her kindness to the captivated maids, her life and 
the lives of her children were not only spared, but they 
were particularly recommended to the care of governor 
Winthrop. He gave charge for their protection and kind 
treatment. 

After the swamp fight, the Pequots became so weak and 
scattered, that the Narragansets and Moheagans constant- 
ly killed them, and brought in their heads to Windsor and 
Hartford. Those who survived were so hunted and ha- 
rassed, that a number of their chief men repaired to the 
English, at Hartford, for relief. They offered, if their 
lives might be spared, that they would become the ser- 
vants of the English and be disposed of at their pleasure. 
This was granted, and the court interposed for their pro- 
tection. 

Uncas and Miantonimoh, with the Pequots, by the di- 
rection of the magistrates of Connecticut, met at Hartford ,• 
and it was demanded by them, how many of the Pequots 
were yet living ? they answered, about two hundred, be- 

'* Winthrop's Journal, p. 136. 

t ■VV^nJhi'op's Journal, p. 134, 135, 136. 



e:HAP. V. CONNECTICUT. 93 

sides women and children. The magistrates then entered Book I. 
into a firm covenant with them, to the following effect : that v««^->'''>n(' 
there should be perpetual peace between Miantonimoh 1638. 
and Uncas, and their respective Indians ; and that all past 
injuries should be remitted, and for ever buried : that if any 
injuries should be done, in future, by one party to the 
other, that they should not immediately revenge it, but ap- 
peal to the English to do them justice. It was stipulated, 
that they should submit to their determination, and that 
if either party should be obstinate, that then they might 
enforce submission to their decisions. It was further a- 
greed, that neither the Moheagans, nor Narragansets 
should conceal, or entertain any of their enemies ; but de- 
liver up or destroy all such Indians as had murdered any 
English man or woman. The English then gave the Pequot 
Indians to the Narragansets and Moheagans ; eighty to 
Miantonimoh, twenty to Ninnigret, and the other hundred 
to Uncas ; to be received and treated as their men. It was 
also covenanted, that the Pequots should never more in- 
habit their native country, nor be called Pequots, but Nar- 
ragansets and Moheagans. It was also further stipulated, 
That neither the Narragansets nor Moheagans should pos- 
sess any part of the Pequot country without the consent of 
the English. The Pequots were to pay a tribute, at Con- 
necticut annually, of a fathom of wampumpeag for every 
Sannop, of half a fathom for every young man, and of a 
hand for every male papoose. On these conditions the 
magistrates, in behalf of the colony, stipulated a firm peace 
with all the Indians.* 

The conquest of the Pequots struck all the Indians in 
New-England with terror, and they were possessed with 
such fear of the displeasure and arras of the English, that' 
they had no open war with them for nearly forty years. 

This happy event gave great joy to the colonies. A 
day of public thanksgiving was appointed ; and, in all the 
churches of New-England, devout and animated praises 
were addressed to Him, who giveth his people the victory^ 
and causeth them to dwell safely. 
* Records of Connecticut. 



94 HISTORY OF Chap. VI, 

Book I. 

1637. CHAPTER VI, 

Effects of the war. Great scarcity in Connecticiity and 
means taken to relieve the necessities of the people. Set- 
tlement of New-Haven. Pla,ntation covenant. Means 
for the defence of the colony. Captain Mason made ma- 
jor-general. Civil constitution of Connecticut, formed by 
voluntary compact. First general election at Connecticut, 
Governors and magistrates. General rights of the people, 
and principal laws of the colony. Constitution and laws 
of New-Haven. Purchase and settlement of several towns 
in Connecticut and Nero-Haven. 



T 



HOUGH the war with the Pequots was now happily 
terminated, yet the effects of it were severely felt by 
the inhabitants. The consequences were, scarcity and a 
debt, which, in the low state of the colony, it was exceed- 
ingly difficult to pay. Almost every article of food or cloth- 
ing was purchased at the dearest rate: and the planters 
had not yet reaped any considerable advantage from their 
farms. Such a proportion of their labourers had been em- 
ployed in the war, and the country was so uncultivated, 
that all the provision which had been raised, or imported, 
was in no measure proportionate to the wants of the peo- 
ple. The winter was uncommonly severe, which increas- 
ed the distress of the colony.* The court at Connecticut 
foreseeing that the people would be in great want of bread, 
contracted with Mr. Pyncheon for five hundred bushels of 
Indian corn, which he was to purchase of the Indians, and 
a greater quantity, if it could be obtained. The inhabi- 
tants were prohibited to bargain for it privately, and limit- 
ed to certain prices, lest it should raise the price, while he 
was making the purchase. A committee was also appoint- 
ed by the court, to send a vessel to Narraganset, to buy of 
the natives in that quarter.! But notwithstanding every pre- 
Soarcity in caution which was taken, the scarcity became such, that 
Conuecti- corn Fose to the extraordinary price of twelve shillings by 
the bushel, j In this distressful situation a committee was 
sent to an Indian settlement called Pocomtock, since Deer- 

*The snow lay from the 4th of November until the 23d of March. It 
•ivas, at some times, three and four feet deep. Once in the winter it snow- 
ed for two hours together, flakes as bi^ as Euglish fhilliiigs, VVinthrop'a 
Journal, p. 154. 

+ Records of Connecticut. 

X Mason's history. Twelve shillings sterling at that tioif;, vi as donbt-» 
iiCiS equal to eighteen or twenty shillings lawAil mo-fjey. 



C'jt 



Chap. VL CONNECTICUT. ^ 

field, where they purchased such quantities, that the In- Book I. 
dians came down to Windsor and Hartford, with fifty ca- v„^-n/-^»^ 
noes at one time, laden with Indian corn.§ The good 1638. 
people considered this as a great deliverance. Those, Relieved, 
who, in Englat)d, had fed on the finest of the wheat, in the 
beginning of atVairs in Connecticut, were thankful for such 
coarse fare as Indian bread, for themselves and children. 

In this low state of tlic colony, the court found it neces- 
sary to order the towns immediately to furnish themselves 
with magazines of powder, lead and shot, and every man 
to be completely armed, and furnished with ammunition. 
The court were also obliged to impose a lax of 550 pounds, 
to be collected immediately, to defray the expenses of the 
war. This appears to have been the first public tax in 
Connecticut. Agawam, since named Springfield, though 
it sent no men to the war, yet bore its proportion of the 
expense.* The first secretary and treasurer appears to 
have been Mr. Clement Chaplin. He was authorised to pcbruarf 
issue his warrants for gathering the tax which had been im- 9th. 
posed. 

Captain John Mason was appointed major-general of 
the militia of Connecticut. The reverend Mr. Hooket M?rch 
was de-sired to deliver him the military staff. This he ^'^* 
doubtless performed with that propriety and dignity which 
was peculiar to himself, and best adapted to the occasion. 
The general was directed to call out the militia of each 
town, ten times in a year, to instruct them in military disci- 
pline. He received out of the public treasury 40 pounds 
animally, for his services. 

As it was of the highest importance to the colony to cul- 
tivate peace, and a good understanding with the Indians, 
laws were enacted to prevent all persons from ofiering them 
the least private insult or abuse. 

While the planters of Connecticut were thus exerting 
then">selves in jjrosecuting and regulating the affairs of that 
colony, another was projected and settled at Quinnipiack,t 
afterwards called New-Haven. On the 26th of July, 1637, Mr. Dar- 
Mr. John Davenport, Mr. Samuel Eaton, Theophilus Eat- enporf av- 
on and Edward Hopkins, Esquires, Mr. Thomas Gregson, ^q^^I^^ 
and many others of good characters and fortunes, arrived 
at Boston. Mr. Davenj)ort had been a famous minister in 
the city of London, and was a distinguished character for 
piety, learning, and good conduct. Many of his congre- 

^ Mason's History. 

* The lax was laid on the tovvn^ in the proportions following : Agawarc, 
S6 pounds : 16 : 0. Windsor, 158 pounds : 2 ; 0. Hartford, >251 pounds 
2 : 0. And VVeatherslield, 124 pound.' : : 0. 

i'Tbi? issoraeliiucs spelt Quiljipia'-k. ami Qinnepioke. 



»G HISTORY OF Chap. VL 

Book I. gallon, on account of the esteem which they had for his 
'^^'^■^''^^ person and ministry, followed him into New-England. Mr< 
1638. Eaton and Mr. Hopkins had been merchants in London, 
possessed great estates, and were rnen of eminence for 
their abilities and integrity. The fame of Mr. Davenport, 
the reputation and good estates of the principal gentlemen 
of this company, made the people of the Massachusetts ex- 
ceedingly desirous of their settlement in that common- 
Offers to wealth. Great pains were taken, not only by particular 
retain liim persons and towns, but by the general court, to tix them 
'■li p**i?' ^" ^^^^ colony. Charlestown made them large offers; and 
Newbury proposed to give up the whole tov/n to them. 
The general court offered them any place which they should 
choose.* But they were determined to plant a distinct 
colony. By the pursuit of the Pequots to the westward, 
the English became acquainted with that fine tract along 
the shore, from Saybrook to Fairfield, and with its several 
harbours. It was represented as fruitful, and happily sit- 
uated for navigation and commerce. The company there- 
fore })rojected a settlement in that part of the country. 
/ In the fall of 1637, Mr. Eaton, and others, who were of 
the company, made a journey to Connecticut, to explore 
the lands and harbours on the sea coast. They pitched 
upon Quinnipiack for the place of their settlement. They 
erected a poor imt, in which a few men subsisted through 
tile w infer. 

On the 30th of March, 1638, Mr. Davenport, Mr. Prud- 

den, Mr. Samuel Eaton, and Theophilus Eaton, Esquire, 

with the people of their company, sailed from Boston for 

Quinnipiack. In about a fortnight they arrived at their 

AprillGtif, desired port. On the 18th of April, they kept their first 

the first sabbath in the place. The people assembled under a large 

ke t at spreading oak, and Mr. Davenport preached to them from 

Kew-Ha- Matthew vi. 1. He insisted on the temptations of the wil- 

vferi. derness, made such observations, and gave such directions 

and exhortations as were pertinent to the then present state 

of his ht^arers. He left this remark, That he enjoyed a 

good day. 

One of the pi-incipal reasons which these colonists as- 
Kr;;>^"iis signed for their removing from Massachusetts, was, that 
i>'r rojaov- j|^^y should be more out of the way and trouble of a general 
~* governor of New-England, who, at this time, was an object 

of great fear in all the plantations. What foundation there 
was for the hope of exemption from the controul of a gene- 
ral governor, by this removal, had one been sent, does not 
appeur. It is probable, that the motive which had the 
* Wiutjircp's Jouraal, p. 151» 



Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. 9? 

greatest influence with the principal men, was the desire Book I. 
of being at the head of a new government, modelled, both >.-^--v-^x./ 
in civil and religious matters, agreeably to their own ap- ]63S. 
prehensions. It had been an observation of Mr. Daven- 
port's, That whenever a reformation had been etiected in 
the church, in any part of the world, it had rested where it 
had been left by the reformers. It could not be advanced 
another step. He was now embarked in a design of form- 
ing a civil and religious constitution, as near as possible 
to scripture precept and example. The principal gentle- 
men, who had followed him into America, had the same 
views. In laying the foundations of a new colony, there 
was a fair probability, that they might accommodate all 
matters of church and commonwealth to their own feelings 
and sentiments* But in the Massachusetts, the principal 
men were fixed in the chief seals of goverament, which 
they were likely to keep, and their civil and religious poli- 
ty was already formed. Besides, the antinomian controver- 
sy and sentiments, which had taken such root at Boston, 
were exceedingly disagreeable to Mr. Davenport, and the 
principal gentlemen of his company. He had taken a de- 
cided, though prudent part, against them. He, with his 
leading men, might judge, that the people who came with 
them would be much more out of danger of the corruption, 
and that they should be more entirely free from the trouble 
of those sentiments, in a new plailtation, than in the Massa- 
chusetts. These might all unite their influence with Mr. 
Davenport and others, to determine them to remove and 
begin a new colony. 

Soon after they arrived at Quinnipiack, in the close of a 
day of fasting and prayer, they entered into what they 
termed a plantation covenant. In this they solemnly bound pjantation 
themselves, " That, as in matters that concern the gather- covenant 
ing and ordering of a church, so also in all public offices, ^^ Q""""" 
which concern civil order, as choice of magistrates and 
officers, making and repealing laws, dividing allotments of 
inheritance, and all things of like nature, they would, all of 
them, be ordered by the rules which the scripture held 
forth to them." This was adopted as a general agree- 
ment, until there should be time for the people to become 
more intimately acquainted with each other's religious 
views, sentiments, and moral conduct ; which was suppo- 
sed to be necessary to prepare the way for their covenant- 
ing together, as christians, in church state. 

The aspects of Providence on the country, about this 
time, were very gloomy, and especially unfavourable to 
new plantations. The spring, after a long and severe wio- 

N 



98 HISTORY OF Chap. VL 

Book f. ter, u-as unusually backward. Scarcely any thing grew\ 
v-^-X'-'N^ for several weeks. The piantino; season was so cold that 
1638. the corn rotted in the ground, and the people were obliged 
to replant two or three times.* This distressed man and 
beast, and retarded all the affairs of the plantations. It 
rendered the gloom and horrors of the wilderness still 
more horrible. The colonists had terrible apprehensions 
of scarcity and famine. But at length the warm season 
came on, and vegetation exceeded all their expectations, 
(irrat On the 1st of June, between the hours of three and ibur 

earth- in the afternoon, there was a great and memorable earth- 
Jt'ne Lsi 9"^'^^ throughout New-England. It came with a report 
like continued thunder, or the rattling of numerous coach- 
es upon a paved street. The shock was so great that, in 
many places, the lops of the chiranies were thrown down, 
and the pewter fell from the shelves. It shook the waters 
and ships in the harbours, and all the adjacent islands. 
The duration of the sound and tremor was about four min- 
utes. The earth, at turns, was unquiet for nearly twenty 
days. The weather was clear, the wind westerly, and the 
course of the earthquake from west to east. 

The planters at Quinniniack deterrarned to make an ex- 
tensive settlement; and, if possible, to maintain perpetual 
peace and friendship with the Indians. Thej/^, therefore, 
paid an early attention to the making of such purchases 
and amicable treaties, as might most effectually answer 
their designs. 
The first OiT the 24lh of November, 16o8, Theophilus Eaton, 
purcUse Esq. Mr. Davenport, and other English planters, entered 
at Ntw- ^,jjQ ^ji agic(jfjient with Momauguin, sachem of that part of 
Nov, 241!) ^^^^ country, aiid his counsellors, respecting the lands. The 
3638. articles of agreement are to this effect : 

Thai Momauguin is (he i-ole sachem of Quinnipiacky 
and had an absolute power to alrene and dispose of the 
same : That, in consequence of the protection which he 
had tasted, by the English, from the Pequots and Mo- 
hawks,! he yielded up all his right, title, and interest to 
all the land, rivers, ponds, and trees, with all the liberties 
und appurtenances belonging to the same, unto Theophi- 
lus Eaton, John Davenport, and others, their heirs and as- 
signs, for ever. He covenanted, that neither he, nor hi* 
Indians, would terrify^ nor disturb the English, nor injure 

* Winthrop's Journal, p. 155. Ibid. See also Morton and Autchinson. 

t The Indians of Quinnipiack, in this treatj, declared, that they still re- 
memhered the heavy taxes of the Pequots and Mohawks ; and tliat, by 
reason of their fear of them, they cO'jId not stay in their own country, but 
had been oblic^ed to flee. By these powerful enemies, they had bcpii redu- 
ced to a6out forty men-. 



Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. 99 

them in any of jheir interests ; but that, in every respect, Book I. 
they would keep true faith with them. v,-^^-^'<w» 

The English coveiicftited to protect Momauguin an(] his 1638. 
Indians, when unreasonably assaulted and terrilicd by other 
Indians ; and that they should always have a sufficient 
quantity of land to plant on, upon the east side of the har- 
boui-,* between that and Saybrook fort. They also cove- 
nanted, that by way of free and thankful retribution, they 
gave unto the said sachem, and his council and company, 
twelve coats of English cloth, twelve alchyray spoons, 
twelve hatchets, twelve hoes, two dozen of knives, twelve 
porringers, and four cases of French knives and scissors.! 

This agreement was signed and legally executed, by 
Momauguin and his council on the one part, and Theophi- 
lus Eaton and John Davenport on the other. Thomas 
Stanton, who was the interpreter, declared in the presence 
of God, that he had faithfully acquainted the Indians \Tith 
the said articles, and returned their answers. 

In December following, they made another purchase of Second 
a large tract, which lay principally north of the former, '^""^""'^j wj 
This was of Montowcsc, son of the great sachem at Matta- igjo\ ' 
beseck. This tract was ten miles in length, north and 
south, and thirteen miles in breadth. It extended eight 
miles east of the river Quinnipiack, and five miles west of Tract pi<^- 
it towards Hudson's river. It included all the lands with- '^'^^^*^'^- 
in the ancient limits of the old towns of New-Haven, Bran- 
Jford, and Wallingford, and almost the whole contained ia 
the present limits of those towns, and of the towns of East- 
Haven, Woodbridge, Cheshire, Hamden, and North-Ha- 
ven. | These have since been made out of the three old 
towns. 

The New-Haven adventurers were the most opuleat 
company which came into New-England, and they design- 
ed to plant a capital colony. They laid out their town plat 
in squares, designing it for a great and elegant city. In 
the centre was a large, beautiful square. Thiis was encom- 
passed with others, making nine in the whole. 

The first principal settlers were Theophilus Eator), Esq. 
Mr. Davenport, Mr. Samuel Eaton, Mr. Thomas Gregson, 
Ml-. Robert Newman, Mr. Matthew Gilbert, Mr. Nathaniel 
I'urner, Mr. Thomas Fugill, Mr. Francis Newman. Mr. 
Stfptien Goodyear, and Mr. Joshua Atwater. 

Mr. Eaton had been deputy-governor of the East India 

* This was in the present town of East-Haven. 

+ Records of New-Haven. 

:[: l"or<hi? last tract of tea miles north and south, and thirteen oast and 
weft, the English gave thirteen coats, and allowed the Indians ground to 
plHUt. aijd liberty to hunt ■vvitbin \tc land*. Records of NewHaveu, 



im HISTORY OF Chap. VI. 

Book T. fompany, and was three years himself in the East Indies. 
K^^f-^^'-s^ He served the company so well, that he received from them 
1638. presents of great value. He had been on an embassy 
from the court of Et\gland to the king of Denmark. He 
was a London merchant, who had, for many years, traded 
to the East Indies, had obtained a great estate, and brought 
over a large sum of money into New-England. t Others 
were merchants of fair estates, and they designed to have 
"been a great trading ciiy. 

There appears no act of civil, military, or ecclesiastical 
authority, during the first year; nor is there any appear- 
ance, that this colony was ever straitened for bread, as the 
other colonies had been. 

Mr. Prudden, and his company, who came Avith Mr. Da^- 
venport, continued the first summer at Quinnipiack, and 
were making preparations for the settlement of another 
township. 

When Mr. Davenport removed to Quinnipiack, Mr. 
Hopkins came to Hartford, and soon after incorporated 
with the settlers of Coimeclicut. 

The inhabitants of the three towns upon Connecticut 
river, finding themselves without the limits of the Massa- 
chusetts patent, conceived the plan of forming themselves, 
by voluntary compact, into a distinct commonwealth. 
Theorigi- On the 14th of January, 1639,| all the free planters 
nalconsti- Convened at Hartford, and, on mature deliberation, adopt- 
tutionof e(] a constitution of government. They introduce their 
Connecti- constitution, v>^ith a declaration to this effect, That for the 

cur, Jan. ii-ir-i i -i 

l-fth 1639. establishment of order and government, they associated, 

and conjoined themselves to be one public state or com- 
monwealth ; and did, for themselves and successors, and 
such as should be, at any time, joined to them, confederate 
together, to maintain the liberty and purity of the gospel, 
which they professed, and the discipline of the churches, 
according to its institution ; and in all civil affairs, to be 
governed according to such laws, as should be made agree- 
ably to the constitution, which they were then about to 

rai assem- The Constitution, which then follows, ordains. That 
blies annu- there shall be, annually, two general courts, or assemblies ; 

+ The tradition is, that he brought to New-Haven a very great estate, 
in plate and money. The East India company made his wife a present of 
a bason and ewer, double gilt, and curiously wrought with gold, weighing 
more than sixty pounds. 

If. This stands on the records of the colony, January 14th, 1638, which is 
owing to the manner of dating at that time. The first settlers of the col- 
ony, bepan their year on the 25th of March ; and until this time, they da- 
ted 1638 ; .but it was most evidently 1639, as the December preceding, 
was 1633, and the A-pril following, 1639. 



aljy 



Chap. VL CONNECTICUT. 101 

one on the second Thursday in April, and the other on the Book I. 
second Thursday in September : That the first, shall be v.^->/-n^ 
the court of election, in which shall be annually chosen, 1638. 
at least, six magistrates, and all other public officers. It How com- 
ordains, that a governor should be chosen, distinct from posed. 
the six magistrates, for one year, and until another should 
be chosen and sworn: and that the governor and magis- 
trates should be sworn to a faithful execution of the laws 
of the colony, and in cases in which there was no express 
law established, to be governed by the divine word. A- 
greeably to the constitution, the choice of these officers 
was to be made by the whole body of the freemen, conven- 
ed in general election. It provided, that all persons, who 
had been received as members of the several towns, by a Officers 
majority of the inhabitants, and had taken the oath of fidel- howcbo- 
ity to the commonwealth, should be admitted freemen of* "' 
the colony. It required, that the governor and magistrates 
should be elected by ballot ; the governor by the greatest 
number of votes, and the magistrates by a majorit}^ How- 
ever, it provided, that if it should so happen, at any time, 
that six should not have a majority, that in such case, those 
who had the greatest number of suffi-ages, should stand as 
duly elected for that year. No person might be governor, 
unless he were a member of some regular church, and had 
previously been a magistrate in the colony. Nor could 
any man be elected to the office, more than once in two 
years. No one could be chosen into the magistracy who 
was not a freeman of the colony, and had been nominated, 
either by the freemen, or the general court. The assem- 
bly were authorised to nominate, in cases in which they ^ 
judged it expedient.. Neither the governor, nor magis- jipj^jaaig 
trates, might execute any part of their office until they had trates to 
been publicly sworn, in the face of the General Assembly. ^^ swora. 

The constitution also ordained, that the several towns 
should send their respective deputies to the election : and Assemblies 
that when it was finished, they should proceed to do any ^^^ *;°"' 
public service, as at any other courts : and, that the as- 
sembly, in September, should be for the enacting of laws, 
nnd other public services. It authorised the governor, ei- 
ther by himself or his secretary, to issue his warrants for 
calling the assemblies, one month at least, before the time 
of their appointed meetings. Upon particular emergen- 
cies, he might convene them in seventeen days, or even up- 
on shorter notice, stating the reasons in his warrant. Up- 
on the reception of the governor's warrants, in April and 
September, the constables of the respective towns were 
obliged to warn all the freemen to elect and send tbeij^ 
deputies. « 



102 HISTORY OF Chap. VI. 

Book T. The corishLution ordciined, that the three towns of Wind- 
'^•^-N/--^^ sor, Hartford and Weathersfield, should each of them send 
1639. four deputies to every general court; and, that the other 
Number of. towns, which should be added to the colony in future, 
deputies to siif)yl(i send such a number as the court should determine, 
proportionate to the body of their freemen. The constitu- 
tion declared the deputies to be vested with the whole 
Powers of power of the respective towns which they represented. It 
tJie house authorised them to meet separately, and determine their 
ofrepre-^ own elections, to fine any person who should obtrude 
" himself upon them, when he had not been duly chosen, and 
to fine any of their members for disorderly conduct, when 
they were assembled. 
Constables Further, the constitution provided, that in case the gov- 
to convoke ^j.,jQ[. q^j dj^ major part of the magistrates should, upon 
tc^riJl'i^ anvurajent occasion, neglect or refuse to call an assembly, 
the ireemen should petition them to summon one ; and» 
if, upon the petition of a major part of the freemen in the 
colony, they still refused or neglected, then the constables 
of the several towns should, upon the ])etition of the major 
])ait of the freemen, convoke an assembly. It also or- 
dained, that when this assembly was convened, it should 
have power of choosing a moderator ; and when it was 
thus formed, should exercise all the powers of any other 
general assembly. Particularly it was authorised to cal[ 
any court, magistrate, or any other person before it, and to 
displace, or inflict penalties according to the nature of the 
offence. 

All general assemblies, called by the governor, were 
to consist of the governor, four magistrates, and the majof 
part of the deputies. When there was an equal vote, the 
governor had a casting voice. The constitution also pro- 
vided, that no general court should be adjourned or dissolv- 
ed, without the consent of a major part of the members : 
and that, whenever a tax v/as laid upon the inhabitants, 
the sum to be paid by each town should be determined 
by a committee, consisting of an equal number from each 
of the respective towns. 

The form of oaths to be administered to the governor and 
magistrates was also adopted in the general convention of 
the free planters. Thjs, for substance, was the original 
constitution of Connecticut.* 

With such wisdom did our venerable ancestors provide 
for the freedom and liberties of themselves and their pos- 
terity. Thus happily did they guard against every en- 
croachment on the rights of the subject, This, probably, 
* Appendis, No. III. 



Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. i03 

is one of the most free and happy constitutions of civil Book I. 
government which has ever been formed. The formation s-^-^v^-^^ 
of it, also early a period, when the light of liberty was 1639. 
wholly darkened in most parts of tiie earth, and the rights 
of men were so little understood in others, does great hon- 
or to their ability, integrity, and love to mankind. To 
posterity indeed, it exhibited a most benevolent regard. 
Jthas continued, with litde alteration, to the present time. 
The happy consequences of it, which, for more than a cen- 
tury and half, the people ofConnccticut have experienced, 
are withotit description. 

Agreeably to die constitution, the freemen convened at General 
Hartford, on the second Thursday in April, and elected tjiectjon at 
their officers for the year ensuing. ^i^^, seconfl 

John Haynes, Esq. was chosen governor, and Roger Thursday 
Ludlow, George Wyllys, Edward Hopkins, Thomas '"^ -^l""''- 
.Wells, John Webster and William Phelps, Esquires, were 
chosen magistrates. Mr. Ludlow, the first of the six mag- 
istrates, was deputy governor. Mr. Hopkins was chosen 
secretary, and Mr. Wells treasurer. 

The deputies sent to this first general assembly, in Con- 
necticut, were Mr. John Steele, Mr. Spencer, Mr. John 
Pratt, Mr. Edv/ard Stebbins, Mr. Gay lord, Mr. Henry 
Wolcott, Mr. Stoughton, Mr, Ford, Mr. Thurston Ravner, 
Mr. James Boosy, Mr. George Hubbard, and Mr. Rich- 
fird Crab. 

The general assembly proceeded as they had leisure, ^'^'"^f '^^3 
and as occasion required, to enact a system of laws. The ^„\^[^ ° 
laws at first were few, and time was taken to consider and 
digest them. The first statute in the Connecticut code is 
a kind of declaration, or bill of rights. It ordains, that no 
man's life shall be taken away ; no man's honor or good 
name be stained, no man's person shall be arrested, res- 
Irained, banished, dismembered, nor any wise punished: 
That no man shall be deprived of his wife or children ; no 
man's goods or estate shall be taken away from him, nor 
afiy wise endamaged, under colour of law, or countenance 
of authority, unless it should be by the virtue of some 
express law of the colony warranting the same, establish- 
ed by the general court, and sufficiently published ; or irt 
«ase of the defect of such law, in any particular case, by 
some clear and plain rule of the word of God, in which the 
whole court shall concur,! It was also ordained that all 
persons in the colony, whether inhabitants or not, should 
enjoy the same law and justice without partiality or delay. 1 
These general precepts bore the same aspect, and breath- 
t Old code of Couneclicul. 



104 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. VL 




Jtmo 4ffi, 
3639, tlie 
planters 
at Quinni- 
piack, as- 
semble to 
form a 
fonstitu- 
tiou. 



its fiiiuln- 
inental ar- 
ticles. 



ed the same spirit of liberty and safety, with respect to 
the subjects universally, which is exhibited in the consti- 
tution. 

The planters of Quinnipiack continued more than a 
year without any civil or religious constitution, or com- 
pact, further than had been expressed in their plantation 
covenant. 

Meanwhile, Mr. Henry Whitfield, William Leet, Esq. 
Samuel Desborough, Robert Kitchel, William Chittenden 
and others, who were part of Mr. Davenport's and Mr. 
Eaton's company, arrived to assist them in their new set- 
tlement. These were principally from Kent and Surry, 
in the vicinity of London. Mr. Whitfield's people, like 
Mr. Davenport's, followed him into New-England. There 
were now three ministers, with many of the members of 
their former churches and congregations, collected in this 
infant colony, and combined in the same general agree- 
ment. 

On the 4th of June, all the free planters at Quinnipiack 
convened in a large barn of Mr. Newman's, and, in a very 
formal and solemn manner, proceeded to lay the founda- 
tions of their civil and religious polity. 

Mr. Davenport introduced the business, by a sermon 
from the words of the royal preacher, " Wisdom hath 
builded her house, she hath hewn out her seven pillars." 
His design was to show, that the church, the house of God, 
should be formed of seven pillars, or principal brethren, 
to whom all the other members of the church should be 
added. After a solemn invocation of the Divine Majesty, 
he proceeded to represent to the planters, that they were 
met to consult respecting the setUement of civil govern- 
ment according to the will of God, and for the nominatioa 
of persons, who, by universal consent, were, in all res- 
pects the best qualified for the foundation work of a church. 
He enlarged on the great importance of the transactions 
before them, and desired, that no man would give his voice, 
in any matter, until he fully understood it ; and, that all 
would act, without respect to any man, but give their vote 
in the fear of God. He then proposed a number of ques- 
tions in consequence of which the following resolations 
Avere passed. 

I. That the scriptures hold forth a perfect rule for the 
direction and government of all men in all duties which 
they are to perform to God and men, as well in families 
and commonwealth, as in matters of tiie church. 

II. That as in matters which concerned the gathering 
and ordering of a chui'c-hj §o likewise in all public offices 



Chap. Vl. CONNECTICUT. lOt, 

which concern civil order, as the choice of magistrates and Book 1. 
officers, making and repealing laws, dividing allotments ofv.^-N^^^^ 
inheritance, and all things of like nature, they would all 1639. 
be governed by those rules, which the scriptui'e held forth 
to them. 

III. " That all those who had desired to be received as 
free planters, had settled in the plantation, with a purpose, 
Resolution and desire, that they might be admitted into 
church fellowship according to Christ." 

IV. " That all the free planters held themselves bound 
to establish such civil order as might best conduce to the 
securing of the purity and peace of the ordinance to them- 
selves and their posterity according to God." 

When these resolutions had been passed and the people 
had bound themselves to settle civil government according 
to the divine word, Mr. Davenport proceeded to represent 
unto them what men they must choose for civil rulers ac- 
cording to the divine word, and that they might most ef- 
fectually secure to them and their posterity a just, free and 
peaceable government. Time was then given to discuss 
and deliberate upon what he had proposed. After full dis- 
cussion and deliberation it was determined — 

V. " That church members only should be free burgess- 
es ; and that they only should choose magistrates among 
themselves, to have power of transacting all the public civ- 
il affairs of the plantation : Of making and repealing laws, 
dividing inheritances, deciding of differences that may 
arise, and doing all things and businesses of like nature." 

That civil officers might be chosen and government pro- 
ceed according to these resolutions, it was necessary that 
a church should be formed. Without this there could be- 
neither freemen nor magistrates. Mr. Davenport there- 
fore proceeded to make proposals relative to the forma- 
tion of it, in such a manner, that no blemish might be left 
on the "beginnings of church work." It was then re- 
solved to this effect, 

VI. " That twelve men should be chosen, that their fit- 
ness for the foundation Vork might be tried, and that iL 
should be in the power of those twelve men, to choose sev- 
en to begin the church." 

It was agreed that if seven men could not be found among 
the twelve qualified for the foundation work, that such other 
persons should be taken into the number, upon trial,* as 
should be judged most suitable.! The form of a solemn 

■* Appendix No. IV. 

t The twelve persons chosen for trial, out of whom the seven pillars of 
<\}e house wore cho«CD, were Theophilus Eaton, John Davenport, Robert 

o 



lOS HISTORY OF Chap. VI, 

Book I. charge, or oath, was drawn up and agi'eed upon at this meet* 
v-^-N/-*w/ ing to be given to all the freemen. 
1639. Further, it was ordered, that all persons, whoshould be 
received as free planters of that corporation, should sub- 
mit to the Anidamental agreement above related, and in 
testimony of their submission should subscribe their names 
August 2i. among the freemen.* After a proper term of iriai, Theo- 
philus Eaton, Esq. Mr. John Davenport, Robert Newman, 
Matthevv Gilbert, Thomas Fugill, John Punderson and 
Jeremiah Dixon, were chosen for the seven pillars of the 
church, 
General October 25th, 1639, the court, as it is termed, consist- 
t^eotion at |j^g ^f {{^ggg seven persons only, convened, and after a 
ack, Oct. solemn address to the Supreme Majesty, they proceeded 
25th, 1639. to form the body of freemen and to elect their civil officers^ 

The manner was indeed singular and curious. 
Mode of jp {}jg i^j-gt place, all former trust, for managing the pub- 
iti", ^*^ ' ^'^ affairs of the plantation, was declared to cease, and be 
utterly abrogated. Then all those v/ho had been admitted 
to the church after the gathering of it, in the choice of the 
seven pillars, and all the members of other approved 
churches, who desired it, and offered themselves, were ad- 
mitted members of the court. A solemn charge was then 
publicly given them, to the same effect as the freemen's 
charge, or oath, which they had previously adopted. The 
purport of this was nearly the same with the path of fideli- 
ty, and with the freemen's administered at the present 
time. Mr. Davenport expounded several scriptures to 
"(hem, describing the character of civil magistrates given 
in the sacred oracles. To this succeeded the election of 
officers. Theophilus Eaton, Esq. was chosen governor, 
Mr. Robei't Newman, Mr. Matthew Gilbert, Mr. Nathan- 
iel Turner, and Mr. Thomas Fugill, were chosen magis- 
trates. Mr. Fugill was also chosen secretary, and Robejt 
Seely, marshal. 
Charip to Mr. Davenport gave governor Eaton a charge in open 
Gov. £a- court, from Deut. i. 16, 17. " And I charged your judges 
*°'^' at that time, saying. Hear the causes between your breth- 

ren, and judge righteously between every man and his 
brother, and the stranger that is with him. Ye shall not 
respect persons in judgment, but ye shall hear the small as 
well as the great ; ye shall not be afraid of the face of man ; 
for the judgment is God's : and the cause that is too hard 
for you, bring it unto me, and I will hear it." 

iVewman, Mallhew Gilbert, Richard Malbon. Nathaniel Turner, Ezekiei 
CJiever>, Thomas Fugill, John Punderson, William Andrews and Jeremials 
J3iiwOn. 

* Sixfy-thtee subscribed on the 4th d»y of June. hnO thete were addc^. 
soua alter about Hiiij other oamcs. 



Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. 107 

It was decreed, by the freemen, that there should be a Book 1. 
general court annually, in the plantation, on the last week v-*^-n,^^/ 
in October. This was ordained a court of election in 1639, 
which all the officers of the colony were to be chosen. 
This court determined, that the word of God should be the 
only rule for ordering the affairs of government in that 
commonwealth. 

This was the original, fundamental constitution of the 
government of Nrw-Haven. All government was original- 
ly in the church, and the members of the church elected 
the governor, magistrates, and all other officers. The 
magistrates, at first, were no more than assistants of the 
governor, they might not act in any sentence or determi- 
nation of the coui't.* No deputy governor was chosen, 
nor were any laws enacted except the general resolutions 
which have been noticed r^ but as the plantation enlarged, 
and new towns were setded, new orders were given ; the 
general court received a new form, laws were enacted, and 
ihe civil polity of this jurisdiction gradually advanced, in 
its essential parts, to a near resemblance of the govern- 
ment of Connecticut. 

While these affairs were transacted at Quinnipiack, plan- Milford 
tations commenced at Wopowage and Menunkatuck. ^"^^ p^^'_' 
Wopowage was purchased February 12th, 1639, t and Me- chased aod 
nunkatuck the September following. Both were settled ^^^^'^'^* 
this year. The churches of Mr. Prudden and Mr. Whit- 
field were both formed upon the plan of Mr. Davenport's ; 
each consisting of seven principal men, or pillars. They 
appear to have been gathered at the same time. The plan- au"^. "SW, 
ters were in the original agreement made in Mr. Newman's 
barn, on the 4th of June. The principal men, or pillars in 
the town of Wopouage, were Mr. Peter Prudden, William 
Fowler, Edmund Tapp, Zechariah Whitman, Thomas 
Buckingham, Thomas Welch, and John Astvvood. The 
principal planters of Menunkatuck, were Henry Whitfield, 
Robert Kitchel, William Leet, Samuel Desborough, Will- 
iam Chittenden, John Bishop, and John Caffiuge. The 
lands inMilford and Guilford, as well as in New-Haven, 
were purchased by these principal men, in trust, for all the 
inhabitants of the respective towns. Every planter, after 
paying his proportionable part of the expenses, arising 
from laying out and settling the plantation, drew a lot or 
lots of land, in proportion to the money or estate which he 
had expended in the general purchase, and to the number 

* Record? of the colony of New-Haven. 

+ On the records it v.-as -1638, but kccordjog to the present mode cf 
dating 1639, 



103 HISTORY OF Chap. Vi, 

Book I. of heads in liis family. These principal men were judges 
v-*»^v->»^ in the respective towns, composing a court, to judge bc- 
1639, twecn man and man, divide iniieritances and punisi) of- 
fences according to the written word, until a body of laws 
should be established. 

Most of the principal settlers of Milford were from 
Weathersfield.* They first purchased of the Indians all 
that tract which lies between New-Haven and Stratford 
river, and between the sound on the south, and a stream 
called two mile brook on the north, which is the boundai^y 
line between Milford and Derby. This tract comprised 
all the lands within the old town of Milford, and a small 
part of the town of Woodbridge. The planters made 
other purchases which included a large tract on the west 
side of Stratford river, principally in the town of Hunting- 
ton. In the first town meeting in Milford, the number of 
free planters, or of church members, was forty four. 

The Indians v/ere so numerous in this plantation, that 
the English judged it necessary for their own safety, to 
compass the whole town plat, including nearly a mile 
square, with a fortification. It was so closely inclosed 
with strong pallisadoes, as entirely to exclude the Indians^ 
from that part of the town. 

The purchasers of Guilford agreed with the Indians, 
that they should move off from the lands, which they had 
purchased. According to agreement they soon all remov- 
ed from the plantation. 

The number of the first free planters appears to have 
been about forty. They were all husbandmen. There 
was not a merchant, nor scarcely a mechanic among them. 
it was at great expense and trouble that they obtained 
even a blacksmith to settle in the plantation. As they 
were from Surry and Kent, they took much pains to find a 
tract of land resembling that from which they had remov- 
ed. They therefore finally pitched upon Guilford, which, 
toward the sea, where they made the principal settlement, 
was low, moist, rich land, liberal indeed to the husband- 
man. Especially the great plain south of the town. This 
}iad been already cleared and enriched by the nativeso 
The vast quantities of shells and manure, which, in a 
course of ages, they had brought upon it from the sea, 
liad contributed much to the natural richness of the soil. 
There vrere also nearly adjoining to this, several necks, or 
points of land, near the sea, clear, rich and fertile, pre- 
pared for immediate improvement. These, with the in- 

* Mr. Prudden it ?eems preached at Weatbersfield, the summer before 
>tHe people removed to Mihord. 



Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. W-> 

dustry of the inhabitants, soon afforded them a comforta- J^^ok 1,, 
ble subsistence.* v.^-n^'-^w. 

At the same time when these settlements commenced, '639. 
two new ones were made under the jurisdiction of Con- 
necticut. 

Mr. Ludlow, who ^yent with the troops in pursuit of the J^""' '^", 

„ .-,',, • r-i • r 1 1 low and 

requols, to hasco,! the great swamp \n rairnelci, was so othprsset^ 
pleased with that fine tract of country, that he soon pro- tie Faii- 
jected the scheme of a settlement in that part of the colo- ''*''^- 
ny. This year, he, with a number of others, began a 
plantation at Unquowa, which was the Indian name of the 
town. At first'there were but about eight or ten families. 
These, probably, removed from Windsor, with Mr. Lud- 
low, who was the principal planter. Very soon after, 
■another company came from Watertown and united with 
Mr. Ludlow and the people from Windsor. A third com- 
pany removed into the plantation from Concord ; so that 
the inhabitants soon became numerous, and formed them- 
selves into a distinct township, under the jurisdiction of 
Connecticut. The first adventurers purchased a large 
tract of land of the natives, and soon after Connecticut ob- 
tained charter privileges, the general assembly gave them 
a patent. The township comprises the four parishes ol 
Fairfield, Green's farms, Greenfield and Reading; and 
part of the parish of Stratfield. The lands in this tract are 
excellent, and at an early period the town became weal- 
thy and respectable. 

Settlements commenced the same year at Cuphoag and ^^'^!*",, 
Pughquonnuck, since named Stratford. That part which giratford 
contains the town plat, and lies upon the river, was called or Cup- 
Cupheag, and the western part, bordering on Fairfield, ^^^^S- 
Pughquonnuck. It appears that settlements were made in 
both these places at the same time. Mr. Fairchild, who 
was a principal planter, and the first gentleman inihe town 
vested with civil authority, came directly from England. 
Mr. John and Mr. William Curtiss and Mr. Samuel Haw- 
ley were from Roxbury, and Mr. Joseph Judson and Mr. 
Timothy Wilcoxson from Concord, in Massachusetts. 
These w^ere the first principal gentlemen in the town and 
church of Stratford. A few years after the settlement com- 
menced, Mr. John Birdseye removed from Milford, and 
became a man of eminence both in the town and church- 
There were also several of the chief planters from Boston, 
and Mr. Samuel Wells, with his three sons, John, Thoma.-; 

* Manuscripts of Mr. Ru^gles. 

+ It has also been called t'equot swamp, on the account of tbe iaeiuora»' 
hlebattlo fought in tli's place with the Peqiidts. 



110 , HISTORY OF Chap. VL 

Book I. and Samuel, from Weatherslield. Mr. Adam Blackman, 
s^^-'y^^ who had been episcopally ordained in England, and a 
1639. preacher of some note, first at Leicester, and afterwards 
in Derbyshire, was tlieir minister, and one of the first plant- 
ers. It is said, that he was folioAved by a number of the 
faithful into this country, to whom he was so dear, that they 
said to him, in the language of Ruth, " Intreat us not to 
leave thee, for whither thou goest we will go ; thy people 
shall be our people, and thy God our God." These, doubt- 
less, collected about him in this infant setdement. 

The whole township was purchased of the natives ; bu?,. 
at first, Cupheag and Pughquonnuck only, where the sel- 
tiements began. The purchase was not completed until 
1672. There was a reservation of good lands at Pugh- 
quonnuck, Golden hill, and another place, called Coram, 
for the improvement of the Indians. 

The town is bounded upon the east by the Housatonick, 
or Stratford river ; on the south by the Sound ; by Fair- 
field on the west ; and Newtown on the north. It com- 
prises these four parishes, Stratford, Ripton, North-Strat- 
lord and New-Stratford, and a considerable part of Strat- 
field. The lands in this town, like those in Fairfield, are 
good, and its situation is exceedingly beautiful and agree-, 
able. 

While these plantations were fornnngin the south-west- 
rrn part of Connecticut, another commenced on the wesJ 
side of the mouth of Connecticut river. A fort had beea 
built here in 1635 and 1636, and preparations had been 
made for the reception of gentlemen of quality ; but the 
war with the Pequots, the uncultivated state of the countiy, 
and the low condition of the colony, prevented the coming 
of any principal character from England, to take posses- 
sion of a township, and make settlements in this tract. Un- 
til this lime, there had been only a garrison of about Iwea- 
ty men in the place. They had made some small improve- 
ment of the lands, and erected a few buildings in the vi- 
cinity of the fort ; but there had been no settlement of a 
plantation with civil priviliges. But about midsummer, 
Mr. George Fenwick, with his lady and family, arrived iu 
a ship of 250 tons. Another ship came in company with 
him. They were both ibr Quinnipiack. Mr. Fenwick 
and others, came over with a view to take possession of a 
large tract upon the river, in behalf of their lordships, the 
original patentees, and to plant a tov^n at the mouth of the 
river. A settlement was soon made, and named Saybrook, 
in honour to their lordships, Say and Seal and Brook. Mr. 
fenwick. Mi". TUojuas Peiers, who was the first ministei' 



Chap. VL CONNECTICUT. HI 

in the plantation, captain Gardiner, Thomas Lciringv.'ell, Book L 
'i'homa.s Tracy, and captain John Mason, were some of'^^^z-'^-' 
the principal planters* Indeed, the Huntingtons, Bald- 1G37. 
wins, Reynolds's, Backns's, Bliss's, Watermans, Hydes, 
Posts, Smiths, and almost all the names afterwards to be 
found at Norwich, were among the first inhabitants of Say- 
}»rook. The government of the town was entirely inde- 
pendent of Connecticut, for nearly ten years, until after 
the j)urchase made of Mr. Fenwick, in 1641. It was first 
taxed by the colony in the October session j 1645 ; and it 
appears by the tax imposed, that the proportion of the- 
towns of Hartford, Windsor, and Weathersfield, were to 
this, as six to one. The plantation did not increase to any 
considerable degree until about the year 1646, when Mr. 
James Fitch, a famous young gentleman, was ordained to 
the pastoral care of the church and congregation ; and a 
considerable number of families from Hartford and Wind- 
sor removed and made settlements in the town. Its origi- 
nal boundaries extended eastward five miles beyond the 
river, and from its mouth nqrthward six miles ; including 
a considerable part of the town of Lyme. Westward they 
extended to Hammonasset, the Indian nam.e of the tract 
comprised in the limits of Killingworth, and north eight 
miles from the sea. Mr. Fenwick and captain* Mason 
were magistrates, and had the principal government of the 
town. 

Great difficulties had arisen the last year, between the Troubles 
English at Pyquaug, now Weathersfield, and Sowheag ^i^d c^gelij 
his Indians, h was discovered, that some of the Indians with th« 
at Pyquaug, under Sowheag, had been aiding the Pequots Indians, 
in the destruction which they had made there the prece- 
ding year, and were instrumental of bringing them against, 
the town. Sowheag entertained the murderers, and treat- 
ed the people of Weathersfield with haughtiness and insult* 
The court at Connecticut, on hearing the difierences, de- 
termined, that, as the English at Weathersfield, had been . 
tiie aggressors, and gave the first provocation, the injuries 
which Sowheag had done should be forgiven, and that he 
should, on his good conduct for the future, be restored to 
their friendship. Mr. Stone and Mr. Goodwin were ap- 
pointed a committee to compromise all difierences with Court at 
him. However, as Sowheag could not, by any arguments, ^^"'"f*^^'" 
or fair means, he persuaded to give up the murderers, butg^j,' deteV- 
continued his outrages against the English, the court, this mines to 

dispatch 
* Though captain Mason was apnt ir>C(l mr^jor-^eneral of the militia of 100 men to 
fhe colony, yet he was always called captain, or major, upon the records I Mattabe- 
in conformity to wf>ich I have uniformly !;iTen him those U*ie-. seek. 



112 HISTORY OF Chap. VI, 

Book I. year, determined, that a hundred men should be sent dowH 
v^^-s/-.^/ to Mattabescck, to take the delinquents by force of arms. 
1639. The court ordered, that their friends at Quinnipiack shoukl 
be certified of this resolution, that they might adopt the 
measures necessary for the defence of the plantations. It 
was, also, determined to have their advice and consent iri 
an affair of such general concernment. 
Kew-Ha- Governor Eaton and his council fully approved of the 
veil Ob- design of bringing the delinquents to condign punishment ; 
jects, and ^yt they disapproved of the manner proposed by Coa- 
tlm^ti^e neclicut. They feared that it would be introductive to a 
design. new Indian war. This they represented would greatly 
endanger the new settlements, and be many ways injurious 
and distressing. They wanted peace, all their men and 
money, to prosecute the design of planting the country.. 
They rejiresentcd that a new war would not only injure the 
jilantations in these respects, but would prevent the com- 
ing over of new planters, whom they expected from Eng- 
land. They were, therefore, determinately against seek- 
ing redress by an armed force. Connecticut, through their 
influence, receded from the resolution which they had 
formed with respect to Sowheag and Mattabescck. 
texpedi- Nevertheless, as the Pequots had violated their cove- 
^'°". nant, and planted at Pawcauick, in the Pequot country, 

p|quo*s|^^ the court dispatclved major Mason, with forty men, to drive 
Septem- them olf, burn their wigwams, and bring away their corn.* 
ber. Uncas, with a hundred men and twenty canoes, assisted in 

the cnte^pri^e. When they arrived at Pawcatuck bay, 
maior Mason met with three of the Pequot Indians, and 
sent them to inform Uie others of the design of his coming, 
and what he should do, unless they would peaceably desert 
the place. They promised to give hifii an immediate an- 
swer, but never returned. 

The major sailed up a small river, landed, and beset the 
wrgwams so suddenly, that the Indians were unable to car- 
ry off either their corn or treasures. Some of the old men 
had not time to make their escape. As it was now Indiaa 
harvest, he found a great plenty of corn. 
Tntllan While Uncas's Indians were plundering the wigwams, 

:fig;Lui)j. about sixty others came rushing down a hill towards ihem. 
The Moheagans stood perfectly still, and spake not a word, 
until they came within about thirty yards of them; then, 
shouting and yelling", in their terrible manner, they ran to 
meet them, and fell upon them, striking with bows, and cut- 
ling with knives and liatchets, in their mode of fighting. 
Indr'ecl. il scarcely deserved the name of lighting. It, how- 
* Records oi' Connectictit. 



€iiAP. VI. CONNECTICUT. 113 

ever, afforded something new and amusing to the English, Book 1. 
as they vvei-e now spectators of an Indian battle. The ma- v^^w^ 
jor made a movement to cut off their retreat, which they 1639. 
perceived, and instantly fled. As it was not desired to kill, 
or irritate the India. is more than was absolutely necessary, 
the English made no fire upon them. Seven Indians were 
taken. They behaved so outrageously, that it was do- 
signed to take off their heads ; but one Otash, a Narragan- 
set sachem, brother to IMiantonimoh, pleaded that t'hey 
might be spared, because they were his brother's men, who 
was a friend to the English. He offered to deliver the 
heads of so many murderers in lieu of them. The English, 
considering that no blood i)ad been shed, and that the pro- 
posal tended both to mercy and peace, granted the request. 
The Indians were committed to the care of Uncas, until the 
conditions should be performed. 

The light of the next morning no sooner appeared, than 
the English discovered three hundred Indians in arms, on 
the opposite side of the creek in which fhcy lay. 

Upon this, the soldiers immediately stood to' their arras. 
The Indians were alarmed at the appearance of the Eng- 
lish ; some fled, and others secreted themselves behind 
rocks and trees, so that a man of them could not be seen. 
The English called to them, representing their desire of 
speaking with them. Numbers of them rose up, and major 
Mason acquainted them with the Pequots' breach of cove- 
nant with the English, as they were not to settle or plant 
in any part of their country. The Indians replied, that 
the Pequots were good men, and that they would fight for 
them, and protect them. Major Mason told them it was 
not far to the head of the creek ; that he would meet them 
there, and they might try what they could do at fighting. 
7'hc Indians replied, they would not fight with English- 
men, for they were spirits; but they would fight with Un- 
cas. The major assured them, that he should spend the 
day in burning wigwams, and carrying off the corn, and 
they might fight when they had an opportunity. The Eng- 
lish beat up their drum, and fired their wigwams, but they 
dared not to engage them. The English loaded their bark 
with Indian corn, and the Indians the twenty canoes in 
which they passed to Pawcatuck, and thirty more, which 
they took from the Indians there, with kettles, trays, mats, 
and other Indian luggage, and returned in safety.* 

During these transactions in Connecticut, the Dutch, at Apprfhsn- 
New-Netherlands, were increasing in numbers and strength, ^i'^ns from 
A new governor, William Kieft, a man of ability and en- *''^ Dutch. 
* Mason's History. 
P 



114 HISTORY 01^ Chap. VT. 

Book I. terprise, bad arrived at their scat of government. Kieft 
N.,^-v^^ had prohibited the English trade at the fort of Good Hope, 
1639, in Hartford, and jirotcsted against the setdemcnt at Quin- 
nipiack.'^ These circumstances gave some alarm to the' 
English in Connecticut. The court. at Hartford apj^ointed 
a committee to go down to the moutli of the river, to con- 
snk with Mv. Fenwick, relative to a general confederation 
of the colonies, for mutual offence and defence. The de- 
puty-governor, Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Thomas AVells, and Mr. 
Aug. latli, ilookei-, went u})On this business. They were, also, in- 
structed to confer with Mr. Fen\fick, relative to the patent. 
AUempis j'jjg coupu approved of the conduct ofthc committee, and, 
P^l y„^jj_ ' with respect to the article of confederation, declared its 
Avillrtigness toenler into a mutual agreement of offence and 
defence, and of all offices of love between the colonies. 
Ml'. Feriwick was in favour of an union of the New-Eng- 
land colonics. With resj^ect to the patent of the river, it 
was agreed, that the affair should rest, until the mir.ds of 
the noblemen and gentlemen particularly interested, could 
Le more fully known. 

Governor Haynes and i\Ir. W^ells were appointed to re- 
pair to Pughquonnuck, and administer the oath of fidelity 
to the inhabitants ; to admit such of them as were qualified 
to the privileges of freemen ; and to appoint olllcers for the 
town, both civil and military. They were, also, authorised 
to invite the freemen to send their deputies to the general 
fourts at Hartford. t 
Oct. lOM', At an adjourned General Assembly, the court incorpo- 
towns in- i-nted the several towns in the colonies, vesting them with 
tedr"^^" ^'^'^ powers to transact their own affairs. It was enacted, 
that they should have power to choose, from among them- 
Town selves, three, five, or seven of their principal men, to be a 
giituied"* courl: for each town. One of the three, five, or seven, was 
to be chosen moderator. The major part of them, alwaj's 
including him, constituted a quorum. A casting voice was 
allowed him, in cases in which there was an equal division. 
Me, or any two of the court, were authorised to summon 
the parties to appear at the time and place appointed, and 
might grant execution against the party offending. They 
were authorised to determine all matters of trespass or debt, 
not exceeding forty shillings. An appeal might be made 
from this court, at any time before execution was given 
out. This court was appointed to sit once in two months. 
* Smith's Hist. N. York, p. 3. 

t It was not uiiui-ual for tlie Generat Assembly to fine its members. Mr. 
Ludlow, ttie deputy-govfiTKir, was fiiied (or absence, and for his conduct at 
rus;bquonnuck. It wus, probably, on the account of the displeasure of the 
cuurt towards him, that tiiis conimittt;e were appointed. 



Chvp. Vf. CONNECTICUT. 115 

It was ordained, that every town should keep a public Book I. 
ledger, in which every man's house and lands, with the v-*r--,/->^ 
boundaries and (luaniity, aeeording to the nearest estinia- 1639, 
tion, siiould lie recorded. All lands also granted and mea- 
sured to any ina.ti aitei'wards, and all bargains atid mort- 
gages of lands were to be put on record. Until this was 
clone, they were to be of no validity. The towns were, 
also, empowered to dispose of their own lands. This was 
the origin of the privileges of particular towns in Con- 
necticut. 

Besides the court in each town, there vras the court of 
magistrates, termed the pailicular court. This held a ses- 
sion once in three months. To this lay all appeals from 
the other courts. In this were tried all criminal causes 
3nd actions of debt, exceeding forty shillings, and all titles 
of land. Indeed, this court possessed all the authority, 
;ind did all the business now possessed and done by the 
county and superior courts. For a considerable time, they 
were vested with such discretionary powers, as none of tlte 
courts at this day would venture to exercise. 

Nepaupuck, a famous Pequot captain, who had frequent- 
ly stained his hands in English blood, was condemned by 
the General Court at Quiimipiack, for murder. It a[)pear- Oct. 30th, 
od, that in the year 1637, he killed John Finch, of Weath- 
crsfield, and captivated one of Mr. Swain's daughters. He 
iiad also assisted in killing the three men, who were going 
down Connecticut river in a shallop. His head was cut 
off, and set upon a pole in the market place. 

It will, doubtless, hardly be granted, in this enlightened 
age, that the suV)jects of princes, killing men by their ordeivs, 
in v.'ar, ought to be treated as murderers. Though the 
first planters of New-Englao-d and Connecticut were men 
of eminent piety and strict morals, yet, like other good 
men, they were subject to misconception and the iniluence 
of passion. Their beheading sachems, whom they took in 
war, killing the male captives, and enslaving the women 
and children of the Petiuots, after it was finished, was treat- 
ing them with a severity, which, on the benevolent princi- 
ples of Christianity, it will be difficult ever to justify. The 
executing of all those as murderers, who were active iu 
killing any of the English people, and obliging all the In- 
dian nations to bring in such )}crsons, or their head.-.-., was 
an act of severity unpractised, at this day, by civilized and 
christian nations. The decapitation of their enen)ies, and 
the setting of their heads upon poles, was a kind of barba- 
rous triumph, too nearly symboliTiing with the examples ot 
uucivilized and pagan nations. The further we itre romo- 



U(i ' HISTORY OF CHAr. Vll. 

Book I. ved from every resemblance of these, and ihc more deeply 

•--^-N/^x^ wc imbibe those divine precepts, " Love your enemies : 

1640. Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye 

even so to them," — the greater v.ill be our dignity and 

happiness. 



CHAPTER \TI. 

The proi^ress of purchase^ settlement, and Icnv, in the colo- 
jiies of Connecticut find Mtio-tlaven, The ejj'cct of the 
conquest of the Pequots on the natives, and the manner in 
which they roere treated. Purchases of them, Torons set- 
tled. Divisions at Weatherfeld occasion the settlement of 
Stamford. Troubles with the Dutch and. Indians. Capi- 
tal lazus of Connecticut. The confederation of the United 
Colonies. F^trther troubles with the Indians. Victory of 
Uncas over the Karragansets, and capture of their sachem. 
The advice of the commissioners respecting Miantonimoh. 
His execution. Precautions of the colonies to prevent roar. 
The Dutch, harassed by an Indian rear, apply to New- 
Haven for assistance. 

LTHOUGH the conquest of the Pequots extended the 
claim of Connecticut to a great proportion of the lands 
in the settled part of the colony, yet, to remove all grounds 
of complaint or uneasiness, the English planters made fair 
purchases of almost the whole tract of country within the 
settled part of Connecticut. 
Claims of After the conquest of the Pequots, in consequence of the 
dians"'and ^"^^^'"^ot made with Uncas, in 1638, and the gift of a hun- 
the man- ^l^'ed Pequots to him, he became important. A considerable 
!ier in number of Indians collected to him, so that he became one 
which the j^f fj^^ principal sachems in Connecticut, and even in New- 
English T' I 1 i . • I 11 • ,• 

treated iiingland. At some times he was able to raise lour or five 
them. hundred warriors. As the Pequots were now conquered, 
and as he assisted in the conquest, and was a Pequot him- 
self, he laid claim to all that extensive tract called the Mo- 
heagan or Pequot country. Indeec^, it seems he claimed, 
and was allowed to sell some part of that tract which was 
the principal seat of the Pequots. The sachems in other 
parts of Connecticut, who had been conquered by the Pe- 
quots, and made their allies, or tributaries, considered 
themselves, by ihe conquest of this haughty nation, as re- 



Chap. VII. CONiNFXTlCUT. 117 

stored to their former rights. They claimed to be inde- Book I. 
jiendent sovereigns, and to have a title to all the lands v--^-~v^n-' 
which they had at any time before possessed. The plan- 1640. 
lers therefore, to show their justice to the heathen, and to 
maintain the peace of the country, from time to time, pur- 
chased of the respective sachems and their Indians, all the 
lands which they settled, excepting the towns of New-Lon- 
don, Groton and Stonington, w^hich were considered as 
the peculiar seat of the Pequot nation. The inhabitants of 
Windsor, Hartford, and Weathersfield, either at the time 
of their settlement, or soon after, bought all those exten- 
sive tracts, which they settled, of the native, original pro- 
prietors of the country. Indeed, Connecticut planters 
generally made repeated purchases of their lands. The 
colony not only bought the Moheagan country of Uncas, 
but afterwards all the particular towns were purchased 
again, either of him or his successors, when the settle- 
ments in them commenced. Besides, the colony was often 
obliged to renew its leagues with Uncas and his successors, 
the Moheagan sachems ; and to make new presents and 
take new deeds, to keep friendship with the Indians and 
preserve the peace of the country. The colony was obli- 
ged to defend Uncas from his enemies, which was an oc- 
casion of no small trouble and expense. The laws obliged 
the inhabitants of the several towns to reserve unto the na- 
tives a sufficient quantity of planting ground. They were 
allowed to hunt and fish upon all the lands no less than the 
English. 

The colonies made laws for their protection from insult, 
fraud and violence.* The inhabitants suffered them to 
erect wigwams, and to live on the very lands which they 
had purchased of them ; and to cut their fire wood on their 
uninclosed lands, for more than a whole century, after the 
settlements began. The lands, therefore, though really 
wpi'ih nothing at that time, cost the planters very consid- 
erable sums, besides the purchase of their patents and the 
right of jire-emption. 

In purchasing the lands and making settlements, in a 
wilderness, the first planters of Connecticut expended 
great estates. It has been the opinion of the best judges, 
who have had the most perfect acquaintance with the an- 
cient affairs of the colony, that many of the adventurers 
expended more, in making settlements in Connecticut, than 
all the lands and buildings were worth, after all the im- 
provements which they had made upon them.t 

* These facts are fully ascertained by the records of the colonies, and of 
the respective towns. 
t This wus the scBeral opinion among men of extensive knowledge^ in 



118 HISTORY OF Chap. VIL 

Book 1. At the general election in ConnecticTil, this year, Mr. 
N^^-v-v^ Hopkins was chosen governor, and Mr. Haynes deputy 
1640. governor. Mr. Ludlow was chosen magistrate in the 
Election at place of Mr. Hopkins. The other magistrates were thc 
llartf'ord, game who were elected the last year. The same govern- 
or, deputy governor and magistrates, who were in office, at 
New-Haven, the last year, were re-elected for this. 

As the colonists, both in Connecticut and New-Haven, 
xvere the patentees of Lord Say and Seal, Lord Brook and 
the other gentlemen interested in the old Connecticut pa- 
tent, and as that patent covered a large tract of country, 
both colonies were desirous of securing the native title to 
the lands, with all convenient dispatch. Several large 
purchases were made tliis year both by Connecticut and 
New-Haven. 

Connecticut made presents to Uncas, the Moheagan sa- 
chem, to his satisfaction, and on the 1st of September 1640, 
obtained of him a clear and ample deed of all his lands 
in Connecticut, except the lands which were then planted, 
These he reserved for himself and the Moheagans. 

The same year, governor Haynes, in behalf of Hart- 
ford, made a purchase of Tunxis, including the towns of 
Farmington and Southington, and extending westward as 
far as the Mohawk country. 

The people of Connecticut, about the same time, pur- 
chased AVaranoke and soon began a plantation there, since 
called Westfield. Governor Hopkins erected a ti'ading 
house and had a considerable intertest in the plantation. 

Mr. Ludlow made a purchase of the eastern part of Nor- 
walk, between Saugatuck and Norwalk rivers. Captain 
Patrick bought the middle part of the town. A few fami- 
lies seem to have planted themselves in the town about the 
time of these purchases, but it was not properly settled un- 
til about the year 1651. The planters then made a pur- 
chase of the western part of the town.* 

About the same time Robert Feaks and Daniel Patrick 
bought Greenwich. The purchase was made in behalf of 
New-Haven, but through the intrigue of the Dutch gov- 
ernor, and the treachery of the purchasers, the first in- 
habitants revolted to the Dutch. They were incorporated 
and vested with town privileges by Peter Stuyvesant, gov- 

Massachusetts, as well as in Connecticut. Governor Hutcliinson, in a 
manuscript which he wrote asjainst the stamp act, observed, that land ia 
New-England, at the time of its settlement, was of no value. 

* The first purchases were of the sachem, Mamechimoh. Mr. LudIovv"'s 
deed bears date Feb. 2Gth, 1G40, and Capt. Patrick's April 20th, 1640, 
The western purchase was of a sachem called Buckingheage. It heace 
appears that there were two sachems in' this towu. 



Chap. VIL CONNECTICUT. 119 

crnor of New-Netherlands. The inhabitants were driven Book I. 
ofl'by the Indians, in their war with the Dutch; and made v^^^v*^-* 
no great progress in the settlement until after Connecticut 1G40. 
obtained the charter, and they were taken under the juris- 
diction of this colony. 

Captain Howe and other Englishmen, in behalf of Con- 
necticut, purchased a large tract of the Indians, the origin- 
al proprietors, on Long-Island. This tract extended from 
the eastern part of Oyster bay to the western part of Howe's 
or Holmes's bay to the middle of the great plain. It lay 
on the northern part of the island and extended southward 
about half its breadth. Settlements were immediately be- 
gun upon the lands ; and by the year 1642, had made con- 
siderable advancement. 

New-Haven made a purchase of all the lands at Rippo- Purchases^ 
wams. This purchase was made of Ponus and Toquam- °^^^^'° 
ske, the two sachems of that tract, which contained the '^^^"° 
w hole town of Stamford. A reservation of planting ground 
was made for the Indians.! 

Another large purchase, sufficient for a number of plan- 
tations, was made by captain Turner, agent for New-Ha- 
ven, on both sides of Delaware bay or river. This pur- 
chase was made with a view to trade, and for the settle- 
ment of churches in gospel order and purity. The colony 
of New-Haven erected trading houses upon the lands, and 
sent nearly fifty families to make settlements upon them. 
The settlements were made under the jurisdiction of New- 
Haven, and in close combination with that colony in al! 
their fundamental articles. 

It also appears, that New-Haven, or their confederates, 
purchased and settled Yennycock, Southhold, on Long- 
Island. Mr. John Youngs, who had been a minister at 
Hingham in England, came over, with a considerable part 
of his church, and here fixed his residence. He gather- 
ed his church anew, on the 21st of October, and the plan- 
ters united themselves with New-Haven. However, they 
soon departed from the rule of appointing none to office, or 
of admitting none to be freemen, but members of the 
church. New-FIaven insisted on this as a fundamental ar- 
ticle of their constitution. They were, therefoi'e, for a 
number of years, obliged to conform to this lawof the ju- 
risdiction. Some of the principal men were the Reverend 
Mr. Youngs, Mr. William Wells, Mr. Barnabas Horton, 
Thomas Mapes^'John Tuthill and Matthias Corwin. 

Laws were enacted, both by Connecticut and New-IIa- 

+ The purchase was made by captain Nathaniel Turner, agent for New- 
Haveu. U cosi abuut thirty pound* sterling. 



130 



HISTORY OF 



Ghap. Vlf. 



Book I. 




Genera! 
fclection at 
Hartford, 
April 6, 
1641. 

Divisions 
at Weath- 



ven, prohibiting all purchases of the Indians, by private 
persons, or companies, without the consent of their res- 
pective general courts. These were to authorize and di- 
rect the manner of every purchase. 

The general court, at New-Haven, this year, made a 
grant of Totoket to Mr. Samuel Eaton, brother of govern- 
or Eaton, upon condition of his procuring a number of his 
friends, from England, to make a settlement in that tract of 
country. 

At this coiirt it was decreed, that the plantation at Quin- 
nipiack should be called New-Haven. 

At the general election, this year, at Hartford, John 
Haynes, Esq. was chosen governor, and George Wyllys, 
Esq. deputy governor. Mr. Hopkins was chosen magiis- 
trate, and the other principal officers were re-elected. 

The brethren of the church at Weathersfield removed 
without their pastor, the Rev. Mr. Phillips; and, having 
no settled minister at first, fell into unhappy contentions and 
animoF^ties. These continued for a number of years, and 
divided the inhabitants of the town, as well as the brethren 
of the church. They were the means of scattering the in- 
habitants, and of the formation of new settlements and 
churches in other places. Great pains were taken, by the 
ministers on the river, to compose the differences and unite 
the church and town ; but they were unable to effect an 
union. Mr. Davenport and some of the brethren of the 
church at New-Haven were sent for, to advise and attempt 
a reconciliation. Mr. Davenport and his brethren gave 
advice somewhat different from that which had been given 
by the ministers and churches on the river; and, it seems, 
suggested the expediency of one of the parties removing 
and making a new settlement, if they could not by any 
means be united among themselves. Some were pleased 
wilh the advice, others disliked it, and the parties could 
not agree which of them should remove. The church, 
which consisted of seven members only, was divided three 
against four. The three claimed to be the church, and 
therefore pleaded, that they ought not to remove. The 
four, as they were the majority, insisted that it was their 
right to stay. 

The church at Watertown, as they had not dismissed 
ilicir brethren, at Weathersfield, from their watch, judged 
it their duty to make them a visit, and to attempt to heal 
file divisions which had sprung up among them. For this 
benevolent purpose, several of the brethren made a jour- 
ney to Connecticut ; but they succeeded no better in their 
endeavours, than those who had been before them. It 



Chap. VII. CONNECTICUT. 121 

now appeared to be the opinion, that it was expedient for Book I. 
one of the parties to remove, but it could not be agreed v-^-n^--^^ 
which of them should be obliged again to make a new set- 1641. 
tlement. At length a number of principal men, who were 
the most pleased with the advice of Mr. Davenport and , 

the New-Haven brethren, and to whom the government of 
that colony was most agreeable, determined to remove, 
and settle in combination with New-Haven. 

Therefore, on the 30th of October, 1640, Mr. Andrew 
Ward and Mr. Robert Coe of Weathersfield, in behalf of 
themselves and about twenty other planters, purchased 
Rippowams of New-Haven. The whole number obliged 
themselves to remove, with their families, the next yeai*,- 
before the last of November. This spring the settlement 
commenced. The principal planters were the Rev. Mr. 
Richard Denton, Mr. Matthew Mitchel, Mr. Thurston 
Rayner, Mr. Andrew Ward, Mr. Robert Coe, and Mr. 
Richard Gildersleve. Mr. Denton was among the first 
planters of the town, and continued their minister about 
three or four years. After that time he removed with part 
of his church and congregation to Hempsted. They set- 
tled that town about the year 1643 or 1644. 

At the general election, this year, in New-Haven, Theo- Election a<: 
philus Eaton, Esq. was chosen governor, and Mr. Stephen New-Ha^ 
Goodyear, deputy governor. The magistrates were Mr. 27"i64i" 
Gregson, Mr. Robert Newman, Mr. Matthew Gilbert and ' 
Mr. Wakeman. Thomas Fugill was appointed secretary, 
and Mr. Gregson treasurer. 

Upon the general election, this year, at Hartford, there 1642. 
was a considerable change, with respect to civil officers, f^'ectionai 
George Wyllys, Esq. was elected governor, and Roger 
Ludlow, Esq. deputy governor. Eight magistrates were 
chosen for Connecticut. This is the first instance of more 
than six. The magistrates were John Haynes, Esq. Mr. 
Phelps, Mr. Webster, captain Mason, Mr. Wells, Mr. 
Whiting, Edward Hopkins, Esq. and Mr. William Hop- 
kins. 

The Indians were exceedingly troublesome this year. Tlie In- 
It was suspected, that they were forming a combination dians arc, 
for a general war. All trading with them, in arms or any gome. ~ 
instruments of iron, was expressly prohibited, both by 
Connecticut and New-Haven. Each colony concerted all 
measures of defence. A constant watch was kept in all the 
plantations. Upon the sabbath a strong guard was set at 
the places of public worship. 

At this court, the magistrates were desired to write to Damages 
.the Dutch, and, as far as possible, to prevent thei^r vend- j^.j^Z, 

Q 



122 HISTORY OF Chap. VIL 

Book I. ing arms and ammunition to the natives, and to settle all 

v.>^>^-,»^ disputes between tiieni and the colony with respect to 

1G42. f'laims. But notwithstanding all their endeavours, the 

Dutch behaved with great insolence, and did much dam- 

age to both the English colonies. 

The Dutch, at Hartford, gave entertainment to fugitives 
from the English ; helped them when confined to file ofl 
their irons ; and persuaded servants to run from their mas- 
ters and then gave them entertainment. They purchased 
goods which had been stolen from the English, and would 
r)t)t return them. They also assisted criminals in breaking 
gaol. 

Besides these misdemeanors, at Hartford, the Dutch 
governor, William Kieft, caused the English settlements on 
Long-Island, which had now advanced, on the lands pur" 
chased by captain Howe, as far as Oyster bay, to be bro- 
ken up. Some of the English planters were forcibly seiz- 
ed atid imprisoned, and others driven from iheir settle- 
ments. These were injuries done to Connecticut. 

To the colony of New-Haven the Dutch were still mon; 
hostile and injurious. Notwithstanding the fair purchases 
which that colony had made, by their agents at Delaware. 
governor Kieft, without any legal protest or warning, dis- 
patched an armed force, and with great hostility, burned 
the English trading houses, violently seized and foratime 
detained their goods, and would not give them time to 
take an inventory of them. The Dutch also took the 
company's boat, and a number of the English planters, 
and kept them as prisoners. The damages done the Eng- 
lish at Delaware, were estimated at a thousand pounds 
s'lerling.* 

The same year the Swedish governor and Dutch agenf 
uniting in a crafty design against Mr. Lamberton, a prin- 
cipal gentleman of New-Haven, made an injurious attempt: 
upon his life. They accused him of having joined in a 
plot with the Indians to cut oft" the Swedes and Dutch. 
They attempted, by giving his men strong drink, and by 
ihrealcnings and allurements, to influence them to bear 
testimony against him. They proceeded so far as to im- 
prison and try him for treason. When, notwithstanding 
these unfair means, and that they were both his accusers 
and judges, they could not find any evidence against him, 
(hey arbitrarily imposed a fine upon him, for trading at 
Delaware, though within the limits of the purchase andju-. 
risdiction of New-Haven. 

At atiother time, when Mr. Lamberton was occasional- 

* Records of the united colonies, aod Smith's history of New- York, p. 4. 



Chap. VII. CONNECTICUT. 123 

iy at Manhatoes, in the capacity of an agent for New-Ha- Book I. 
ven, the Dutch governor. Kieft, by force and thrcatenings, ^.^-v-x.^ 
compelled him to give an account of all his beaver, within 1G12,, 
the limits of New-Haven, at Delaware, and to pay an im- 
post upon the whole. The Dutch did other damages, and 
insulted the English in various other instances. Both 
Connecticut and New-Haven, from year to year, com- 
plained and remonstrated against them, but could obtain 
no redress. 

While the colonies were increasing in numbers and set- 
tlements, progress in law and jurisprudence, in the regular 
establishment of courts and the times of their sessions, was 
also necessary, for the advancement, order and happiness 
of the respective jurisdictions. 

This, so far as the numerous affairs of the colonies would 
permit, was an object of special attention. The capital 
laws of Connecticut were, this year, nearly completed, 
and put upon record. The several passages of scripture 
on which they were founded were particularly noticed in 
the statute. They were twelve in number, and to the fol- 
lowing effect. 

If any man or woman shall llive or worship any God, Capital 
but the true God, he shall be put to death. Deut. xiii. 6. 'awsof 
xvii. 21, Exodus xxii. 2. S"Tl*i'!' 

If any person in this colony shall blaspheme the name of 2, 1642. 
God the Father, Son or Holy Ghost, with direct, express, 
presumptuous or high-handed blasphemy, or shall curse in 
like manner, he shall be put to death. Levit. xxiv. 15, IG. 

If any man or woman be a witch, that is, hath or cor;- 
sulteth with a familiar spirit, they shall be put to death. 
Exodus xxii. 18. Levit. xx. 22. Deut. xviii. 10, 11. 

If any person shall commit wilful murder, upon malice, 
hatred or cruelty, not in a man's own defence, nor by cas- 
ualty against his will, he shall be put to death. Exodus 
xxi. 12, 13, 14. Numb. xxxv. 30, 31. 

If any person shall slay another through guile, either bv 
poisoning, or other such devilish practices, ho shall be pul; 
to death. Exodus xxi. 14. 

If any man or woman shall lie with any beast or brut*' 
creature, by carnal copulation, they shall surely be put to 
death, and the beast shall be slain and buried. Leviticus 
XX. 15, 16. 

If any man lieth with mankind, as he lielh with a wo- 
man, both of them h?ve committed abomination ; they both 
shall surely be pui f. death, except it appear that one of 
the parties was forced, or under fifteen years of age. Levil, 
:?ix. 13. 



124 HISTORY OF Chap. VIL 

Book I. If any man lie with his mother, or father's wife, or wife's 
'v-^-v^N^/ mother, his daughter, or daughter in law, having carnal 
1642. copulation with them, both of them have committed abomi- 
nation ; they shall be put to death, except it appear, that 
the woman was forced, or under fourteen ye^rs of age. 
Levit. XX. 11, 12, 14, and xviii. 7, 8. 

If any man shall forcibly ravish any maid, or woman, by 
carnal copulation, against her consent, he shall be put to 
death, provided prosecution and complaint be made forth- 
with upon the rape. Deut. xxii. 25. 

If any man steal a man, or mankind, and selleth him, or 
he be found in his hand, he shall be put to death. Exodus 
xxi. 16. 

If any person rise up by false witness, wittingly, and of 
purpose, to take away man's life, he or she shall be put to 
death. Deut. xix. 16, 18, 19. 

It was also enacted, that if any person should conspire 
against the commonwealth, attempt an insurrection, inva- 
sion, or rebellion against it, he should be put to death. 

Wilful arson, the cursing and smiting of father or moth- 
er, and notorious stubbornness in children, after a certain 
age, were, soon after, nrade capital offences, by the laws of 
the colony, and added to the list of the capital laws.* 

Before this time, unchastity between single persons, and 
wanton behaviour, had been punished with whipping at the 
tail of the cart, by fining, or obliging the delinquents to 
marry, at the discretion of the particular courts. 

The general court approved of what the particular 
courts had done, in these cases, and authorised them, in fu- 
ture, to punish such delinquents by fines, by committing 
them to the house of correction, or by corporal punish- 
ment, at the discretion of the court. 

As some loose persons deserted the English settlements, 
and lived in a profane, heathenish manner, a law was en- 
acted, that all persons who should be convicted of this 
crime, should be punished with three years imprisonment, 
at least, in the house of correction, with fine, or corporal 
punishment, as the particular court should direct. t 
General At a general court in New-Haven, April 5, 1643, con- 

coTiit o.t siderable progress was made in the laws and government 
en, April o^ that colony. Deputies were admitted to the court, and 
U; 1G43. an addition was made to the number of magistrates. Stam- 
ford, for the first time, sent captain John Underbill, and 
Mr. Richard Gildcrslcve, to represent the town. Mr. 

* Records of Connecticut, and the old Connecticut code. 
+ Records of Connecticut. When the Connecticut laws were printed, 
in 1G72, this law was altered, and the term reduced from Ihrecj to one 

year's imprisonment. 



Chap. VII. CONNECTICUT. 125 

Mitchel and Mr. Rayner were nominated for magistrates Book I. 
in Stamford. Mr. Rayner was appouited by tlic court. ^-^~--^~^-<' 
Captain Underhill, Mr. Mitchel, Mr. Andrew Ward, and 1643^ 
Mr. Robert Coe were appointed assistant judges to Mr. 
Rayner. This court was vested with the same powers as 
the court at New-Haven, and was the first instituted in 
Stamford. Mr. William Leet and Mr. Deshorough were 
admitted magistrates for Menunkatuck, and that plantation 
was named Guilford. 

This year John Haynes, Esq. was elected governor, and General 
Mr. Hopkins deputy governor. Mr. Wolcott and Mr. Hl*rtford^ 
Swain were chosen magistrates ; and Mr. Phelps and Mr. April 13, 
William Hopkins were not elected.* Mr. Whiting was 1643. 
chosen treasurer and Mr. Wells secretary. It appears to 
have been-customary, for a number of years, to choose the 
secretary and treasurer among the magistrates. 

Juries appear to have attended the particular courts, in An act res- 
Connecticut, from their first institution. They seem to ["^^ '"^ •' '^'^ 
have been regularly enrolled about the year 1641, or 1642. 
But the particular courts found great difficulties with res- 
pect to their proceedings. There were no printed laws 
for the inhabitants to study, and many of the common peo- 
ple had attended very little to law and evidence. The ju- 
Xy therefore, very often, would be so divided, that they 
could not agree upon any verdict ; and when they were 
agreed, it did not always appear to the court that they 
brought in a just one. A pretty extraordinary law there- 
fore passed this court, regulating the juries. The court 
decreed, that the jury should attend diligently to the case, 
and to the evidence, and if they could not all agree in a 
verdict, they should offer their reasons upon the case to 
the court, and the court should answer them, and send out 
the jury again. If, after deliberating upon the case, they 
could not bring in a joint verdict, it was decreed, that ir. 
should be determined by a major vote ; and that this should, 
to all intents and purposes, be deemed a full and sufficient 
verdict; upon which judgment should be entered, and exe- 
cution, and all other proceedings should be as though there 
had been a joint verdict of the jury. It was also provided, 
that if the jury should be equally divided, six and six, they 
should represent the case to the court, with their reasons, 
and a special verdict should be drawn, and a major vote of 
the court, or magistrates, should determine the cause, and 

* Mr. Phelps, I suppose, was now dead, as he appears no more upon 
the records. He was one of the principal planters of Windsor, and chosr 
en in<o the magistracy from the first settlement of Connecticut. lie ap? 
pears to huve beeu the ancestor of tjie Phelpses in this state. 



12G HISTORY OF Chap. ML 

Book I. all matters respecting it should be as though there had 
v.-^'-v-^^ been a joint verdict of the jury.* 

1643. At this court, it was ordained, that a grand jury of 
Grand ju- twelve men should attend the particular courts, annually, 
ry to at- j|j^ jyjgy j^j^j September, and as often as the governor and 
courts^ court should judge expedient. It was also ejiacted, that 

the grand jury should be warned to give their attendance. 

This is the first notice of a grand jury, at an}'^ court. 
Proposals A general confederation of the New-England colonies, 
for a geue- had been proposed, and in agitation for several years. In 
ral union 1638, articles of union, for amity, offence and defence, mu- 

of the N. ^ , 1 . 1 . , II 

England t"'^' advice and assistance, upon all necessary occasions, 
^olouies. were drawn, and for further consideration, referred to 1 639. 
Connecticut and Mr. Fenwick agreed to confederate for 
these purposes. From this time, Connecticut had annual- 
ly appointed some of her principal men, to go into the 
Massachusetts, to complete the designed confederacy. 
Governor Haynes and Mr. Hooker, in 1639, were nearly 
a month in Massachusetts, laboring to carry it into effect. 
New-Haven paid equal attention to an affair so important 
to the colonies. The circumstances of the English na- 
Reasons ^'*^"' ^"^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ colonies in New-England, at this 
for the un- time, made it a matter of urgent necessity. For the ac- 
i»a- commodation of particular companies, the colonies had ex- 

tended their settlements upon the rivers and sea coasts 
much farther, and had inade them in a more scattering 
manner, than was at first designed. No aid could be ex- 
pected from the parent country, let emergencies be ever 
so pressing. The Dutch had so extended their claims, 
and were so powerful and hostile, as to afford a just ground 
of general alarm. All the plantations were compassetl 
with numerous tribes of savage men. The Narragansets 
appeared hostile, and there were the appearances of a 
general combination, among the Indians, in New-England^ 
to extirpate the English colonies. There were, notwith- 
standing, impediments in the way of effecting even so ne- 
cessary and important an union. The Massachusetts was 
much more numerous and powerful, than the other colonies. 
It was in various respects more respectable and important. 
It was, therefore, a matter of difficulty, to form an union 
upon equal terms. The other colonies were not willing to 
unite upon such as were unequal. There were also dis- 
putes between Connecticut and Massachusetts. The col- 
ony of Massachusetts claimed part of the Pequot country, 
on the account of the assistance which they afforded in the 
j^'equot war. There was also a difference with respect to 
* Ptecords of Connecticut. 



Chap. VII. CONNECTICUT. 12? 

the boundary line lietween Massachusetts and Conn^cti- Book I. 
cut. Both colonies claimed the towns of Springfield and -^^^~y>^ 
Westfield. These difficulties retarded the union. 1G43* 

However, Connecticut, New-Haven, and Plymouth, all 
dispatched commissioners to Boston, in May, at the lime of 
the session of the General Court. The commissioners 
Irom Connecticut were, Governor Haynes and Mr. Hop- 
kins ; Mr. Fenwick, from Saybrook ; Governor Eaton and 
Mr. Gregson, from New-Haven; Mr. Winsiow and Mr. 
Collier, from Plymouth. The general court of Massachu- 
t;etts appointed Governor Winthrop, Mr. Dudley, and Mr. 
Bradstreet, of the magistrates, and of the deputies, Mr. 
Hawthorne,'*Mr. Gibbons, and Mr. Tyng. There appear- The New- 
ed, at this time, a spirit of harmony and mutual condcscen- ^^s'^."^ 
&ion among the commissioners, and on the 19th oi May, (,of,fg,]g. 
1643, the articles were completed and signed. The com- rate, May 
rnissioners were unanimous in adopting them ; but those ^^'^'^j ^^'^'^' 
from Plymouth did not sign them, as they had not been 
authorised by the court. At the meeting of the commis- 
sioners in September, they came vested with plenary pow- 
ers, and signed them. 

The commissioners, in the introductory part, declare, Articles of 
Tvith respect to the four colonies of Massachusetts, Ply- [°^^^ ^'^^ 
mouth, Connecticut, and New-Haven, and the plantations 
under their respective jurisdictions, that, as they all came 
into these parts of America with one and the same end and 
aim, to advance the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, and 
enjoy the liberties of the gospel in purity and peace, they 
ronceived it their bounden duty to enter into a present con- 
federation among themselves, for mutual help and strength 
in all future concernments ; that, as in nation and religion, 
so in other respects they be and continue one, and hence- 
forth be called by the name of The United Colonies of 
New-England. 

They declare, that the said united colonies, for them- 
(Rclves and their posterity, did, jointly and severally, enter 
into a firm and perpetual league of friendship and amity, 
of offence and defence, mutual aid and succour, upon alJ 
just occasions, both for preserving and propagating the 
truth and liberty of the gospel, and for their own mutual 
safety and welfare. 

The articles reserved to each colony an entire and dis- 
tinct jurisdiction. By them, no two colonies might be uni- 
ted in one, nor any other colony be received into the con- 
federacy, without the consent of the whole. 

Each colony was authorised to send two commissioners 
apnually, always to be church members, to meet on the 



128 HISTORY OF Chap.VIL 

Cook I. fifst Monday in September, first at Boston, then at H^rt- 
'^.'--v-**-' ford, New-Haven, and Plymouth. This was to be the an- 
1643. nual order, except that two meetings successively were 
always to be at Boston. 

The commissioners, when met, were authorised to choose 
a president from among themselves, for the preservation 
of order. They were vested with plenary powers for ma- 
king war and peace, laws and rules of a civil nature and 
of general concern. Especially, to regulate the conduct of 
the inhabitants towards the Indians, towards fugitives, for 
the general defence of the country, and for the encourage- 
ment and support of religion. 

The expense of all wars, offensive or defepsive, was to> 
be borne in proportion to the number of the male inhabit- 
ants in each colony, between sixteen and sixty years of 
age. 

Upon notice from three magistrates of any of the colo- 
nies of an invasion, the colonies were immediately to send 
assistance, the Massachusetts a hundred, and each of the 
other colonies forty-five men. If a greater number was 
necessary, the commissioners were to meet and determine 
the number. 

All determinations of the commissioners, in which six 
were agreed, were binding upon the whole. If there were 
a majority, yet under six, the affair was to be referred to 
the general court of each colony, and could not be obliga- 
tory, unless the courts unanimously concurred. 

No colony might engage in a war, without the consent 
of the whole union, unless upon some urgent and sudden 
occasion. Even in such case, it was to be avoided as far 
as possible, consistent with the general safety. 

If a meeting were summoned, upon any extraordinary 
occasion, and the whole number of commissioners did not 
attend, an;^ four who were met, might, in cases which ad- 
mitted of no delay, determine upon a war, and send to 
each colony for its proportion of men. A number, however, 
less thAn six could not determine the justice of a war, nor 
have power to setde a bill of charges, nor make levies. 

If either of the confederates should break any article of 
the confederation, or injure one of the other colonies, the 
affair was to be determined by the commissioners of the 
three other confederates. 

The articles also made provision, that all servants run- 
ning from tlieir masters, and criminals flying from justice, 
from one colony to another, should, upon demand, and 
proper evidence of their character, as fugitives, be returned 
to their masters, and to the colonies whence they ha.d made 



Chap. VIT. CONNECTICUTo 129 

their escape ; that, in all cases, law and justice might have Book T. 
their course. -■..^''-^/■'^'m^ 

This was an union of the highest consequence to the 1G43. 
New-England colonies. It made them formidable to the 
Dutch and Indians, and respectable among their French 
neighbours. It was happily adapted to maintain a gene- 
ral harmony among themselves, and to secure the peace 
and rights of the country. It was one of the principal 
means of the preservation of the colonies, duri-ig the civil 
wars and unsettled state of affairs in England. It was the 
grand source of mutual defence in Philip's war, and of the 
most eminent service in civilizing the Indians, and propa- 
gating the gospel among them. The union subsisted more 
T.han forty years, until the abrogation of the charters of the 
New-England colonies, by king James the second. 

This union was very seasonable. The Indians were so The ve'sm - 
tumultuous and hostile, that its whole influence was neces- ^'°"^ ^°^' 
sary to prevent a general war. The troubles originated in antonimoh" 
the ambitious and perfidious conduct of Miantonimoh, 
chief sachem of the Narragansets. After the Pequot war, 
he attempted to set himself up as univer3al sachem overall 
the Indians in New-England. The old grudge and hatred 
which had subsisted between him and the Pequots, he now 
suffered to embitter and inflame his rancorous heart against 
Uncas and the Moheagans. Without any regard to the 
league made between him, the English, and the Mohea- 
gans, at Hartford, in 16.38, when the Pequots were divided 
between him and Uncas, he practised murder and war 
against him. At the same time, he used all the arts of 
which he was master, by presents and intrigue, to inflame 
the Indians, and excite a general insurrection against the 
English plantations. The Indians, through his influence, 
had been collecting arms and ammunition. There appear- 
ed among them a general preparation for war. The colo- 
nists were obliged to keep guards and watch every night, 
from the setting to the rising of the sun, and to guard their 
inhabitants from town to town, and from one place to an- 
other. 

Connecticut was for making war immediately, and sent 
pressing letters to the court at Boston, urging that a hun- 
dred men might be sent to Saybrook fort, to assist againsr 
the enemy,.as circumstances might require. But the court 
of Massachusetts pretended to doubt of the facts alledged, 
and would not consent. 

In the mean time Miantonimoh, in prosecution of his 
bloody designs, hired a Pequot, one of Uncas's men, to kill 
him. He made au attempt, in the spring, and $hot Uncas 



no HISTORY OF Chap. YlL 

Book I. tlirougli his arm. He then ran off to the Narragansets, re- 
''^-^'^'''N-/ porting, through the Indian towns, that he had killed Un> 
1643. cas. But when it was known that Uncus was not dead, 
though Wounded, Miantonimoh and the Pequot contrived 
together, and reported that Unca*. had cut through his arm 
with a flint, and then charged the Pequot with shooting 
him. However, Miantonimoh soon after going to Boston, 
in company with the Pequot who had wounded Uncas, the 
governor and magistrates, upon examination, found clear 
evidence, that the Pequot was guilty of the crime, with 
which he had been charged. They had designs of appre- 
liending him and sending him to Uncas, that he might be 
punished ; but Miantonimoh pleaded., that he might be suf- 
fered to return with him, and jjromised that he would send 
him to Uncas. Indeed, he so exculpated himself, and 
made such fair promises, that they gave up their designs, 
and permitted them to depart in peace* About two days 
after, Miantonimoh murdered the Pequot, on his return, 
that he might make no further discovery of his treacherous 
conduct. 

About the same time much trouble arose from Sequas- 
sen, a sachem upon Connecticut river. Several of his 
men killed a principal Indian belonging to Uncas. He, or 
rsome of his warriors, had also waylaid Uncas himself, as 
he was going down the said river, and shot several arrows 
at him. Uncas made complaint to the governor and court 
at Connecticut, of these outrages.. Governor Haynes and 
the court took great pains to makepeace between Unca^ 
and Sequassen. Upon hearing their several stories it ap- 
peared, that Uncas required;, that six of Sequassen's men 
should be delivered to him, for the murder of his man, be- 
cause he was a great man. Governor Haynes and the 
court laboured to dissuade Uncas from his demand of six 
men for one; and urged him to be satisfied upon Sequas- 
sen's delivering up the murderer. At length, with much 
persuasion and difficulty, Uncas consented to accept of the 
murderer only. But Sequassen would not agree to deliv- 
er him. He was nearly allied to Miantonimoh, and one 
of his peculiar favorites. Sequassen chose rather to light, 
than to make Uncas any comjiensation, expressing, at the 
same time, his dependance on Miantonimoh for assistance. 
]l is not improbable, that it was through the influence of 
Miantonimoh, that he came to this resolution. Uncas and 
Sequassen fought. Sequassen was overcome. Uncas 
• killed a number of his men and burned his wigwams. 

Miantonimoh, without consulting the English, accoi<Ging 
to agreement, without proclaiming war, or giving Uncas 



Chap.VIL CONNECTICUT. 131 

the least information, raised an array of ninehiindrecl, ova Book I. 
thousand men, and marched against him. Uncas's spifs v-^^/-^-/ 
discovered the army at some distance and gave him intclli-, 1643. 
gence. He was unprepared, but rallying between four and Miantoi.i- 
five hundred of his bravest men, he told them thev must by™"'^^^^" 
no means suffer Miantonimoh to come into their town ; but with Un- 
must go and light him on his way. Having marched three cas. 
or four miles, the armies met upon a large plain. When 
they had advanced within fair bow shot of each other, Un- 
cas had recourse to a stratagen, with which he had previ- 
ously acquainted his warriors. He desired a parly, and Uncas's 
both armies halted in the face of each other. Uncas, gal- s^^ratageuj. 
lantly advancing in the front of his men, addressed Mian- 
tonimoh to this effect, " You have a number of stout men 
with you, and so have 1 with me. It is a great pity that 
such brave warriors should be killed in a private quarrel 
between us only. Come like a man, as you profess to be, 
and let us fight it out. If you kill me, my men shall be 
yours ; but if I kill you, your men shall be mine." Mian- 
tonimoh replied, " My men came to fight, and they shall 
fight.*" Uncas falling instantly upon the ground, his men 
discharged a shower of arrows upon the Narragansets ; 
and, without a moment's interval, rushing upon them, in 
the most furious manner, with their hideous Indian yell, 
put them immediately to flight. The Moheagans pursued 
the enemy with the same fury and eagerness with which 
they commenced the action. The Narragansets were 
driven down i-ocks and precipices, and chased like a doc 
by the huntsman. Among others, Miantonimoh was ex- 
ceedingly pressed. Some of Uncas's bravest men, who 
were most light of foot, coming up with him, twitched him Miantoni^ 
back, ioipeding his flight, and passed him, that Uncas ^°^ ^'^" , 
might take him. Uncas was a stout man, and rushing for- taken 
ward, like a lion greedy of his prey, seized him by his prisoner, 
shoulder. He knew Uncas, and saw that he was now in 
ihc power of the man whom he had hated, and by all means 
attempted to destroy; but he sat down sullen and spake 
not a word. Uncas gave the Indian whoop and called up 
his men, who were behind, to his assistance. The victo- 
ry was complete. About thirty of the Narragansets were 
slain, and a much greater number wounded. Among the 
latter was a brother of Miantonimoh and two sons ofCa- 
nonicus, a chief sachem of the Narraganset Indians. The 
brother of Miantonimoh was not only wounded, but armed 
with a coat of mail, both v»'hich retarded his flight. Two 
of Mianlonimoh's captains, who formerly were Uncas's 
iiiqn, but had treacherously deserted him, discQverin^ his 



132 HISTORY OF Chap. VH. 

Book T. situation, took him and carried him to Uncas, expecting in 
v.^'-v-^^ this way to reconcile themselves to their sachem. But Un- 
1643e cas and his men slew them. Miantonimoh made no re- 
quest, either for himself or his men ; but continued in the 
same sullen, speechless mood. Uncas, therefore, deman- 
ded of him why he would not speak. Said he, " Had you 
taken me, I should have besought you for my life." Un- 
cas, for the present, spared his life, though he would not 
ask it, and returned with great triumph to Moheagan, car-; 
rying the Narraganset sachem, as an illustrious trophy of 
his victory.* 

The famous Samuel Gorton and his company had pur- 
chased lands of Miantonimoh, under the jurisdiction of 
Massachusetts and Plymouth ; and expected to be vindi- 
cated in their claims, by him, against those colonies, and 
against the Massachusetts and Plymouth sachems, who 
were the original proprietors. Therefore, when the news 
of Uncas' victory, and of the capture of Miantonimoh, ar- 
rived at Providence, they sent to Uncas to deliver Mianto- 
nimoh, threatening him that the power of the English should 
be employed against him, if he refused a compliance. 

^, Uncas, therefore, carried his prisoner to Hartford, to ad- 

iJneas ear- . -11 , ' . . ■ 

ries him to ^ise With the governor and magistrates, with respect to 

Hartford, his conduct in such a situation. 

^"^ -thYh' "^^^ governor and magistrates were of the opinion that, 
governor. ^^ there was no open war between them and theNarragan- 
sets, it was not prudent for them to intermeddle with the 
quarrel ; but advised, that the whole affair should be re- 
ferred to the commissioners of the united colonies at their 
meeting in September. 
Miantoni- How long Miantonimoh continued speechless, does not 
mohis appear ; but it is certain, that when he came to Hartford, 
kept at his mouth was opened. He most earnestly pleaded to be 
Hartiord. j^^^ |^ ^^le custody of the English. He probably expected 
more safety and better treatment with them, than with Un- 
cas. Uncas consented to leave him at Hartford, but in- 
sisted that he should be kept as his prisoner. He was, 
therefore, kept under guard at Plartford, until the meeting 
of the commissioners. 

On the 7th of September, the commissioners met at Bos- 
ton. Governor Winthrop and Thomas Dudley, Esquires, 

* This accouut is taken from a manuscript of Mr. Hyde, of Norwich, 
from governor Winthrop's Journal, and from the records of the united col- 
onies, in one or other of which, all the facts are ascertained. The manu- 
script represents Miantonimoh as having 900, and Uncas 600 men. The 
records of the united colonies represent, that Miantonimoh had 900, or 
1000 men, and that Uncas had not half so many. Governor Wiathrop'.s 
"^ftCOUQt is essentially the same. 



jGhap. VII. CONNECTICUT. 133, 

were commissioners for Massachusetts ; George Fenwick Book I. 
and Edward Hopkins, Esquires, for Connecticut ; and v-^-v-x-' 
Theophilus Eaton and Tiiomas Gregson, Esquires, for 1643, 
New-Hav^n.* Governor Winthrop was chosen President. 
The whole affair of Uncas and Miantonimoh was laid be- 
fore the commissioners, and the facts already related were, 
in their opinion, fully proved 5 not only his attempts upon 
the life of Uncas, but that he had been the principal author 
of inflaming and stirring up the Indians to a general con- 
federacy against all the English plantations. It also ap- 
peared that, instead of delivering the Pequot, who had shot 
Uncas, as he promised in open court, he had murdered 
him on the road from Boston to Narraganset. It was also 
affirmed to the commissioners, that the Narragansets had 
sent for the Mohawks, and that they were come within a 
day's journey of the English settlements, and were kept 
back only by the capture of Miantonimoh : That they were 
waiting for his release, and then would prosecute their de- 
signs against the English, or Uncas, or against both, as 
the Indians should determine. The commissioners, hav- 
ing fully considered the premises, laid the affair before five 
or six of the principal ministers in Massachusetts, and took 
their advice relative to the lawfulness and justice of putting 
him to death. They gave it as their opinion, that he ought 
to be put to death. The commissioners finally resolved, Determi- 
" That as it was evident that Uncas could not be safe, nation of 
while Miantonimoh lived ; but that, either by secret treach- ^^^ ^"™' 
ery or open force, his life would be continually in danger, "ncerninr 
he might justly put such a false and blood-thirsty enemy Miantoni-r 
to death." They determined Uncas should not do it in """'i- 
any of the English plantations, but in his own jurisdiction. 
At the same time, they advised, that no torture or cruelty, 
but all mercy and moderation be exercised in the manner 
of his execution. 

The commissioners also determined, that if the Narra- 
gansets, or any other Indians, should unjustly assault Un- 
cas, on the account of the execution of Miantonimoh, the 
English should, upon his desire, assist him against such vir. 
olence.t 

Governor Winthrop writes, "It was clearly discovered 
to us, that there was a general conspiracy among the In- 
dians, to cut off all the English; and that Miantonimoh 
\vas the head and contriver of it : That he was of a turbu- 
lent and proud spirit, and would never be at rest : and 
that he had killed the Pequot contrary to his promise. J 

* The commissioners for Plymouth are not upon record this year. It i'v 
probable that they did not arrive until after the commissioners had foi; 
uied. 

t Records of the united colonies. J Wiuthrop's Journal, p. 305, 30^-. 



134 HISTORY OF Chap. Vil, 

Book I. The commisBioners had received intimations, that the 
s^^i-^-^^ Narragansets had it in contemplation to capture one or 
1G.43. Ki^i'6 of them, with a view to the redemption of Miantoni- 
moh. Their determination respecting his execution, was 
tiiercfore kept as a profound secret, until after the return 
of the commissioners of Connecticut and New-Haven, lest 
it should iniiame and engage them, in earnest, to make the 
attempt, 
Jul}' 20lh, Previously to the meeting of the commissioners, the 
the Dutch Dutch governor had written a letter to governor Winthro]), 
wrote to containing high congratulations on the union of the colo- 
Wbthrop. nies, and at the same time makmg grievous complaints ot 
Connecticut and New-Haven, as having committed unsui- 
ferable injuries against the Dutch, and as having given mis- 
information respecting them to their agent in Europe. Ho 
desired a categorical answer from governor Winthro]), 
whether he would aid or desert them, that he might know 
who were his I'riends, and who were his enemies. The 
governor, after consulting with some few of his council, 
Governor '^^'^^^ were at hand, wrote an answer, in part, to the Dutch 
"Win- governor, reserving to himself one more full, at the session 
throp's re- Qf (_[|g general court. He represented his sorrow for the 
^^* differences which had arisen between the Dutch and his 

brethren at Hartford, suggesting that they might be settled 
by arbitrators, either in England, Holland, or America. 
He observed, that by the articles of coni'ederation, each 
colony was obliged to seek the safety and welfare of tlie 
other colonies, no less than its own. He hoped however, 
that this would not inteiTupt the friendship which had sub- 
sisted between them and the Dutch, The governor ob- 
served, that the controversy at Hartford was for a small 
piece of land only, which, in so vast a continent as this, 
was of too little value to make a breach between protest- 
ants so related in profession and religion, as the Dutch 
and English were. He therefore earnestly desired, that 
each party would carefully avoid all injuries, until the 
differences between them should be amicably accom- 
modated, by an impartial hearing and adjudication, either 
in Europe or America.* 
Tk= ;r,^„r; The affair was nov/ brought before the commissioners, 
ous con- Crovernor Eaton and Mr. Gregson complained of the out- 
duct of the rages which the Dutch had committed against the persons 
l^'"l*^bpr '^ property of the English, within the limits of New-Hav- 
the com- ^n, at Delaware, and in oiher places, and made proof of 
xuisMoncrs. the injuries of which they complained. The conduct ot" 
the Dutch towards Connecticut was also laid before the 
commissioners, by governor Hopkins and Mr. Fenwick» 
* Wiiithro]p's Jouraal, p. 303, 204, ^5. 



Chap. VII. CONNECTICUT. 135 

Upon which the president was directed to write a letter, Book I. 
'in the name of the commissioners, to the Dutch governor, v-^-n/'-*!*^ 
fitating the particular injuries which the Dutch had done 1643. 
the English colonies, and to demand satisfaction. It was They de- 
also directed, that, as governor Winthrop had, in part an- pi^nf'.^^^' 
swered the Dutch governors letter respecting Connecticut, 
he would now, in further ansTvcr to it, particularize the in- 
juries done, both to Connecticut and New-Haven, and de- 
mand an answer. He was also authorised to assure the 
Dutch, that as they would not wrong others, "so neither 
would they desert their confederates in a just cause,! 

The Indians, at this period were beginning to acquire 
the use of lire arms. The French, Dutch and others, for 
the sake of gain, were vending them arms and ammunition. 
The Indians were in such a tumultuous and hostile state, as 
had the appearance of a general war. The commission- 
ers therefore gave orders, that the militia, in the several 
colonies, should be frequently trained, and completely 
furnished with arms and ammunition. All the companies 
were to be mustered and reviewed four times in a year. 
It was ordered, that all the towns should prepare maga- 
zines, in proportion to the number of their militia. 

The commissioners, having given the necessary direc- 
tions for the execution of Miantonimoh, and for the gene- 
ral safety of the country, dispersed and returned to their 
respective colonies. 

Immediately, upon the return of the commissioners of 
Connecticut and New-Haven, Uncas, with a competent 
number of his most trusty men, was ordered to repair forth- 
with to Hartford. He was made acquainted with the de- 
termination of the commissioners, and, receiving his pris- 
oner, marched with him to the spot where he had been 
taken. At the instant they arrived on the ground, one of 
Uncas's men, who marched behind Miantonimoh, split his Execution 
head with a hatchet, killing him at a single stroke. He °' ^"*"' 
was probably unacquainted with his fate, and knew not by 
what means he fell. Uncas cut out a large piece of his 
shoulder, and ate it in savage triumph. He said, " it was 
the sweetest meat he ever ate, it made his heart strong." 

The Moheagans, by the order of Uncas, buried him at 
the place of his execution, and erected a great heap, or 
pillar, upon his grave. This memorable event gave the 
place the name of Sachem's Plain.* Two Englishmen 
were sent w-ith Uncas, to witness that the execution wa% 

t Records of the united colonies. 

* Manuscript of Mr. Hyd'. This plain is in the eastern port of the tomi 
cf Norwich-, 



3^ HISTORY OF Chap. VI/„ 

J3ooK I. done, and to prevent all torture and cruelty in the manner 
^^s/-^/ of its performance, Connecticut and New-Hav^en, agree- 
J643. ably to the direction of the commissioners, sent a party of 
soldiers to Moheagan, to defend Uncas against any assault 
which might be made upon him by the Narragansets, in 
consequence of the execution of their sachem. 
Messageto Governor Winthrop, at the same time, according to the 
the Narra- orders which he had received from the commissioners, dis- 
patched messengers to Canonicus, the Narraganset sa- 
chem, and the Narraganset Indians, to certify them, that 
the English had noticed their perfidy, in violating the league 
between them and the English, from time to time, notwith- 
standing the English had treated them with love and in- 
tegrity. They assured them, that they had discovered 
their mischievous plots, in joining with Miantonimoh, in 
purchasing aid of the Indians, and, by gifts, threats, and 
allurements, exciting them to a confederacy to root out the 
whole body of the English. They represented to them 
their treachery in waging Avar with Uncas, contrary to their 
Express covenant with him, and with the English. They 
justified the execution of Miantonimoh, by Uncas, as he 
was his lawful captive, and as he had practised treachery 
and murder against liim and his subjects. They insisted, 
that it was both just and agreeable to the practice of the 
Indians in similar cases. It was declared to be necessary 
i'ov the safety of Uncas, the peace of the country, and even 
of the Narraganscts themselves. While they firmly and 
fully represented these facts to them, they, in the name of 
the miited colonies, tendered them peace and safety. They 
assured them, that they would defend Uncas and all their 
allies, whether English or Indians, in their just rights : that 
if they desired peace, they would exercise equal care and 
friendship towards them.t 

The commissioners gave orders, that Connecticut should 
provide for the defence of Uncas against any assault oi' 
fury of the Narraganscts, or any other Indians. 
Election at Upon the general election at New-Haven in October, 
New-Ha- governor Eaton and Mr. Stephen Goodyear, were re-elect- 
2()th. ' ^'^ governor and dej)uty'governor. Mr. William Fowler 
and Mr. Edward Tapp were elected magistrates for Mil- 
ford, and Thurston Rayner for Stamford. This year, for 
the first time, the general court at New-Haven, are dis- 
tinctly recorded and distinguished by the names of gover- 
nor, deputy-governor, magistrates, and deputies. 

It appears that the plantation at Yennycock.Jiad not 
fully attended to the fundamental article of admitting none- 
t Records of the United Colocie?^ 



CJhap. VII. CONNECTICUT. U? 

to be free burgesses, but members of the church. It was, Book I. 
therefore, at this general court, decreed, " That none should v,^~v-%-/ 
be admitted free burgesses in any of the plantations, but 1643. 
such as were members of some approved church in New- Progress of 
England : that such only should have any vote in elections ; \^^ ^'^^ 
and that no power for ordering any civil affairs, should be New-^ ^ 
put into the hands of any byt such." Haven. 

It was enacted, that each town in the jurisdiction should 
choose their own judges, in ordinary cases. They were r'^^J^*'*^" 
authorised to judge in civil cases, not exceeding twenty ' 

shillings, and in criminal cases, in which the punishment 
did not exceed setting the delinquent in the stocks, whip- 
ping him, or fining not exceeding five pounds. If there 
were a magistra'te, or magistrates, in the towns in which 
these town courts were holden, then the magistrate, or ma- 
gistrates, were to sit in the court, and judgment was to be 
given with a due respect to their advice. From these 
courts, there was liberty of appeal to the court of magis- 
trates. 

It was granted, that all the free burgesses in the planta- Privileges 
tions, should vote in the choice of governors, magistrates, offreemeq^ 
secretary, and treasurer. It was also granted, that each 
town should have a magistrate, if they desired it, chosen 
from among their own free burgesses. 

At this general court, a court of magistrates was appoint- Court of 
ed, consisting of all the magistrates in the jurisdiction, magis- 
They were to meet twice, annually, at New-Haven, on the *[VTd"" 
Mondays preceding the general courts in April and Octo- 
ber. This court was authorised to receive appeals from 
the plantation courts, and to try all important causes, civil 
and criminal. Every magistrate was obliged, on penalty 
of a fine, to give his attendance. Four magistrates consti- 
tuted a quorum. All judgments of the court were to be 
determined by a major vote. All trials were decided by* 
the bench. It does not appear that juries were ever used 
in the colony of New-Haven. 

The court enacted, that there should be two general Act re- 
courts for this colony, to meet at New-Haven, on the first ^P*^*;^'"^ . 
Wednesday in April, and the last in October, annually. It courts. 
was decreed, that the general court should consist of a 
deputy-governor, magistrates, and two deputies from each 
town. In the last of these general courts, a governor, de- 
puty-governor, magistrates, secretary, treasurer, and mar- 
shal, or high sheriff, were to be annually chosen. The 
governor, or, in his absence, the deputy-governor, had 
power to call a general court, upon pressing emergencies, 
&nd whrnr>vri- i? misrht be necessary. All the members 

S 



138 HISTORY OF Chap. VIL 

Book I. were obliged to attend, upon penalty of twenty shillings 
v.^*-s^-s-/ fine, incase of default. It was ordained, that in this court 
should subsist the supreme power of the commonwealth. 

It was particularly ordained, that the general court 
should, with all care and diligence, endeavour to maintain 
the purity of religion, and to suppress all irreligion, ar= 
cording to the best light they could obtain from the divine 
oracles, and by the "advice of the elders and churches in. 
the jurisdiction, so far as it might concern the civil pow= 
ejp.* 
The Dutch The Dulch were this year exceedingly harassed and 
apply to distressed by'the Indians, and made application to govern- 
or Eaton and the general court, soliciting that a hundred 
men might be raised in the plantations, for their assistance 
against such barbarous enemies. 

The war between the Dutch and Indians began in this 
manner. A drunken Indian, in his intoxication, killed a 
Dutchman. The Dutch demanded the murderer, but he 
the Dutch Avas not to be found. They then made application to their 
and In- governor to avenge the murder. He, judging it would be 
''^"*' unjust or unsafe, considering the numbers of the Indians^ 
and the weak and scattered state of the Dutch settlements, 
neglected to comply with their repeated solicitations. In 
the mean time the Mohawks, as the report was, excited by 
the Dutch, fell suddenly on the Indians, in the vicinity of 
the Dulch settlements, and killed nearly thirty of them. 
Others fled to the Dutch for protection. One Marine, a 
Dutch captain, getting intelligence of their stale, made 
application to the Dutch governor, and obtained a commis- 
sion to kill as many of ihcm as it should be in his power. 
Collecting a company of armed men, he fell suddenly upon 
the Indians, while they were unapprehensive of danger, 
and made a promiscuous slaughter of men, women and 
children, to the number of seventy or eighty. This in- 
stantly roused the Indians, in that part of the country, to a 
furious, obstinate and bloody war. In the spring, and be- 
ginning of the summer, they burnt the Dulch out-houses ; 
and driving their catde into their barns, they burned the 
barns and cattle together. They killed twenty or more of 
tiie Dutch people, and pressed so hard upon them that they 
were obliged to take refuge in their fort, and to seek help 
of the English. The Indians upon Long-Island united in 
the war with those on the main, and burned the Dutch 
liouses and iaarns. The Dutch governor in this situation,, 
invited captain Underhill from Stamford to assist him in the 
war. Marine, the Dutch captain, was so exasperated 
* Records of IS\w-Haven, fol. vol. i. p. 73,74, 75. 



I 



Chap.VII. CONNECTICUT. I3£| 

with this proceedinoj that he presented his pistol at the Book I. 
governor, and would have shot him, but was prevented by v^^-s/"^^ 
one who stood by him. Upon this one of Marine's ten- 1G43. 
ants discharged his musket at the governor, and the ball 
but just missed him. The governor's sentinel shot the 
tenant and killed him on the spot. The Dutch, who at 
first were so forward for a war with the Indians, were now, 
when they experienced the loss and dangers of it, so irri- 
tated at the governor, for the orders which he had given, 
that he could not trust himself among them. He was obli- 
ged to keep a constant guard of fifty Englishmen about his 
person. In the summer and fall the Indians killed fifteen 
more of the Dutch people, and drove in all the inhabitants 
of the English and Dutch settlements, west of Stamford. 

In prosecution of their works of destruction, they made 
;i visit to the neighbourhood where Mrs. Hutchinson, who 
had been so famous, at Boston, for her Antinomian and fa- 
niilistical tenets, had made a settlement. The Indians, 
at first, appeared with the same friendship with which they 
used to frequent her house ; but they murdered her and ail 
her family, Mr. Collins, her son in law, and several other 
persons, belonging to other families in the neighbourhood. 
Eighteen persons were killed in the whole. The Indians, 
with an implacable fury, prosecuted the destruction of the 
Dutch, and of their property, in all that part of the coun- 
try. They killed and burned their cattle, horses and barns 
■without resistance. Having destroyed the settlements ia 
the country, they passed over to the Dutch plantations on 
Long-Island, doing all the mischief of which they Avere 
capable. The Dutch, who escaped, were confined to their 
tort, and were obliged to kill and eat their cattle, for their 
subsistence. Their case was truly distressing.* It de- 
manded succour as far as it could have been consistently, 
given. 

Governor Eaton and the general court, having maturely 
considered the purport of the Dutch governor's letter, re- 
jected the proposal for raising men and assisting in the 
war against the Indians. Their principal reasons were, 
that joining separately i,n war, was prohibited by the arii 
cles of confederation ; and that they were not satisfied thai 
the Dutch war with the Indians was just. 

Nevertheless it was determined, that if the Dutch need- 
ed corn and provisions for men or cattle, by reason of the 
destruction which the Indians had made, the court would 
give them all the assistance in its power.t 

* Wiiithrop's Journal, p. 272, 273 and 308. 
+ Records of New-Haven. 



140 HISTORY OF Chap. Vil, 

Book I. The war continued several years, and was bloody and 
^.^-v-1^ destructive both to the Dutch and Indians. Captain Un- 
1643. derhill had the principal management of it, and was of 
great service to the Dutch. He collected a flying army 
of a hundred and twenty, and sometimes of a hundred and 
fifty men, English and Dutch, by which he preserved the 
Dutch setdements fropi total destruction. It was suppos- 
ed, that, upon Long-Island and on the main, he killed be- 
tween four and five hundred Indians.! 

The Indians at Stamford too much caught the spirit of 
the western Indians in their vicinity, who were at war with 
the Dutch. They appeared so tumultuous and hostile, 
that the people at Stamford were in great fear, that they 
should soon share the fate of the settlements at the west- 
ward of them. They wrote to the general court at New- 
Haven, that in their apprehensions there were just grounds 
pf a war with those Indians, and that if their houses should 
be burned, because the other plantations would not con- 
sent to war, they ought to bear the damage. 

The Narraganset Indians were enraged at the death of 
their sachem. The English were universally armed. The 
strictest watch and guard was kept in all the plantations. 
In Connecticut, every family, in which there was a man 
capable of bearing arms, was obliged to send one com- 
plete in arms, every Lord''s day, to defend the places of 
public worship. Indeed all places wor^ the aspect of a 
general war. 

i Dr= Belknap's Hist, vol, i. p, 50. 



€hap. VIIL CONNECTICUT 




CHAPTER VIII. 1644, 



Public fasts appointed. Indians conimiie hostile, and com- 
mit murder. Acts of the commissioners respecting them. 
Branford settled. Towns in Connecticut. Message of 
the commissioners to the Narragansels. Their agreement 
respecting Uncas, Long-Island Indians taken under the 
protection of the United Colonies. Massachusetts claim 
part of the Pequot country and Waranoke. Determina- 
tion of the commissioners respecting said claim. Agree- 
ment with Mr, Fenwick relative to Saybrookfort and the 
adjacent country. Fortif cations advanced. Extraordi- 
nary meeting of the commissioners to suppress the outrages 
of the Narragansets. War proclaimed and troops sent 
against them. They treat and prevent war. Fairfield 
object to a jury of six. Controversy with the Dutch. 
The Indians plot against the life of governor Hopkins and 
other principal gentlemen at Hartford. Damages at 
Windsor. Battle between the Dutch and Indians. Loss- 
es of jSfeio-IIaven. Dispute 7oith Massachusetts relative 
to the impost at Saybrook. Mr. Winthrop^s claim of the 
Mehantick country. Settlement of accounts between the 
colonies, 

THE affairs both of Old and New-England, wore so P«l^.l'c 
gloomy an aspect, at this time, that the pious pco- ,foin"f^i^^* 
»ple, in the colonies, judged extraordinary fasting and*^ 
prayer to be their indispensable duty. The flames of civ- 
il discord were kindled in England, and the tumultuous 
pnd hostile staie of the natives in the united colonies, 
threatened them with a bloody and merciless Indian war. 
The general court of Connecticut therefore ordained a 
monthly fast, through the colony, to begin on Wednesday, 
the 6th of January. New-Haven had before appointed a 
fast, at the same time, in all the plantations in that juris- 
diction. Indeed, this was practised, throughout the uni- 
ted colonies, during the civil wars in England. The colo- 
nists sympathized with their brethren, in their native coim- 
iry, and conformed to them in their days of humiliation 
and prayer. 

The freemen of Connecticut and New-Haven, exhibited Freemen 
a remarkable example of steadiness in the election of civ- steady. 
il officers. Nearly the same persons were chosen annual- 
ly into places of principal trust as long as they lived. This 
^ear Edward ^lopkins, Esq. was chosen governor, and 



142 HISTORY OF Chap. Vllf. 

Book I. John Haynes, Esquire, deputy-governor. The other ma- 
vrf^-N^-N,^ gistrates were the same as they had been the last year, ex- 
jl644. cept Mr. WiUiam Swain, who was chosen into the magis- 
tracy. Mr. Haynes and Mr. Hopkins were generally 
elected, alternately governor and deputy-governor, during 
their respective lives. The reason of this annual change 
of them, from governor to deputy-governor, was because 
the constitution prohibited the choice of any man gover- 
nor, more than once in two years. 

At New-Haven, governor Eaton was annually elected 
to the office of governor, during his life ; and Mr. Stephea 
Goodyear was generally chosen deputy-governor. 

The Indians were no more peaceable this year, thaa 
they were the last. Those in the western part of Connect- 
icut, still conducted themselves in a hostile manner. la 
the spring, they murdered a man belonging to Massachu- 
The In- setts, betAveen Fairfield and Stamford. About six or eight 
niit mur- " wceks after the murder was discovered, the Indians prom- 
dcf. ised to deliver the murderer, at Uncoway, if Mr. Ludlov/ 

would appoint men to receive him. Mr. Ludlow sent ten 
men for that purpose ; but as soon as the Indians came 
within sight of the town, they, by general consent, unbound 
the prisoner and suffered him to escape. The English. 
Avere so exasperated at this insult, that they immediately 
seized on eight or ten of the Indians, and committed thera 
to prison. There was among them not less than one ov 
two sachems. Upon this, the Indians arose in great num- 
Mavlst ^^^'^ about the town, and exceedingly alarmed the people, 
both at Fairfield and Stamford. Mr. Ludlow wrote to 
New-Haven for advice. The court desired him to keep 
the Indians in durance, and assured him of immediate as- 
sistance, should it be necessary and desired. A party of 
twenty men were draughted forthwith, and prepared to 
march to Stamford upon the shortest notice. The Indians 
were held in custody, until four sachems, in those parts, 
appeared and interceded for them, promising, that if the 
English would release them, they would, within a month, 
deliver the murderer to justice. 

Not more than a month after their release, an Indian 
Avent boldly into the town of Stamford, and made a murder- 
ous assault upon a woman, in her house. Finding no mau 
Woman at homc, he took up a lathing hammer, and approached her 
■vvonnded j^^. t^^Qugf^ j^g were about to put it into her hand ; but, as 
foril in she was stooping down to take her child from the cradle, 
Juno. he struck her uj^on the head. She fell instantly with the 
blow ; he then struck her twice, with the sharp part of the 
hammcr> which penetrated her §kuiL Supposing her to 



Chap, VIIL CONNECTICUT. 143 

be dfead, he plundered the house, and made his escape; ifeooK I. 
Soon after, the woman so far recovered, as to describe the v-^^^/^-w/ 
Indian, and his manner of dress. Her wounds, which at 1644. 
iirst appeared to be mortal, were finally healed ; but her 
brain was so affected, that she lost her reason. 

At the same time, the Indians rose in those parts, with 
the most tumultuous and hostile appearances. They re- 
fused to come to the English, or to have any treaty with 
them. They appeared, in a very alarming manner, about 
several of the plantations, firing their pieces, and exceed- 
ingly terrifying the inhabitants. They deserted their wig- 
wams, and neglected to weed their corn. The English 
had intelligence that the Indians designed to cut them off. 
Most of the English judged it unsafe to travel by land, and 
some of the plantations were obliged to keep a strong 
guard and watch, night and day. And as they had not 
numbers sufficient to defend themselves, they made appli^ 
cation to Hartford and New-Haven for assistance. They 
both sent aid to the weaker parts of their respective colo- 
nies. New-Haven sent help to Fairfield and Stamford, as 
they were much nearer to them, than to Connecticut. 

After a great deal of alarm and trouble, the Indian, who 
had attempted the murder of the w-oman, was delivered up, 
and condemned to death. He was executed at New-Ha- 
Acn. The executioner cut off his head with a falchion : Indian ex- 
but it was cruelly done. He gave the Indian eight blows, ocuted. 
before he effected the execution. The Indian sat erect 
and motionless, until his head was severed from his body.* 

Both the colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven, were 
put to great expense, this year, in defending themselves, 
and they were obliged to bear the Avhole charge, as the 
measures adopted for their defence, were taken by the or- 
der of their respective legislatures, and not by the direction 
of the commissioners. 

The unhappy divisions which continued at Weathers- 
field, occasioned another settlement under the jurisdiction 
of New-Haven. As Mr. Eaton, to whom Totoket had been 
granted, in 1640, had not performed the conditions of the 
grant, New-Haven, for the accommodation of a number of 
people at AVeathersfield, made a sale of it to Mr. William 
Swain, and others of that town. They sold it at the price 
Avhich it cost them, stipulating with Mr. Swain and his com- 
pany, that they should unite with that colony, in all the 
i'undametital articles of government. The settlement of 
the town immediately commenced. At the same time, Mr. 
Abraham Pierson, with a part of his church andcongrega- 

'- Records cf the coIobicb, and Winthrop''s Journal, p. 3'5'2, - "~ 



144 HISTOHY OF Chap. VIIL 

Book I. tion, from Southampton, on Long-Island, removed and uni-* 
^-^^v-x-^ ted with the people of Weathersiield, in the settlement of 
1644. the town. A regular church was soon formed, and Mr. 
Picrson was chosen pastor. The town was named Bran- 
ford. Mr. Swain was the principal planter, and, a few 
years after, was chosen one of the magistrates of the colony 
of New-Haven, as he had previously been of the colony of 
Connecticut. 
Sept. 5th. The meeting of the commissioners, this year, w^s al 
Hartford. Mr. Simon Bradstreet a;nd Mr. William Haw- 
thorne were commissioners from the Massachusetts ; Mr. 
Edward Winslow and Mr. William Brown, from Plymouth ; 
Governor Hopkins and Mr. George Fenwick, for Con- 
necticut ; and Governor Eaton and Mr. Thomas Gregsony 
from New-Haven. 
Commis- No sooner was the meeting opened, than a proposal was 
sioncrsof made b}^ the commissiorters from Massachusetts, directed 
Massa- ]^y their general court, that the commissioners from that 
cltiim pre- f^oloiy should always have preference to the commission-^ 
cedence. crsof the otlicr colonies, and be allowed to subscribe first, 
in the same order in which the articles of confederation 
had been signed. 

l)pon consideration of the proposal, the commissioners 
were unanimously of the opinion, that no such thing had 
either been proposed, granted, or practised, by the com- 
missioners of the other jurisdictions, in any of their former 
meetings, though the articles had been subscribed in the 
presence of the general court of the Massachusetts. They 
resolved, that the commission was free, and might not re- 
ceive any thing, but what was expressed by the articles of 
confederation, as imposed by any general court. Never- 
theless, they determined, that, on account of their respect 
to the Massachusetts, they willingly granted, that their 
commissioners in that, and in all future meetings, should 
subscribe first, sifter the president, and the commissioners 
of the other colonies in such order as they were named iit 
the articles; viz. Plymouth, Connecticut, andNew-Haven- 
The Indians were, this year, almost every where trouble- 
some, and, in some places, in a high state of hostility. Ir 
Virginia they generally rose, and made a most horrible 
massacre of the English,* and it was imagined, that there 
was a general combination among the southern and New- 
England Indians, to destroy all the colonies. The Narra- 
ganset Indians, regardless of all their covenants with tho 

* In two days (liey massacred abotrt 300 Virijinians. Many of tliem were 
killed so suddenly and unexpectedly, that they knew neHher the huad nor 
weapon by which they fell. 



Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 145 

English and with Uncas, continued in acts of constant hos- Book I. 
fility against the latter, and so oppressed the sachems and '^-^"v-^-' 
Indians under the protection of the Massachusetts, that 1644. 
they were obliged to dispatch a party of men for their de- 
fence and assistance, in fortifying against these oppressors. 

The commissioners immediately sent Thomas Stanton, Message 

their interpreter, and Nathaniel Willet, into the Narragan- ^^'^^ *^^ 
1 Tj'r I ■ 1 • 1 • - commis- 

set and Moheagan countries, with particular mstructions sioners to 

to their respective sachems. They were instructed to ac- the In- 
quaint the sachems, that the commissioners were then met '^'^"l- 
at Hartford ; and that, if they would appear and lay their 
respective grievances before them, they would judge im- 
partially between them : that the commissioners had heard 
the report which they had spread abroad concerning Un- 
cas, that he had taken a ransom, in part, for Miantonimoh, 
and afterwards had put him to death ; and that he refused 
to return the ransom. They were directed to assure them, 
that Uncas utterly denied the charge : that nevertheless, if 
they would go themselves, or send some of their principal 
men to Hartford, the commissioners would impartially hear 
this, and all other differences subsisting between them and 
the Moheagans, and assist them in the settlement of an ami- 
cable correspondence between the two nations ; and that 
the parties should have a safe passage to and from Hartford, 
without any injiiry from the English. According to their 
instructions, they demanded of both parties, that they should 
commit no acts of hostility against each other in their tra- 
vels to Hartford, nor on their return to their respective 
countries ; and that all hostilities against each other's plan- 
tations should cease, during the hearing and treaty pro- 
posed. If either of the parties should refuse to go or send 
to Hartford, the treaty made in 1638 was to be urged 
against them, and their engagements not to go to war with 
each other, until they had acquainted the English with their 
grievances, and taken their advice. Directions were giv- 
en, that it should be demanded of the party refusing, what 
their designs were ? Whether they were for peace or war '■' 
Whether they designed to perform their treaties made with 
the English of Massachusetts and Connecticut? Or whe- 
ther they considered them as all broken and void ? ' The 
interjM-eter was charged fully to state all these articles to 
the Indians, and, having taken their answers in writing, to 
read them to the sachems, that they might understand and 
acknowledge them to be the very answers which they had 
given. 

In consequence of this message, the Narraganset Indians 
sent one of their sachems, with other chief men, to prove 

T 



I# mSTORY (5F Ch/vp. VllL 

Book I. tlicir charge against Uncas, and to treat wit:h the English. 
v.>S/-'>i-^ They, also, boun»l themselves to confirm what their depu- 
1644. ties j-Uould do in their name. Uncas, also, made his ap- 
Tlieln- pearance, and the commissioners went into a full hearing 
diaiis ap- of all diilercnces between the parties. Upon hearing the 
tore the case, the commissioners found, that there never had been 
commis- any agreement betv/een the Narragansets and Uncas, for 
siouers, ^j^^. redemption of Miantonimoh, nor any thing paid, in 
whole or in part, for his ransom. Notwithstanding, they 
declared, that if the Narragansets should hereafter be able 
to prove what they had alledged against Uncas, that they 
would order bira to make full satisfaction. They also re- 
solved, that neither the Narragansets nor Nehanticks should 
make any v/ar or assault upon Uncas, or any of his men, 
until they should make proof of the pretended ransom, and 
that Uncas had refused to make them satisfaction. 
A^reemeot The Narraganset sacheai and his counsellors, upon con- 
ofthe Nar- guItp^JQfj together, stipulated, in behalf of the Narraganse?: 
rd?aiise s. ^^^j Nehantick Indians, that no hostility should be com- 
mitted against Uncas, or any of his Indians, until after the 
next year's time of planting corn. They also covenanted, 
that, before they began war, they would give thirty days 
notice, either to the governor of Massachusetts or Connecti- 
cut. Thus, for tiie present, by the vigorous and prudent 
exertions of the colonies and their commissioners, an Indian 
war'was prevented. 
The Long- Yoncho, Wiant^nsc, Rloughmatow, and Weenaganinim, 
Island In- sachcms of Monhauset and its vicinity, on Long-Island, 
ken und'^r ^^''^'^ their companies, appeared before the commissionerSv 
protection and represented, that they, and the Long-Island Indians, 
ofthecolo- |)ad been tributaries to the English ever since the Pequot 
""^*' war, and that they had never injured the English nor the 

Dutch, but had been friendly to both. They, therefore- 
desired a certificate of their relation to the English, and to 
be taken under the protection of the united colonies. Up- 
on this representation, the commissioners gave them a cer- 
tificate, and declared, that it was their desire, while they 
continued j)Ca.ceable, and did not intermeddle tvith the 
quarrels of other Indians, they and their companies might 
eijo}' ample peace, without any disturbance from the Eng- 
lish, or any in connection or fiiendship with them. 
Mnssa- In this meeting, the commissioners of JMassachusetts laid 

ciiusetts claim to part of Uie Pequot country, on the footing of joint 
Pequot^ *^ conquest. They desired, that a division of the country 
Country, might be made, or some way prescribed, by which the af» 
fair might be compromised. 

M\\ Fenwickj in behalf of himself, and the noblemen and 



le coir.- 
missioiierf- 



Chap. VITI. ;C0NNECTICUT. 147 

;;entlemon in England, particularly interested in tlic lands Book I. 
jti question, pleaded, that nothing in their absence might be ■v.-^-v-'^w^' 
'Jftennined against their title. He insisted, that Pequot 164 1. 
harbour, and the lands in the adjacent country, were of 
great conscnuence to the gentlemen interested in the Con- 
^lecticut patent, lie said they had a special respect to 
■them, in their consultations, relative to a piantrtlion in these 
parts. 

The commissioners judged, that a convenient time ought Dciermi- 
?o be given to those noble personages to plead their right, "=^'i<'" "" 
nnd that ail patents, of equal authority, ought to have the ^^ 
. ame construction, both with reference to propriety and 
jurisdiction. 

The commissioners of Massachusetts also made claim to claim oi' 
Waranoke, now Westficld, as lying within the limits of Massachu- 
their patent. Mr. Fenwick, at the same time, claimed it ^^^^ ^° 
as covered by the patent of Connecticut. However, as it oj^e. ° 
appeared to the commissioners, that Mr. Fenwick had 
})romised, before this meeting, either to clear his tide to 
Waranoke, or submit to the government of Massachusetts, 
they determined, that Waranoke, with Mr. Hopkins's tra- 
ding house, and the other houses and lands in that planta- 
tion, should be under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, un- 
til it. should be made evident to which colony they belong- 
ed ; but that the propriety of the land should belong to 
the purchasers, provided ^t should not exceed two thou- 
sand acres. 

The reverend Mr. Shepard wrote to the commissioners, Contribu- 
representing the necessity of further assistance for the *'°" *"'" 
support of scholars at Cambridge, whose parents were Cam- 
iieedy, and desired them to encourage a general contribu- bridge, 
tion through the colonies. The con»naissioners approved 
the motion ; and, for the encouragement of literature, re- 
commended it to the general courts in the respective colo- 
nies, to take it into their consideration, and to give it gene- 
ral encouragement. The general courts adopted the re- 
rommendation, and contributions of grain and provisions 
were annually made, through the united colonies, for the 
charitable end proposed. 

At this meeting a plan was concerted by the commis- 
sioners, for a general trade with the Indians, by a joint 
ptock. It was proposed to begin the trade with a stock of 
five or six thousand pounds, and to increase it to twenty 
thousand or more. It was designed, that each general 
court should approve and establish the trade, with pecul- 
iar privileges, for the term of twenty years : but it was 
never adopted. It seems it did not cqmport with the viev/i> 



148 HISTORY OF Chap. Vllf. 

Book T. of the general court of Massachusetts; and this, notwith- 
v-^-v--^^ standing the confederation, rendered all the determina- 
1644. tions of the commissioners void, v/hich were not agreeable 
to their views and interests. 

As the Indians were numerous, and began to learn the 
use of fire arms, all trading with them, in any of the united 
colonies, in guns, ammunition, swords, or any warlike in- 
struments, directly or indirecdy, was prohibited, upon the 
penalty of a fine of twenty times the value of the articles 
thus unlawfully sold. It was also recommended to the 
several courts, to prohibit all vending of arms and ammu- 
nition to the French or Dutch, because they immediately 
disposed of them to the Indians. Every smith was for- 
bidden to mend a gun or any warlike instrument for an In- 
dian, upon a severe penalty.* 

South-Hampton, on Long-Island, was, by the advice of 
the commissioners, taken under the jurisdiction of Connec- 
ticut. This town was settled in 1640. The inhabitants 
of Lynn, in Massachusetts, became so straitened at home, 
that, about the year 1639, they contracted with the agent 
of Lord Sterling, for a tract of land on the west end of 
Long-Island. They also made a treaty with the Indians, 
nnd began a settlement, but the Dutch gave them so much 
trouble, that they were obliged to desert it, and remove 
further eastward. They collected nearly a hundred fami- 
lies and made a permanent settlement at South-Hampton. 
By the advice of the general court of Massachusetts, they 
entered into a combination among themselves, to maintain 
civil government. A number of them regularly formed 
themselves into church state, before they removed to the 
Island, and called Mr. Abraham Pierson to be their pastor. 
He had been a minister in Yorkshire, in England. Upon 
his arrival in New-Englasd, he became a member of the 
church at Boston, whence he was called to the work of the 
ministry at South-Hampton. t This year he removed with 
part of his church to Branford. It seems that they Avere 
not pleased that the town had put itself under the jurisdic- 
tion of Connecticut. 
General This year a committee, consisting of the governor, dep- 
court in utj'^-governor, and several other gentlemen, were appoint- 
AP"'- ed by the general court of Connecticut, to treat with George 
Fen wick. Esquire, relative to the purchase of Say brook 
fort, and of all guns, buildings and lands in the colony, 
Avhich he, and the lords and gentlemen interested in the 
patent of Connecticut, might claim. The next December 

* Records of the united colonies. 
tMagnalia, b.'_iii. p. 95. 



Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 149 

they came to an agreement with Mr. Fenwick, to the fol- Book I. 
lowing effect : v,^-^/^^ 

"Articles of agreement n'.adc and concluded betwixt 1644. 
George Fenwick, Esquire, of Saybrook fort, on the one A2;reeuient 
part, and Edward Hopkins, John Haynes, John Mason, ^p^^\^^ 
John Steele, and James Boosy, for, and on the behalf of ^'g^^fi,.!. 
the jurisdiction of Connecticut river, on the other part, the Dec. 5, 
5th of December, 1644. 1G44. 

" The said George Fenwick, Esq. doth make over to the 
use and behoof of the jurisdiction of Connecticut river, to 
be enjoyed by them forever, the fort at Saybrook, with the 
appurtenances : all the land upon the river Connecticut ; 
and such lands as are yet undisposed of, shall be ordered 
and given out by a committee of iive, whereof George Fen- 
wick, Esq. is always to be one. The said George Fen- 
wick doth alsr; promise, that all the lands from Narragan- 
set river, to the fort of Saybrook, mentioned in a patent 
granted by the earl of Warwick, to certain nobles, and 
gentlemen, shall fall in under the jurisdiction of Connecti- 
cut, if it come into his power."* 

* About this time died George Wyllys, Esq. tho venerable ancestor of 
the VVyllyses in Connecticut. He Avas possessed of a fair estate, at Knap- 
Ion, in the county of Warwick, worth £300 a year. In 1636, he sent over 
"William Gibbons, the steward of his house, with twenty men, to prepare 
liim a seat at Hartford. They purchased, and took pofsession of a firio 
tract of land, erected buildings, and planted a garden upon that pleasant 
plat, which has ever since been the principal seat of the family. In 1633 
he came over with his household ; and, at the election in 1639, was chosen 
into the magistracy, in which he continued about five years, until his death. 
In 1641, he was chosen deputy -governor, and in 1642, governor of the col- 
ony. It appears from the manuscripts of the family, that both he and 
Mrs. Wyllys were eminently pious, living with all the exactness of the Pu- 
ritans of that day. From love to undefiled religion, and purity in divine 
ordinances and worship, they exchanged tlieir pleasant seat and easy cir- 
cumstances in England, for the dangers and hardships of a wilderness in 
America. He left one son, Samuel, about twelve years of age. He was 
educated at Cambridge, where he was graduated 1653; and the next year 
was chosen one of the magistrates for Connecticut, at about twenty-two 
years of age. It appears by his manuscripts, that he became deeply im- 
pressed with the truths and importance of religion, at college, under the 
ministry of Mr. Shepard ; and tlie spirit of his pious parents descended 
upon him. He married a daughter of governor Haynes, who appeared 
equally to have imbibed the spirit of her Saviour. In his manuscripts, he 
describes the excellent examples which their parents had exhibited, and 
the pious pains they employed in their education; teaching them, from 
childhood, to pray always in secret, private and public ; to venerate thfT 
sabbath, and the divine word ; and to attend all christian institutions and 
duties. 

After bearing testimony to the great advantages of such an education, 
and to the comfort which they had experienced in the duties, in which they 
had been educated, he warmly recommends them to his children, and their 
posterity. 

The family is ancient, and maybe traced back to the reign of Edward 
the IV. more than three centuries. It has well supported its dignity to the 
present time. Some of the family have been magistrates or secretaries c^" 



150 HISTORY OF CiiAr. Vilj. 

Book 1. On the part of Connecticut it was stipulated, " That 
-..^-^^-^wy the said George Fenwick, Esq. should enj-oy all the hous- 
1645. Jiig* belonging to the fort for the space of ten years. And 
that a certain duty on corn, biscuit, beaver and cattle, 
Avhich should be exported from the river's mouih, should 
be paid to him during the said term." 
Thes:ene- Upon the 4th of February, 1G45, the general court of 
ral court Connecticut confirmed this agreement with Mr. Fenwick, 
confirm ^^^ passed an act imposing a duty of two pence per bush- 
ment with ^^ upon all grain, six pence upon every hundred weight of 
Mr. Fen- biscuit, and a small duty upon all beaver exported from 
J'^'^'^^''- the mouth of the river, during the term of ten years, from 
'' ■ the first day of March ensuing, it was also enacted, that 
an entry should be made of all grain laden on board any 
vessel, of the number of bushels, and of the weight of bis- 
cuit, and that a note of the same be de]iver.-<d to Mr. Fen- 
wick, upon the penalty of forfeiting the one half of all such 
grain and biscuit as should be put on board and not thus 
certified. The colony, on the whole, paid Mr. Fenwick 
1,600 pounds sterling, merely for the jurisdiction right, or 
for the old patent of Connecticut. The general court, the 
July I9ih. next July, ordered that a tax of two hundred pounds should 
be levied on the plantations in the colony, to defray the 
charge of advancing the fortifications at Saybrook fort. 
A committee was appointed, at the same time, to bargain 
\vith Mr. Griffin for that purpose, and to make provision 
for the immediate completion of the fortifications in view. 
A letter was also dispatched, from the court, to Mr. Fen- 
wick, desiring him, if his circumstances would permit, to 
make a voyage to England, to obtain an enlargement of 
the patent, and to promote other interests of the colony. 
Hostiiity Notwithstanding the unwearied pains the commission- 
oftheNar- gj.g Qf t[jg colonies, and the colonies themselves, had ta- 
° *' ken to prevent hostilities among the Indians, and to pre- 
serve the peace of tlie country, the perfidious Narragansets 
were continually waging Avar. Pessacus and the Narra- 
ganset Indians, in violation ofajl their treaties, had re- 
peatedly invaded the Moheagan country and assaulted Un- 
cas in his fort. They had killed and taken numbers of his 
men, and so pressed him, that both Connecticut and New- 
Haven were obliged to dispatch parties of men to his as-, 
sistance, to prevent the enemy from completely conquer- 
ing him and his country. 

Governor Winthrop therefore called a special meeting 

the colony for more than a century and an half. May the descendaats ev- 
er inherit its virtues and honors ! 

* An old v.'ord, aieaninj the quantity of inhabited buildings. 



Chap. MIL CONNECTICUT. 151 

of the comtilissioners, at Boston, on the 28lh of June, Book I. 
1645. Governor Winthrop and Mv. Herbert Pelham, v-.'-n/-^^ 
were commissioners for Massachusetis, Mr. Thomas Prince 1645. 
and Mr. John Brown for Plymoufii, Edward Hopkins andExtraor- 
Gcorge Fenwick, Esquires, for Connecticut, governor '^'"^T^ 
Eaton and Mr. Stephen Goodyear for New-Haven. oft^e " 

Immediately on the meeting of the commissioners, they commis- 
dispatchcd messengers into the Narratranset and Mohca- ';>oners, 

. • 'r' I ^ ? • * .u June 28th, 

gan countries, iaey were charged to acquaint the sa- jyjgsggu. 

chcms and Indians of the respective tribes, that if they gers, sent 
woukl go to Boston, the commissioners would impartially ^ t^'^ 
liear anddetermine all their differences ; and that, howev- getrin-^ " 
or the treaty might end, they should be allowed to go and suited, 
return in safety. The sachems, at first, seemed to give 
some fair speeches ; but finally determined, that they 
would neither go nor send to Boston. The Narragansets 
insulted and abused the messengers, and uttered haughty 
and threatening speeches against the English. One of 
the sachems declared, that he would kill their cattle and 
pile them in heaps ; and that an Englishman should no 
sooner step out at his doors than the Indians would kill 
him. He declared that, whoever began the war, he would 
continue it; and that nothing should satisfy him but the 
htad of Uncas. On the whole, the messengers were obli- 
ged to return without effecting any good purpose. By 
them Mr. Williams wrote to the commissioners, assuring 
them that an Indian war would soon break out ; and that, 
as a preparative, the Narragansets had concluded a neu- 
trality with 'Providence and the towns upon Aquidney isl- 
and. 

These reports roused the English spirit. The commis- 
sioners, considei-ing that the Narragansets had violated all 
their treaties, killed a number of the Moheagans, takers 
others captive, destroyed their corn, and, with great ar- 
mies, besieged Uncas in his fort ; and besides, that they 
had highly insulted the united colonies and abused their 
messengers, determined that an immediate war with them 
was both justifiable and necessary. 

However, as they wished to act Vv'ith prudence as w^li 
as spirit, and to give general satisfaction in an affair ot 
such moment, they desired the advice of the magistrates, 
elders, and a number of the principal military oiHcers in 
the Massachusetts. These assembled, and were unani- 
mously of the opinion, that their engagements obliged 
them to defend Uncas and the Moheagans : that the de- 
fence which they w^ere obliged to give, according to the 
common acceptatioti of such engagements. e:xtended not 



152* instORY OF Chap. Vlir. 

Book 1. barely to the defence of Uncas and his men in their forty 
>.^-v^^^ but to his estate and liberties ; and that the aid to be given 

1645. must be immediate, or he would be totally ruined. 
War with It was therefore determined, that a war with the Indians 
the Nana- ^y 33 jygt ^[^g^j jj^g ^^s,q should be Stated in short, and war, 
deteraiiu- '^^^^^ ^"^ reasons of it, be proclaimed. A day of fasting 
td. and prayer was appointed on the fourth of September. It 

was resolved, That three hundred men should be forth- 
with raised, and sent against the enemy. Massachusetts 
■were to furnish 190, Plymouth and Connecticut 40 each, 
and New-f laven 30. As the troops from Connecticut and 
NcAv-IIaven, who had assisted in defending Uncas, the for- 
mer part of the sunmier, were about to return to their res- 
pective colonies, forty men Avere impressed in the Massa- 
chusetts, and marched in three days, completely armed and 
victualled. These were commanded by Humphry Ather- 
ton. Orders were dispatched to the troops to be raised in 
Connecticut and New-Haven, to join them at Moheagan. 
A commission was forwarded ta captain Mason to take the 
command of all the troops, until the whole army should 
form a junction. The chief command of the army was 
given to major Edward Gibbons, of Massachusetts. He 
was instructed not only to defend Uncas, but to invade and 
distress the Narragansets and Nehanticks, with their con- 
federates. He had instructions to offer them peace. If 
they would receive it upon honorable terms, he, with his 
officers, had power to make a treaty with them. If the en- 
emy should flee from tlie army, and would neither fight nor 
make peace, the commander had orders to build forts in 
the Nehantick and Narraganset country ; to which he might 
gather the enemy's corn and goods, as far as it should be in 
his jiower. 

The Narragansets had sent a present to governor Win- 
ihrop, of Boston, desiring that they might have peace with 
t'riC English, but wage war with Uncas, and avenge the 
death of Miantonimoh. The governor refused to receive 
the present upon such terms ; but the messengers, by 
whom it was carried, urging that they might leave it until 
ihey could consult their sachems," he suffered it to be left 
with him. The commissioners ordered, that it should be 
inunediately returned. Captain Ilurding, Mr. Wilbore, 
and Benedict Arnold, were sent into the Narraganset coun- 
try, to return th« present, and to assure Pessacus, Canoni- 
cus, Janimo, and the other sachems of the Narraganset and 
.Nehantick Indians, that they would neither receive their 
f)resents, nor give them peace, until they should make sat- 
isfaction for past injuries, and give security far their peace- 



CiiiAP. Vlir. CONNECTICUT. 153 

able conduct for the future. They were to certify the In- Book I. 
dians, that the English were ready for war; and that i^ "^^f-^r^*,^ 
war was their choice, they would direct their affairs for 1645, 
that purpose. At the same time, they had orders to as- 
sure them, that if they would make satisfaction for the dam- 
ages which they had done, and give security for their 
peaceable conduct, in time to come, they should know, 
that the English were as desirous of the peace, and as 
tender of the blood of the Narragansets, as they had ever 
been. 

The messengers prosecuted their journey with great dis- 
patch, and brought back word, that Pessacus, chief sachem 
of the Narragansets, and others, were coming to Boston 
forthwith, vested with full powers to treat with the commis- 
sioners. The messengers, though sent on purpose to car- 
ry back the present, and to assure the Indians that the En- 
glish would not receive it, returned with it to Boston* 
They also wrote to captain Mason, acquainting him that 
there were hopes of peace with the Indians. 

The commissioners, therefore, while they acknowledg- 
ed the pains and expedition with which they had accom- 
plished their journey, censured them, for not attending to 
their instructions. Especially, they judged them worthy 
of censure, for bringing back the present, and for writing 
to captain Mason, The latter, they imagined, could have- 
no other effect than to retard his operations. 

The Indians, finding that an army was coming into the 
heart of their country, made haste to meet the commission- 
ers, and ward off the impending blow. A few days after 
the return of their messengers, Pessacus, Meeksamo, the 
eldest son of Canonicus, and Wytowash, three principal 
sachems of the Narragansets, and Awashequen, deputy of 
the Nehanticks, with a large train, arrived at Boston. 

They, at first, denied and excused many particulars 
which the commissioners charged upon them. They in- 
sisted on the old story of the ransom, and proposed to make 
a truce with Uncas, until the next planting time^ or for a 
year. The commissioners assured them, that matters were 
now come to a crisis, and that they would accept of no such 
terms. They charged the Indian sachems with their per- 
fidious breach of treaties, with the injuries they had done 
to Uncas, with their insults of the English, and with the 
great trouble and expense to which they had put them, to 
defend Uncas, and maintain the peace of the country. 
The Indians, finally, though with great reluctance, ac- ^j^^ j^_ 
knowledgcd their breach of treaties. One of the sachems dians b^at 
presentpd tho commissioners with a stick, signifying, by for peace. 

IJ ' 



154 HISTORY OF Chap. VIIL 

Book I. that token, that he submitted the terms of war and peace 
N.^,,-^^-^^^ into their hands, and wished to know what they required 
3645. of the Indians. 

The commissioners represented to thera, that the charge 
and trouble which they had brought on the colonies was 
very great, besides all the loss and damages which Uncas 
had sustained. They charged all4hese, upon their infrac- 
tion of the treaties which they had made with the colonies, 
and with Uncas. They assured the Indians, that though 
two thousand fathom of white wampum would, by no means, 
be equal to the expense to Avhich they had put the colo- 
jiies, entirely by their violation of their treaties ; yet, to 
show their moderation, they would accept of that sum for 
all past damages. It was required, that they should re- 
!?torc to Uncas all the captives and canoes which they had 
taken from him ; that they should submit all matters of 
controversy, between them and Uncas, to the commission- 
ers, at their next meeting ; and that they snould maintain 
perpetual peace widi the English, and all their subjects 
and allies* Finally, hostages were demanded, as a securi- 
ty for the performance of the treaty.* These, indeed, 
were hard terms. The Indians made many exceptions to 
them ; but as they knew the English were gone into their 
country, and were fearful tliat hostilities would be com- 
menced, even while the ti-eaty was pending, they submit- 
ted to them. Some abatement was made, as to the times 
of payment at tirst proposed, and it was agreed that Un- 
cas should restore to the Narragansets all captives and ca- 
noes which he had taken from them. This gave the Nar- 
ragansets and Nehanticks some ease ; but it was with great 
reluctance, that they finally signed the articles. Nothing 
but the necessity of the case, could have been a sufficient 
inducement. 
Aitklts On tiie 30th of August, the articles were signed, and the 

signed. Indians left several of their number, as hostages, until the 
children, who had been agreed upon for a permanent secu- 
rity, should be delivered. 

The troops which had been raised were disbanded, and 

the day a»<pointed for a general fast was celebrated as a 

day of general thanksgiving. 

Dcsi2;ns to New-Haven, this year, ajipointed Mr. Gregson their 

obtain pat- agent to the parliament in England, to procure a patent 

®'*'^*' for the colony. The court at New-Haven, voted, that it 

was a proper time to join with Connecticut, in procuring a 

patent from pailiament, for these parts.! It appears, that 

* Records of the united colonies^ 
■t Records ol' New-Haven. 



Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 153 

both Connecticut and New-Haven, at this time, had it in Book T. 
contemplation to obtain charters from parUament, for their v.-'^v-"*^' 
respective jurisdictions ; but Mr. Feiiwick, who liad been 1645. 
desired to undertake a voyage, for this purpose, in behah' 
of Connecticut, did not accept the appointment, and Mr. 
Gregson was lost at sea. In consequence of these circum- 
stances, and the state of affairs in England afterwards, the 
business rested until after the restoration. 

This year Tunxis was named Farminglon. At thisTown^ii 
rime, there were in the colony of Connecticut eight taxa- Connet ti- 
ble towns ; Hartford, Windsor, Weathersfiekl, Stratford, ^'|.^v.'|jj^, 
Fairfield, Saybrook, South-Hampton and Farmington. Inven. 
the colony of New-Haven were six ; New-Haven, Mil- 
ford, Guilford, Southhold, Stamford and Branford. 

In 1646 there was an alteration in the act respecting ju- lCt6- 
j'ies. In 1644, an act passed authorizing the court of mag- 
istrates to increase or mitigate the damages given by ver- 
dict of the jury. It was now enacted, that whatever al- -'^P''' ^' 
terations should be made of this kind, at any time, should 
be made in open court, in the presence both of the plain- 
tiff and defendant, or upon affidavit made, that they had 
been summoned to appear. 

At this court the town of Fairfield made objections to that 
part of the act passed in 1644, which admitted of a juj-y of 
six. They insisted on twelve jurymen in all cases triable 
by a jury ; but consented, that eight out of twelve should 
bring in a verdict. It does not appear, that a jury of six 
was ever empannelled, after this time. The laws were 
soon after revised, and ordained a jury of twelve in all 
cases which required a jury. 

The commissioners of the united colonies met, this year, 
at New-Haven. The Dutch continuing their injurious 
conduct against the English, complaints were made to the 
commissioners, of the recent and repeated insults and dam- 
ages which they had received from them. Instead of mak- 
ing them the least satisfaction for past injuries, they pro- 
ceeded to new instances of insolence and abuse. KieftKieft's 
wrote a most imperious letter to governor Eaton, charging ^^^^^^ ^^^ 
him, and the people at New-Haven, with an unsatiable de- ^"^° ^^ ' 
sire of possessing that which belonged to the Dutch na- 
tion. He affirmed, that contrary to ancient leagues, be- 
tween the kings of England and the States General, con- 
trary to the law of nations, and his protestations, they had, 
indirectly, entered upon the limits of New-Netherlands. 
He therefore protested against them, as breakers of the 
peace and disturbers of the public tranquillity. Indeed he 
proceeded so far as to threaten. th?t if the English^ ui 



156 



HISTORY OF 



€hap, vin 




Governor 

Eaton's 

reply. 



Misde- 
iiieanors 
of the 
Dutch at 
Hartford. 



Com- 
plaint to 
the com- 
mission- 
ers. 



The com- 
jnissioners 
write and 
send an 
express 
to the 
Dutch 
governQr. 



New-Haven, did not restore the places which they hud u- 
surpcd, and repair the losses which the Dutch had sustain- 
ed, that they would, by such means as God should afford, 
recover them. He affirmed, that the Dutch would not 
view it as inconsistent with the public peace, but should 
impute all the evils, which might ensue, to the English.*" 

Governor Eaton replied to this letter, that the colony 
under his government had never entered upon any land, to 
which the Dutch had any known title : That, notwithstand- 
ing all the injuries received from the Dutch, and the very 
unsatisfying answers which their governor had given, from 
time to time, the colony, in his apprehensions, had done 
nothing inconsistent with the law of God, the law of na- 
tions, nor with the ancient leagues subsisting between 
England and Holland. He therefore assured him, that 
the colony would cheerfully submit all differences, between 
them and the Dutch, to an impartial hearing and adjudica- 
tion, either in Europe or America. 

The Dutch, at Hartford, maintained a distinct and inde-; 
pendent government. They resisted the laws of the colo- 
ny, and counteracted the natural rights of men. They in- 
veigled an Indian v/oman who, having been liable to pub- 
lic punishment, lied from her master. It was supposed, 
that the Dutch kept her for the purpose of wantonness.. 
Though her master demanded her, as his property, and 
the magistrates, as a criminal, on whom the law ought to 
have its course, yet they would not restore her. The 
Dutch agent at Hartford, in the heighlh of disorder, re- 
sisted the guard. He drew his rapier upon the soldiers, 
and broke it upon their arms. He then escaped to the 
fort-, and there defended himself with impunity. 

The commissioners of Connecticut and New-Haven 
made complaint of these insults and misdemeanors to the 
commissioners of the united colonies, and laid open the 
whole conduct of the Dutch towards them. They repre- 
sented, that in answer to their complaints of past injuries, 
they had, instead of satisfaction, received nothing but in- 
jury and abuse* 

The commissioners, upon a deliberate view of the case, 
wrote to the Dutch governor, stating how they had written 
to him from time to time ; and, in consideration of the great 
worth of peace, had attempted to compromise the differ- 
ences which had so long subsisted between the Dutch and 
their confederates. They observed to the governor, that 
he had returned nothing but an ignoramus, with an offen- 

* Kieft's letter to governor Eaton, oa the records of the united cojor 

ji:e3. 



jPhap. VHI. CONNECTICUT. 167 

sive addition, which they left to his review and better con- Book I. 
sideration. They stated the affair at Hartford, and ob- ^-^-n/-^^ 
served, that had the Dutch agent been slain, in the haugh- 1646. 
ty affront which he had given, his blood would have been 
upon his own head. They assured him, that his agent 
and the company at Hartford, had proceeded to an intole- 
rable state of conduct : that they had forcibly taken away 
their cattle from authority, and made an assault upon a 
man, who had legally sought justice for damages which he 
had sustained: that they struck him, and, in a hostile man- 
ner, took his team and loading from him. The commis- 
sioners noticed the letter of the Dutch governor to the col- 
ony of New-Haven, and manifested their approbation of 
the answer which governor Eaton had given. They ex- 
pressed their hopes, that it would give satisfaction. They 
concluded by observing, that, to prevent all inconvenien- 
ces which might arise from any part of the premises, they 
had sent an express, by w^hom they wished to receive such 
an answer as might satisfy them of his concurrence with 
them, to embrace and pursue righteousness and peace. 

Several of the English who had traded with the Dutch, 
had not been able to recover their just debts, and gover- 
nor Kieft would not afford them that assistance which was 
necessary for the obtaining of justice. Mr. Whiting, of 
Connecticut, complained, that an action had been carried 
against him at Manhatoes, in his absence, and when he 
had no agent to exhibit his evidence, or plead his cause. 
He also made complaint, that, upon demanding a just debt, 
long since due from the Dutch, the governor neglected to 
give him that assistance which was necessary for the re- 
covery of his right. 

The commissioners wrote also to governor Kieft on this 
subject. They desired him to grant Mr. Whiting a review 
in the case specified, and proper assistance in the recovery 
of his debts from the Dutch. They assured him, tl^at all 
the colonies would grant similar favours to the Dutch in all 
Hheir courts. 

By their express, the commissioners received two letters Dutch let- 
from the Dutch governor, in answer to what they had writ- ^^rs and 
ten, expressed in the same haughty and ofiensive strain, as 
liis former letters. He denied that the woman, who had 
teen detained by the Dutch at Hartibrd, was a servant, 
■with many other facts which had been stated by the com- 
missioners. Instead of submitting the affairs in dispute to 
a legal decision, either in Europe or America, he still 
threatened to avenge the injuries of which he complained, 
by force of arms. With respect to other matters of special 



158 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. Vlii. 




The com- 
mission- 
ers' reply. 



Plot 

against 

Governor 

Hopkin^, 

Ilaynes, 

&c. 



importance, he passed them without the least notice. He 
compared the commissioners to eagles which soar aloft, and 
always despise the little fly, but he assured them, that the 
Dutch, by their arms, would manfully pursue their rights. 
He then finished his letters in this remarkable manner: — 
" We protest against all you commissioners, met at the red 
mount,* as against breakers of the common league, and, 
also, infringers of the rights of the lords, the states, our 
superiors, in that you have dared, without our express and 
special consent, to hold your general meeting within the 
limits of New Netherlands." 

The commissioners made a short reply, assuring the 
Dutch governor, that they could prove the facts which they 
had stated to him in their letters ; and that the woman 
whom the Dutch had detained, was a servant, and an im- 
portant part of her master's property: that she had fled 
from civil justice, and, by the confession of Mr. David Pro- 
vost, Dutch agent at Hartford, had been defiled. They 
insisted, that the conduct of the Dutch at Hartford, was in- 
tolerable, and complained, that he had given no orders to 
redress the grievances which they had mentioned. They 
also complained, that he had made no reply to so many 
important articles, concerning which they had written to 
him. With respect to the protest, with which he had clo- 
sed his letter, they observed, that, though it was offensive, 
yet it agi-eed with the general strain of his writing ; and 
that he had no more reason to protest against their boldness 
in holding their session at New-Haven, than they had to 
protest against his boldness in the protest which he had 
sent them. After all the insult which the commissioners 
received from the Dutch governor, their replies were cool 
and without threatening.! 

This year a horrid plot was concerted among the In- 
dians, for the destruction of a number of the principal in- 
habitants of Hartford. Sequassen, a petty sachem upon 
the river, hired one of the Waronoke Indians to kill gover- 
nor Hopkins and governor Haynes, with Mr. Whiting, one 
of the magistrates, Sequassen's hatred of Uncas was in- 
satiable, and, probably, was directed against these gentle- 
men, on account of the just and faithful protection which 
they had aflTorded him. The plan was, that the Waranoke 
Indian should kill them, and charge the murder upon Un* 
cas, and by that means engage the English against him to 
his ruin. After the massacre of these gentlemen, Sequas- 

* The Dutch called New-Haven the Red Mount, and the Red Hiilsj 
from the appearance of the rocks west and north of the town» 
i Recofdsi of the United Colonies. 



Chap.VIIL CONNECTICUT. ' 159 

sen and the murderer were to make their escape 16 the Book I. 
Mohawks. Watohibrough, the Indian hired to perpetrate v.^-n/-^^ 
the murder, after he had received several girdles of warn- 1646. 
pum, as part of his reward, considering how Bushheag, the 
Indian who attempted to kill the woman at Stamford, had 
been apprehended and executed at New-Haven, conceived 
that it would be dangerous to murder English sachems. He 
ajso revolved in his mind, that if the English should not 
apprehend and kill him, he should always be afraid of them, 
and have no comfort in his life. He also recollected, that 
the English gave a reward to the Indians who discovered 
and brought in Bushheag. He therefore determined, it 
would be better to discover the plot, than to be guilty of so 
bloody and dangerous an action. In this mind he came to 
Hartford, a few days after he had received the girdles, and 
made known the plot. Nearly at the same time the War- 
anoke Indians did much damage to the people at Windsor, ^^^^^^ ^^ 
burning up their tar and turpentine, and destroying their wiadsor* 
tools and instruments, to the value of a hundred pounds or 
more. The magistrates at Hartford issued a warrant, and 
apprehended the Indian whom they supposed to be guilty; 
but the Indians rose and made an assault upon the officers, 
and rescued the criminal from justice. 

Upon complaint and evidence of these misdemeanors, 
the commissioners sent messengers to Sequassen, demand- 
ing his appearance at New-Haven, and they ordered, that 
if he would not voluntarily appear, all means, consistent 
with the preservation of his life, should be used to take 
him. Messengers were also sent to Waranoke, to the In- 
dians who had done the mischief at Windsor, with orders 
to seize the delinquents, and bring them off, if they judged 
they could do it with safety. Sequassen had art enough to 
keep out of their hands, and those who had done the dam- 
age could not be found. The messengers were insulted at 
Waranoke. The Indians boasted of their arms, primed 
and cocked their pieces in their presence, and threatened 
that if a man should be carried away, the Indians would 
generally rise and fight. 

The commissioners, on the whole, judged it not expe- Resolution 
dient, in the state in which the Indians then were, to pro- respecting 
ceed any further than to resolve, that if any Indian or In- ^^^' "" 
dians, of what plantation soever, should do any damage to 
the English .colonies, or to any of their inhabitants, that, 
upon due proof of it, they would, in a peaceable manner, 
demand satisfaction. But if any sagamore, or plantation 
of Indians, should hide, convey away, entertain, or protect 
such offender or ofFenders, that then the English would de» 



16'0 ilf STORY OF Chap. VIIL 

Book I. itiaiid satisfaction of such Indian saganlorc or plantation, 

'»->-^/'-v^ and do themselves justice, as they might, upon all such 

164G. offenders. At the same time, they declared, that they" 

would keep peace and amity with all other Indians. This 

resolution was to be made known to the Waranoke Indiana 

in particular. 

The Indians, at particular times, were very mischievous, 
and gave much trouble to all the plantations. Sometime 
after the settlement of Milford, the Indians there set all the 
adjacent country on fire. It was supposed that their de- 
sign was to burn the town : but the inhabitants were so 
fortunate as to stop the fires at the swamps and brooks 
which surround it on the west and north. By this means 
the town was preserved. 

The Mohawks, though not hostile to the English, by 
coming down and murdering the Connecticut Indians, put 
the plantations in fear, and gave them not a litde trouble. 
Some years after the setdement of Milford, they came intw 
the town, and secreted themselves in a swamp,* about half 
a mile east of Stratford ferry, with a view to surprise the 
Indians at the fort. The English accidentally discovering 
them, gave notice of it to the Milford Indians. They at 
once set up the war whoop, and collected such numbers 
that they ventured to attack them. The Mohawks were 
overpowered, and several of them taken. One stout cap- 
tive, the Milford Indians determined to kill, by famine and 
torture. They stripped him naked and tied him up in the 
salt meadows for the moschetoes to eat and torment to 
death. An Englishman, one Hine, finding him in this pit- 
eous condition, loosed and fed him, and enabled him M 
make his escape. This very much concilated the Mo- 
hawks towards the English, and especially towards the 
family of the Hines, whom, it is said, they ever afterwards 
particularly noticed, and treated with uncommon friend- 
ship. 
Perfidy of The Narraganset and Nehantick Indians neglected to 
the Narra- pgi-fgrm any part of the treaty which they had made the 
last year. They neither paid the wampum stipulated, nor 
met the commissioners, at New-Haven, to settle the differ- 
ences between them and Uncas. They neither restored 
the captives nor canoes taken from him, nor made him any 
compensation for the damages which they had done him. 
They had attempted to deceive the English with respect 
to the hostages. Instead of the children of their sachems 
and chief men, whom they agreed to deliver, they made 
an attempt to impose upon them children of the lowes< 
* This is known by the name of Mohawk swamp to the present time-. 



Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 161 

rank. Even to this time, they had not brought those Book I. 
whom they had promised. They were still intriguing -.-^-v^«i^ 
with the Mohawks ; and, by presents and various arts, at- 1646. 
templing to engage them against the English colonies. 
The conmiissioners judged, that they had just occasion to 
avenge the injuries which they had received, and to seek 
a recompence by force of arms. However, that they might 
show their love of peace, and their forbearance towards 
these barbarians, they dispatched another message to 
ihem. In this a full representation was made of these par- 
ticulars. They were assured, that the commissioners were 
apprised of their intrigues, and that, in the eyes of all the 
colonies, they had rendered themselves a perfidious people. 

The war between the Dutch and Indians continuing, a Battle on 
great and general battle was fought between them in thatStrick- 
part of Horseneck commonly known by the name ofStrick- '^"^'* 
land's plain. The action was long and severe, both par- 
ties fighting with firmness and obstinacy. The Dutch, 
with much difficulty, kept the field, and the Indians with- 
drew. Great numbers were slain on both sides, and the 
graves of the dead, for a century or more, appeared like 
a number of small hills.* 

New-Haven having been exceedingly disappointed in Losses of 
trade, and sustained great damages at Delaware, and the ^^^' *~ 
large estates which they brought into New-England rapid- 
ly declining, this year, made uncommon exertions, as far 
as possible, to retrieve their former losses. Combining 
their money and labors, they built a ship, at Rhode-Isl- 
and, of 150 tons ; and freighted her, for England, with the 
best part of their commercial estates. Mr. Gregson, cap- 
tain Turner, Mr. Lamberton and five or six of their princi- 
pal men embarked on board. They sailed from New-Ha- 
ven in January, 1647. They were obliged to cut through 
the ice to get out of the harbour. The ship foundered at 
sea, and was never heard of after she sailed. The loss of 
this ship, with the former losses which the company had 
sustained, broke up all their expectations with respect to 
trade, and as they conceived themselves disadvantageous- Attempts 
ly situated for husbandry, they adopted the design of leav- *^ ''^"'°^''' 
ing the country. They were invited to Jamaica, in the 
West-Indies. They had also an invitation to Ireland. It 
seems they entered into treaties for the city of Galloway, 
which they designed to have settled, as a small province 
for themselves.! Nevertheless they were disappointed 
with respect to all these designs. Their posterity, who 

* Manuscripts of the Rev. Stephen Monson. 
t Mairnalia, B.l. p. 25, 26, 

V 



iQ2 HISTORY OF Chap. Vllf. 

Ijook I. they learcd would be reduced to beggary, made respecta- 
•>w.^->v-^>»^ ble farmers, and nourished, with respect to worldly circum- 

1647. stances, no less than their neighbours. 
Klectionat At the election, this year, at Hartford, nine magistrates 
Hariford, ^yere chosen. Mn Cosmore and Mr. Howe were elected 
for the first linie. The other magistrates were the same 
as in the preceding years. 

At this session of the general court, an explanation or 
addition was made to the tenth fundamental article. By 
this article, as it stood, it was the opinion of some, that no 
particular court could be holden, unless the governor and 
ibur magistrates were present. It was therefore decreed,! 
that the governor, or deputy governor, with two magis- 
trates, should have power !•) keep a particular court, ac- 
cording to the laws established ; and, that in case neither 
the governor, nor deputy governor should be present, or 
able to sit, if three magistrates should meet, and choose 
one of themselves moderator, they might keep a particular 
court, which to all intents and purposes, should be deemed 
as legal, as if the governor or deputy governor were pres- 
ent. All orders contrary to this were repealed. | 
^'■^ As tobacco, about this time, was coming into use, in the 

i)fe of colony, a very curious law was made for its regulation, or' 
tobacco, suppression. It was ordered, that no person under twenty 
years of age, nor any other, who had not already accus- 
tomed himself to the use of it, should take any tobacco un- 
til he had obtained a certificate from under the hand of am 
approved physician, that it was useful for him, and until 
he had also obtained a license from the court. All others, 
who had addicted themselves to the use of it, were prohib- 
ited from taking it, in any company, or at their labors, or 
in ti'c<velling, unless ten miles, at least, from any compa- 
ny ; and though not in company, not more than once a day, 
upon pain of a fine of sixpence for every such oft'ence. 
One substantial witness was to be a sufficient proof of the 
crime. The constables of the several towns were to make 
presentment to the jjarticular courts, and it was ordered,, 
that the fine should be paid without gainsaying.§ 
June 2. At a court in June, it was ordered, that the fort and guns 

at Saybrook, should be delivered to captain John Mason,, 
and that he should give Mr. Fenwick a receipt for the 
premises. At the desire of the people there, captain Ma 
son was appointed to the chief command of the fort; and! 
was authorized to govern all the soldiers and inhabitants of 
the town ; to call them forth and put them in such array as 

+ The enacting style, before the 'charter, was, It is ordered, sentenced, 
and decreed. Sometiraes one of the words only was used. 
^ Records of Connecticut, folio vol, i. p. 162, 163. 
} Records of Connecticut. 



conimisr 
sionprs. 



Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. IG3 

might be necessary for the general defence of the country. Book T. 
Orders were given, that the fortifications should bo repair- v-t-n/^-w 
ed, and that the country rate of Say brook should be ap- 1G47. 
propriated to that purpose. 

This court granted to the soldiers of the respective train Soldiers 
bands in the colony, the privilege of choosing their own of- ^oose 
ficers, to be commissioned by the court. tiieirofli- 

The conduct of the Narraganset and Nehantick Indians ^*^''''- 
was so treacherous and hostile that, in midsummer, an ex- Ju'y 26th, 
traordinary meeting of the commissioners was called at^'.'"'^'^^,*^''" 
Boston. The commissioners were, Thomas Dudley and nifetin"- 
John Endicot, Esquires, from Massachusetts ; Mr. William of the 
Bradford and Mr. John Brown, from Plymouth; governor 
Hopkins and captain John Mason, from Connecticut ; gov- 
ernor Eaton and Mr. Goodyear, from New-Haven. ThoT 
mas Dudley was chosen president. 

The Narraganset and Nehantick Indians, had not only 
neglected the performance of every part of their treaties 
with the English, Hut were, by all their arts, plotting against 
them. By their wampum they were hiring all the Indian 
nations round about them to combine against the colonies. 
They had sent messengers and presents to the Mohawks, 
to engage them in the general confederacy. As this faith- 
less conduct was the occasion of the meeting, the commis- 
►sioners immediately dispatched messengers to Pessacus, i^'arrag:ar4 
Ninigrate, Webetomaug, and all their confederates, to de- ^J^^^ ^^"* 
clare to them their breach of covenant, and to demand their 
attendance at Boston. The messengers were instructed 
lo assure them, that if they did not appear, they would 
send to them no more. Pessacns owned, that he had bro- 
ken covenant, and said it was the constant grief of his 
spirit. He pretended he would gladly go to Boston, but 
he was unwell, and could not travel. This was a mere 
pretence, as there was no appearance of indisposition up- 
on him. He excused himself for not keeping the treaty, 
because he was frighted into it by the sight of the English 
army, which was about to invade his country. He repre- 
sented, that he was in fear, if he did not make it, the En- 
glish would follow him home and kill him. He declared, 
however, that he would send his whole mind by Ninigrate, 
and that he would abide by Avhatever he should transact in 
the affair. 

On the 3d of August, Ninigrate, with two of Pessacus's 
men, and a number of the Nehantick Indians, arrived atjyjnigrate 
Boston. When Ninigrate came before the commissioners, appears 
he pretended great ignorance of the treaties between the ^^^'°''^/^® 
English and the Indians. He declared, that he knew no gj^^J^^gf" 



1G4 HISTORY OF Chap. VliJ. 

Book I. cause why theNarragansets should pay so much wampum. 

^.rf'-v-v^ He said they owed nothing to the English. The commis- 
1647? sioners acquainted him, that it was on account of theii' 
breach of treaty, and the great charge which, by that means, 
they had brought on the colonies, that the Narragansets 
engaged to pay such a quantity. Well knowing his de- 
ceit, they charged him as being the very man, who had 
been the principal cause of all their trouble and expense, 
relative to the Indians. They declared to him, that he 
was the sachem who had threatened to pile their cattle in 
heaps, and to kill every Englishman who should step out 
at his doors, At so home a charge, which he could not 
deny, he was not a little chagrined. However, he excus- 
ed the matter with as much art as possible. With respect 
to the wampum, he declared, that the Narragansets had 
not a sufficiency to pay the sum required. The commis- 
sioners knew that the Narragansets were a great nation, 
and that they could, at any time, upon short notice, pay a 
greater amount than they demanded. They considered 
the demand, not only as their just due, but as matter of pol- 
icy, as far as was consistent with justice, to strip them of 
their wampum, to prev(!nt their hiring the Mohawks, and 
other Indians, to join with them, in a general war against 
the colonies. They, therefore, insisted that the whole sum 
should be paid. They declared to him, that they were 
not satisfied with his answers. Ninigrate, after he had 
taken lime to consult with his council, the other deputies, 
who were with him, answered, that he was determined to 
give the colonies f;ill satisfaction. He desired ten days 
to send messengers to Narraganset, to collect the wampum 
due, and oifered himself a hostage until their return. The 
messengers returned with no more than two hundred fath- 
oms. Ninigrate imputed this to his absence. He desired 
liberty to return, promising, that if the whole sum should 
not be paid by the next spring, the commissioners might 
take his head, and seize his country. The commissioners 
agreed with him, that if within twenty days, he would de- 
liver a thousand fathoms of wampum, and the remainder 
which was due by the next planting time, they would dis- 
miss him. They also, for his encouragement, acquainted 
him, that although they might justly put the hostages to 
death, for their delays and breach of covenant, yet they 
would forthwith deliver them to him ; and if they should 
find him punctual to his engagements, they would charge 
former defects to Pessacus. These terms he gladly ac- 
cepted. 

The commissioners from Connecticut, the last year. 



Chap. VIII. CONNECTICUT. 165 

made complaint, that Mr. Pyncheon and the inhabitants at Book I. 
Springfield, refused to pay the impost which had been im- v-^^.'-"^' 
posed by Connecticut for the maintenance of the fort at 1647. 
Saybrook. The commissioners judged, that the fort was 
of great consequence to the towns on the river; but, as the 
affair of the impost had not been laid before the general 
court of Massachusetts, and as the commissioners of that 
colony had no instructions respecting it, a full hearing had 
been deferred to this meeting. 

Meanwhile, the general court of the Massachusetts had 
taken up the affair, and passed a number of resolutions re- 
specting the imjiost. These are a curiosity, exhibiting a 
lively picture of human nature, and, in the course of con- 
duct consequent upon them, will afford a general specimen 
of the manner in which the Massachusetts anciently treated 
her sister colonies. The resolutions were, at this meeting, 
laid before the commissioners, and were to the following 
effect. 

1 . That the jurisdiction at Hartford had not a legal povv- Resolu- 
er to force any inhabitant of another jurisdiction, to pur- *'°"**'^*'** 
chase any fort or lands out of their jurisdiction. Massa- 

2. That it was injurious to require custom for the main- chusetti, 
tenance of a fort which is not useful to those of whom it respecting 
was demanded. the.mpost. 

3. That it was unequal for Connecticut to impose a cus- 
tom upon their friends and confederates, who have no more 
benefit of the river, by the exporting or importing of goods, 
than strangers of another nation, who, though they lived in 
Hartford, paid none. 

4. That the propounding and standing upon an impo- 
sition of custom, to be paid at the river's mouth, by such 
as were of our jurisdiction, hindered our confederation ten 
years, and there was never any paid to this day ; and that 
now to impose it upon them, after their confederation, would 
put them upon new thoughts. 

5. That it appeared to them very hard, that any of their 
jurisdiction should be forced to such a disadvantage, as 
would necessarily enslave their posterity, by imposing such 
rates and customs, as would cither constrain them to depart 
from their habitations, or weaken their estates ; especially 
as they were with the first who took possession of the river, 
and were at great charge of building, &c. which if they 
had foreseen, they would not have made a plantation at 
that place. 

6. If Hartford jurisdiction shall make use of their power 
over any of ours, we have the same power to imitate them 
io the like kind, which they desired might be forborne oii 



166 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. Vllf, 



Book I. 

1647. 
Gov. Hop- 
kins' reply 
to the reso- 
lutions. 



Determi- 
nation of 
the com- 
missioners. 



both sides. These resolutions were signed by the secre- 
tary of the colony. 

Mr. Hopkins replied, in behalf of Connecticut, that the 
first article laboured under a cjreat mistake : that the im- 
position was neither to buy lands nor the fort. He observ- 
ed also, that it was not material to what purpose an impost 
Avas ap[)lied, if it were lawful in itself, and did not exceed 
the bounds of moderation. With respect to the second 
article, he said, that it impeached all states and nations of 
injustice, no less than Connecticut : that their practice, in 
all similar cases, warranted the impost. He urged, that, 
for twelve years, the fort at Saybrook had been of speciaJ 
service to Springfield ; and that it was so still, and might 
be for a number of years to come. He therefore insisted, 
that it was strictly just, that the inhabitants of that town 
should pay the impost. He said he was willing to risk the 
case, and have it decided on the principles of strict justice. 
The third article, he observed, was fa mere pre-emption, 
and had no just foundation ; besides, if it were founded, he 
argued, that the comparison was not equal. The whole of 
the fourth article, he said, vv'as a mistake : that the confede- 
ration was completed in about five years from the first men- 
tioning of it, and that it was not retarded by the means sug- 
gested, nor were they ever mentioned. With reference to 
the fifth article, he replied, that all taxes weakened estates, 
and if this were a ground of objection against the impost, 
then no tax or impost could ever be laid. He insisted, 
that the impost was just and moderate, and, therefore, could 
not enslave the inhabitants of Springfield. The towns in 
Connecticut, he observed, were settled before Springfield, 
and that town had been at no expense in making settle- 
ments, more than the towns in Connecticut. He said, if 
Connecticut, at any time, should become exorbitant in its 
impositions upon any of the colonies, they would find a 
remedy in the confederation. With reference to the last 
article, he declared his willingness, in all similar cases, to 
submit to the like imposition. 

The commissioners, upon a full hearing, determined, 
that it was of weighty consideration to all the plantations 
upon the river, that the mouth of it should be secured, and 
a safe passage for goods, up and down the river, be main- 
tained, though at some expense 5 and, that as Springfield 
enjoyed the benefit, the inhabitants should pay the impost 
of two pence per bushel for corn, and a penny on the pound 
for beaver, or twenty shillings upon every hogshead. Ne- 
vertheless, out of respect and tenderness to the Massachu- 
bPtts, it was resolved, that Springfield, or the general court, 



Chap. Vllf. CONNECTICUT. 1G7 

might have the liberty of exhibiting further reasons against Book 1. 
the impost, if any should occur. v-^'-v>»^ 

At this meeting, Mr. John Wihthrop, of Pequot, laid 1647. 
claim to the whole country of the western Nehanticks, in- Mr. Win- 
cluding a considerable part of the town of Lyme. He re- ^^^°P^^ 
presented, that he obtained the title to this large tract part- theNehan- 
ly by purchase, and partly by deed of gift, before the Pe- Uck coun- 
fjuot war. He petitioned the commissioners to tliis effect : ^O- 
" Whereas I had the land at Nehantick by deed of gift and 
purchase from the sachem, before the Pequot war, 1 desire 
the commissioners would confirm it unto me, and clear it of 
all claims of English and Indians, according to the equity 
of the case." As he had no deed nor writing respecting 
.the land, he produced the testimony of three Nehantick In- 
dians. They testified, that before the Pequot war, Sashions, 
their sachem, called all his men together, and told them, 
that he was determined to give his country to the gover- 
nor's son, who lived at Pattaquasset,* and that his men 
gave their consent : that afterwards he went to Mr. Win- 
throp, at Pattaquasset, and when he came back, said that 
he had granted all his country to the governor's son ; and 
also, that he had received coats for it, which they saw him 
bring home. Three Englishmen also testified, that they 
had heard the Indians report the same concerning the grant 
of the Nehantickt country to Mr. Winthrop. Thomas Stan- 
ton deposed, that he remembered Sashions, sachem of the 
Nehanticks, did give his country to Mr. John Winthrop, 
before the Pequot war, and that he was interpreter in that 
business. 

The commissioners of Connecticut pleaded against the Reply of 
claim of Mr. Winthrop, that his purchase bore no date ; Connecii- 
that the tract pretended to be purchased or given, was not *;"*.^°'"® 
circumscribed within any limits ; and that it did not ap- 
pear, that the Indian, who granted the lands, had any right 
in them : that the grant was verbal, and, at most, could be 
but a vague business. They also urged, that it did not 
appear, but that Mr. Winthrop purchased the lands for the 
noblemen and gentlemen, in whose service he was, at that 
time, employed; and that, as the lands had been conquer- 
ed, at the hazard and expense of Connecticut, before Mr. . 
Winthrop made known his claim, whatever it was, it was 
then dormant, and of no validity. They further insisted, 
that, as they were not prepared to give a full answer, no 
decision might be made, until Connecticut should be fully 
heard with respect to the premises. 

*■ This rs somelimes spelt Pamaquasset. and wa?, I suppose, the Icdiau 
name of Saybrook. 
t Some spelt it Neanticut, 



1G8 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. Vlli . 




Settle- 
metit of 
accounts 



Congratu- 
latory let- 
ter to the 
Dutch 
governor. 



Saybrook 
fort burnt. 



The commissioners declined any decision of the contro- 
versy ; but it does not appear that Mr. Winthrop ever af- 
ter prosecuted his claim. As it seems Mr. Winthrop, about 
this time, had a design of purchasing Long-Island, the 
commissioners took occasion to premonish him, that the 
Island was already under engagements for considerable 
sums of money, to a number of persons in Connecticut and 
New-Haven. They represented to him, that any title 
which might be derived from Mr. Cope, would be very pre- 
carious, as he had confessed a short time before his death. 1 

The commissioners, this year, brought in the number of 
polls in the several colonies, and made a settlement of their 
accounts^ The whole expenditure of the confederates 
■was 1043 pounds: 10: 0. There was due to Connecti- 
cut, 155 pounds: 17: 7, which the colony had expended 
in the general defence, more than its proportion. New- 
Haven had expended 7 pounds : : more than its pro- 
portion. This was exclusive of all the expense which 
these two colonies had borne in defending themselves a- 
gainst the Indians at Stamford and its vicinity, and in at- 
tempting to bring the murderers of the English to condigti 
punishment. Massachusetts and Plymouth paid the bal- 
ance to Connecticut and New-Haven. 

On the 27th of May, Peter Stuyvesant, who, the last 
year, had been appointed governor of New-Netherlands, 
arrived at Manhadocs, and commenced his government of 
the Dutch settlements. The commissioners wrote him a 
long letter of congratulation. They complained also, that 
the Dutch sold arms and ammunition to the Indians, and 
even in the English plantations. They desired that au 
immediate stop might be put to so dangerous a trade. They 
made complaint also, that the Dutch had laid so severe an 
itnpost upon all goods, as greatly discouraged trading with 
ihem, while all the harbors in the united colonies were 
open and free to them. As the Dutch also imposed heavy 
fines or forfeitures for misentries, or defect in commissions, 
the commissioners desired to be made particularly ac- 
quainted with their customs. 

This winter, the fort and buildings at Saybrook unac- 
countably took fire, and, with some goods, were destroy- 
ed. Captain Mason, with his wife and child, narrowly es- 
caped the conflagration. The damage was estimated at 
more than a thousand pounds- 

t Records of the unitrd colonies. 




CiiAP. IX. CONNECTICUT, 



CHAPTER IX. 1647. 

Settlement of Nc-lo- London. Salaries first granted to civil 
officers. Troubles roith the .N'arraganset Indians. Rhode- 
Island petitions to be united rnith the colonies in confede- 
ration. The Massachusetts resume the affair of the im- 
post. Mr. Westerhousc complains cf the seizure of his 
vessel by the Dutch, in the harbour of Nero-Haven. Mur- 
ders committed by the Indians ^ resolutions respecting the 
murderers. Body if laws compiled. Debates relative to 
the settlement of Delazcarr. The Pequots revolt from 
Uncus, and petition the English. Resolution respecting 
them. Mr. Jfesterhouse petitions to make reprisals from 
the Dutch. Letter to the Dutch governor. Further al- 
tercations respecting the impost. Final issue of that af- 
fair. The conduct cf the Massachusetts itpon its decis- 
ion, and the declaration of the commissioners respecting 
it. Their treatment of Connecticut respecting the line be- 
tzveen the colonies. The court of Connecticut determine 
to avenge the death of John Whitmore, and detach 
men to take the murderer, 

THE last year several persons began settlements at Pe- 
quot harbour. Lots were laid out to them, but part 
of them were soon discouraged, and left the plantation. 
This year Mr. Richard Blinman, who had been a minister,^ 
in England, removed from Gloucester to this new settle- doTset-'^" 
ment ; in consequence of which a considerable addition tied, 
was made to the number who had kept their station. By l^'^^- 
the next year, 1648, there was such an accession, that the 
inhabitants consisted of more than forty families. Some of 
the principal men were John Winthrop, Esq. the Rev. 
Mr. Blinman, Thomas Minot, Samuel Lothrop, Robert 
Allyn and James Avery. For their encouragement, the 
general court granted' them a three years exemption from 
all colonial taxation. Mr. Winthrop was authorized to 
superintend the affairs of the plantation. The next 
year a court was appointed for the trial of small caus- 
es. The judges were Mr. Winthrop, Thomas Minot and 
Samuel Lothrop. The Indian name of the place was Na- 
meaug, alias Towawog. In 1654, the whole tract, now 
comprised within the towns of New-London and Groton, 
was called Pcquot, from the name of the harbour and ori- 
ginal inhabitants. By this it was known for about four 
years. On the 24th of March, 1658, the assembly passed 

W 



; 70 IllSTOiiV OF Chap. IX. 

Book I. an act respecting it, which is so curious, and expressive of 
y^^^^^^-s^ the feelings of our ancestors towards their native country, 

1648. as to render it worthy of publication. 
The act of " Whereas, it hath been the commendable practice of 
assembly i\yQ inhabitants of all the colonies of these parts, that as this 
Hs^name5 country hath its denomination from our dear native coun- 
try of England, and thence is called New-England ; so the 
planters, in their first settling of most new plantations, have 
given names to those plantations of some cities and towns 
in England, thereby intending to keep up, and leave to 
posterity, the memorial of several places of note there, as 
Boston, Hartford, Windsor, York, Ipswich, Braintree, 
Exeter ; this court considering, that there hath yet no place 
in any of the colonies been named in memory of the city 
of London, there being a new plantation within this juris- 
diction of Connecticut, settled upon that fair river Mohea- 
gan, in the Pequot country, being an excellent harbour 
and a fit and convenient place for future trade, it being 
also the only place which the English in these parts have 
possessed by conquest, and that upon a very just war, up- 
on that great and warlike people, the Pequots, we there- 
fore that we might thereby leave to posterity that we mem- 
ory of that renowned city of London, from whence we had 
our transportation, have thought fit, in honor to that famous 
city, to call the said plantation Mew-London." The name 
of the river was also changed and called the Thames.* 
Salary for Until this time the governors and magistrates appear to 
ihe gov- have served the people for the honor of it, and the public 
good. The general conrt took the affair into their con- 
sideratioHy and granted the governor 30 pounds annually. 
The same sum was also voted for the deputy governor, 
who had presided the preceding year. These appear to 
have been the first salaries given to any civil officers in 
the colony, and to have been a compensation for the ex- 
pense of the office, rather than for the service performed. 
Kleciion Upon the election at Hartford, Mr. Hopkins was cho- 
at Hart- sen governor, and Mr. Ludlow deputy governor. Mr. 
lord, May Haynes supplied the vacancy made by the advancement of 
^'' Mr. Ludlow, and Mr. Cullick was elected magistrate and 
secretary in the place of Mr. Whiting. 
ComtBis- In September the commissioners of the united colonies 
fioners Convened at Plymouth. They were John Endicot aad Si- 
^*®'^* mon Bradstreet, from Massachusetts ; William Bradford 
and John Brown from Plymouth ; governor Hopkins and 
Roger Ludlow, from Connecticut ; governor Eaton and 
John Astwood, from New-Haven. 

* Records of Connecticut and New-London. 



Chap. IX. CONNECTICUT. Vrl 

The Indians, both in the Nehantick and Narraganset Book I. 
country, and in the western parts of Connecticut, had been v^-v-'>*-' 
more perfidious and outrageous this year than at any time 1648. 
since the Pequot war. The Narragansets and Nehanticks, Perfidy or 
instead of perfornning the fair promises which they had ^''^^^j^j'"" 
made, the last year, and of paying the wampum, which ^f^J^V. 
had been so long due, hired the Mohawk and Pocomtock 
Indians to unite with them in an expedition for the total 
destruction of Uncas and the Moheagans. The Poconi- 
tocks made preparations and assembled for the purpose. 
They waited several days for the arrival of the Mohawks, 
who were to have joined them at that place. The Narra- 
gansets and Nehanticks removed their old men, women and 
children into swamps and fastnesses, and prepared an army 
of 800 men, who were to form a junction with the Mo- 
hawk and Pocomtock Indians, in Connecticut, near the 
Moheagans. 

The governor and council, apprised of their designs, 
dispatched Thomas Stanton, their interpreter, and others 
to Pocomtock. They found the Pocomtocks actually mei 
in arms, and waiting for the arrival of the Mohawks. It 
was represented that the Mohawks had four hundred fire 
arms, and a plenty of ammunition. The Pocomtocks ac- 
knowledged that-they had been hired by the Narragansets. 
Such a confederacy was alarming to the colony. What 
such an army of savages might effect could not be deter- 
mined. It was dangerous to suffer them to march through 
the colony, and form a junction near the plantations. Sev- 
eral happy circumstances united their influence to frus- 
trate this formidable combination. The early discovery 
of the designs of the enemy, by the people of Connecticut, 
and the precautions which were taken, had a great effect. 
The Pocomtocks and Mohawks were assured, that the 
English would defend Uncas against all his enemies, and 
would avenge all injuries which they should do him. The 
Mohawks had one or two of their sachems and a number of 
their men killed by the French. They therefore did not 
come on. The Pocomtock Indians did not choose to march 
without them ; and the Narragansets, thus deserted, were 
afraid to proceed. Thus the expedition failed. 

The Narragansets not only plotted against the unite-:! Rhode- 
colonies, but committed many outrages against the people \f^^^ ^^^l 
of Rhode-Island, They made forcible entries into their admit- 
housesj struck and abused the owners, stole and purloined tance <o 
their goods. At Warwick especially, they were exceed- *^'^ *^^^' 
ingly troublesome. They killed, in that plantation, about ^Jq^""' 
a hundred cattle, exclusive of other injuries which they 



172 HISTORY OF Chap. IX. 

Book I. did to the inhabitants. Indeed, the Rhode-Islanders were 

'^..tr-^r'-^ so harassed, that they made application, by their repre- 

1648. sentatives, to the commissioners, to be admitted to the 

confederation of the united colonies. 
Reply of The commissioners replied, that they found their pre- 
thecom- ^^^^ g^g^^ ^^ j^^ ^j-^jj of confusion and danejer, and (hat they 
missioners, i . r ■ ■ , i ■ i • i i i mi 

were desirous oi giving them both advice and help. 1 hey 

however observed, that as the plantation made at Rhode- 
Island, fell within the limits of the ancient patent granted 
to the colony of New-Plymouth, they could not receive 
them as a distinct confederate. They represented, that it 
was (he design of the honourable committee of parliament, 
that the limits of that colony should not be abridged or in- 
fringed. They proposed, that if the Rhode-Islanders would 
acknowledge themselves to be within the limits of Ply- 
mouth colony, they w"ould advise how they might be re- 
ceived on equitable terms, with a tender regard for theii- 
(Convenience ; and that they would afford them the same 
advice and protection, which they did the other plantations 
within the united colonies. 
Messen- The commissioners sent messengers again to the Narra- 

gersseiitto gQnset and Nehantick Indians, to charge their treachery 
^gg^g"^' upon them, remonstrate against their conduct, and demand 
the arrearages of wampum which were yet unpaid. Their 
putragesagainst the inhabitants of Rhode-Island were par- 
ticularly noticed, and the sachems were peremptorily char- 
ged to keep their men under better government. The colo- 
nies wished to exhibit all forbearance towards the Indians, 
and, if possible, to preserve the peace of the country. 
They chose rather to restrain the natives by policy and 
the arts of peace, than by the sword. 
Further The general court of Massachusetts was, by no means, 

debate re- pleased with the determination of the commissioners, the 
the im- ^^^^ year, relative to the impost to be paid at Saybrook. 
post. A committee was, therefore, appointed to draft an answer 

to the observations and pleadings of governor Hopkins 
before the commissioners, at their former sessions. 

The committee introduced their answer with a number of 
questions relative to the articles of confederation. Some 
were calculated to make nothing of them, and exhibit them 
in a point of light entirely contemptible. Others related 
(o the power of the commissioners, and to the degree in 
which obedience Avas due to their determinations. They 
inquired whether a non-compliance with the orders of the 
commissioners would be a breach of the articles of confede- 
ration ? They complained, that they had not a greater num= 
oer of commissioners, as Massachusetts was much larger 



CiiAP. IX. CONNECTICUT. 173 

than the other colonies. They proposed, that they should Book I. 
have the privilege of sending three conunissioners, and v-*<-n/'-%-/' 
that the meetings of the confederates should be triennial. 1648. 
They then proceeded to a large reply to the arguments of Arguments 
governor Hopkins; and attempted to vindicate the reasons ^sa-'"**- 'f- 
which they had given before against the impost. In ad- 
dition to what they had formerly offered, they endeavoured 
to show, that if Springfield was benefitted by the fort at 
Saybrook, and ought to pay the impost on that account, 
that New-Haven, Stamford, and all the towns on that side 
of the river, ought to pay it no less ; because they had 
been already benefitted, and might be hereafter. Since 
this was the case, as they pleaded, they objected against 
the commissioners of New-Haven, as disqualified to judge 
in the case. They, also, objected against the decision of 
the commissioners, because it was made, as they said, with- 
out a sight of the Connecticut patent. They insisted, that 
if the patent had been produced, there might have been 
some clause which would have helped their case. The 
committee pleaded a priority of possession. They affirm- 
ed, that the first possession of Saybrook fort was taken by 
Mr. John Winthrop, in November, 1635; and our posses- 
sion was before that : for those who went from Watertown, 
Cambridge, Roxbury, and Dorchester, the summer before, 
took possession in our name and right; and had a commis- 
sion of government from us, and some ordnance for their 
defence. And in this state they remained a good space. 
In fine they urged, that if the impost were lawful, it was not 
expedient; that they could view it in no other light than as 
a bone of contention, to interrupt their happy union and 
brotherly love. Indeed, they represented, that it laid them 
under temptations to help themselves in some other way. 
This was adopted by the general court. 

Governor Hopkins and Mr. Ludlow insisted on the an- Reply of 
swers which had been given the last year, to the arguments the com- 
of the general court of the Massachusetts. They attempt- ""ssioners 
ed to show, that, notwithstanding all which had been urged, neeticut. 
the arguments in favour of the impost remained unanswer- 
ed, and in their full force. They observed, that whatever 
propositions might have been made by the Massachusetts, 
in 1638, with respect to the exemption of plantations under 
their government from an impost, nothing was ever granted 
upon that head: that affairs were now in a very different 
state from what they were at the time of the confederation. 
They urged, that now the charge of the fort and garrison 
at Saybrook, lay upon the colony; which was not the 
pase at that time ; and that nothing could be fairly plead- 



174 



HI^ORY OF 



Chap. IX, 



Book I. ed from the circumstances in which the colonies confede- 

1648. With respect to priority of right, and the commission 
nhich had been mentioned, they observed, that the com- 
mission of government was taken, salvo jure, of the inte- 
rest of the gentlemen who had the patent of Connecticut, 
this commission taking rise from the desire of the people 
that removed, who judged it inexpedient to go away with' 
out any frame of government, not from any claim of the 
Massachusetts jurisdiction over them by virtue of patent. 

With reference to the decision of the commissioners, 
without seeing the Connecticut patent, they observed, that 
a copy of it was exhibited at the time of the confedera- 
tion ; that it had been well known to many ; and that the 
Massachusetts in particular knew, that it had recently been 
owned by the honourable committee of parliament ; and 
that equal respect and power had been given by it to all 
within its limits, as had been either to Massachusetts or 
Plymouth, within the limits of their respective patents. 

As to the inexpediency of the impost, as tending to dis- 
turb the peace and brotherly love subsisting between the 
colonies, the}^ replied, that it was their hope and earnest 
desire, that in all the proceedings of the confederation, 
truth and peace might embrace each other. But they in- 
sisted, that pleading for truth and righteousness ought, by 
no means, to disturb peace or brotherly atfection. Indeed, 
they maintained, that things which were rational, and con- 
sistent with truth and righteousness, should never be an 
occasion of offence to any. 

The commissioners of Connecticut, at this tinje, produ- 
ced an authentic copy of their patent, and governor Hop- 
kins offered to attest it upon oath. As this was the third 
year since the affair of the impost had been litigated before 
the commissioners, it was urged, that it might have a final 
issue, agreeable to truth and righteousness. Governor 
Hopkins and Mr. Ludlow disputed the southern boundary 
of Massachusetts, and claimed Springfield as lying within 
the limits described in the patent of Connecticut. 

The. commissioners judged, that the objections offered 
against the gentlemen from New-Haven, were insufficient, 
and the commissioners from Massachusetts gave them up. 
Upon the whole, after a full hearing and mature delibera- 
tion, the former order, in favour of Connecticut, was con- 
firmed.* 

Notwithstanding the congratulatory letter, which the 
commissioners addressed to Stuyvesant, the Dutch gover- 
■ Records of th« Kiiited co!oi>i?s 



Chaf. IX. CONNECTICUT. 175 

nor, at their last session, he proved not the most comfort- Book I. 
able neighbour. He gave no answer to the complaints v-^-v-s./ 
which had been stated to him, in their letter. He trans- 1648, 
mitted no account of the customs laid upon the English 
merchants, nor of the cases in which the Dutch made sei- 
zures, so that it was extremely difficult to know on what 
terms they could trade, or how to escape fines, seizures, 
and confiscations. 

By Stuyvesant's order, the Dutch seized a vessel of Mr. Mr. Wes- 
Westerhouse, a Dutch merchant and planter at New-Haven, t^''^^"'^? 

I -1 • T 1 • » • 1 1 1 TT r 1 'complains 

while riding at anchor withm the harbour. He preierred a of the sei- 
complaint to the commissioners. He came in from Vir- zure of hi« 
ginia, and gave evidence, that, when he sailed thence, he ^^'P- 
made a full payment of all the customs. The commission- 
crs wrote to the Dutch governor on the subject, and re- mijsioners 
monstrated against such a flagrant insult to the united colo- remon- 
nies, and against the injustice done to Mr. Westerhouse. strate and 
They protested against the Dutch claim to all the lands, P'^^ ^^ ' 
rivers, and streams, from Cape Henlopen to Cape Cod; 
and asserted their claim to all the lands and plantations in 
the united colonies, as anciently granted by the kings of 
England to their subjects, and since purchased by them of 
the Indians, the original proprietors. 

At the same time, they assured him, that they expected 
^•satisfaction, both for the injury and aftront, in taking a ship 
out of one of their harbours, upon such a challenge and 
title to the place, unjustly claimed without purchase, pos- 
session, or any other considerable ground. They repre- 
sented to him in strong terms, the absolute necessity of a 
meeting for the adjustment of the diiferences between the 
Dutch and the united colonies. They professed themselves 
to be inclined to pursue all proper counsels for that pur- 
pose. As his letters to them, as well as to the governors 
of Massachusetts and New-Haven, had been expressed in 
such indeterminate language on the subject,, they wished 
liim to be more explicit. They avowed their determina- 
tion, that, until such time as the Dutch should come to art 
amicable settlement of the points in controversy, neither 
their merchants nor mariners should enjoy any privilege, 
in any of the English plantations or harbours, either of an- 
choring, searching, or seizing, more than the English did 
at the Manhadoes. They declared, that if, upon search, 
they should find arms and ammunition on board any of the 
Dutch ships, for the mischievous purpose of vending them 
within the limits of the united colonics, to the Indians, they 
would seize them, until further inquiry and satisfaction 
should be made. In short, they avowed their purpose of 



176 HISTORY OF Chap. IX. 

Book I. trcaUiig the Dutch mariners and merchants in the English 
v-#-N/--«fc^ harbours and plantations, in the same manner in which 
1648. they treated the English. They declared, that, if the Dutch 
should proceed to seize any vessel or goods, within any of 
the harbours of the united colonies, whether of English, 
Dutch, or any other nation, admitted to be planters in any 
of the said colonies, they should be necessitated to vindi- 
cate their rights, and to repair the damages by all just 
means.* 
Mr. Whit- Soon after the meeting of the commissioners, Mr. John 
more mur- VVhitmore, of Stamford, was murdered by the Indians. He 

ciGrGcl in 

October. ^^^ ^ peaceable, worthy man, and one of the representa- 
tives of the town in the general court at New-Haven. He 
fell as he was seeking cattle in the woods. The sachem's 
son first carried the news into town, and reported that one 
Toquattoes had killed him, and had some of his clothes, of 
which he gave a particular description. From this cir- 
cumstance, it was suspected, that he was either a principal 
or an accomplice in the crime. No such evidence, how- 
ever, could be obtained as would warrant the apprehend- 
ing him. The English took great pains to find the remains 
of Mr. Whitmore, but could make no discovery at that time. 
About two months after, Uncas, with several of his Indians, 
went to Stamford, and making inquiry concerning Mr. 
Whitmore's body, the sachem's son and one Kehoran, an- 
other of the natives who had been suspected, led Uncas, 
with his men, and a number of the English, directly to the 
place of his remains. Upon carrying them into town, the 
sachem's son and Kehoran fell a-trembling, and manifest- 
ed such signs of guilt, that the Moheagans declared that 
they were guilty. But before they could be apprehended, 
they made their escape. The Indians at Stamford and its 
vicinity, either through fear of their sachem, or favour to 
his son, or from some other cause, charged the murder upon 
Toquattoes. But neither he, nor the other suspected per- 
sons, were delivered up, nor could the English bring them 
to any examination respecting the subject. 
Murder at About the same time it was reported, that the Indians 
I'X'^^i upon Long-Island had, some years before, murdered a 
number of Englishmen, who were part of the crew of a 
vessel of one Mr. Cope, which liad been cast away near 
the island. These instances of bloodshed gave great 
alarm to Connecticut and New-Haven, especially to Stam- 
ford, and the towns in that vicinity. Mrs. Whitmore, by 
loiters and messengers, sued for justice against the mur- 
derers of her husband. The Indians grew haughty and 
* Records of the united colonies. 



Chap. IX. CONNECTICUT. 177 

insolent, and censured the conduct of the English. It was Book 1. 
dangerous to suifer such crimes to be unpunished, as it N-<'-v^>iii^ 
would embolden the natives to be constantly massacreing 1649. 
the English. But as nothing could be done, in this case, 
except by an armed force, it was deferred to the conside- 
ration of the commissioners of the united colonies. 

At the general election in Connecticut, Mr. Haynes was Election, 
chosen governor, and Mr. Hopkins deputy-governor. Mr. ^J^„ ^^^'^' 
Ludlow took his place again among the magistrates. The 
other officers were as they had been the preceding year. 

In consequence of the burning of the old fort at Say- 
brook, a new one was begun the last year, at a place call- 
ed the new fort hill. At this session of the assembly, or- 
ders were given for the erecting of a new dwelling-house 
in the fort, and for completing the works and buildings at 
Saybrook. The magistrates were empowered to impress 
suitable hands for carrying the business into effect, ^and 
appropriations were made for that purpose. 

Whereas the commissioners of Massachusetts, in their Resolu- 
pleadings before the commissioners of the united colonies, ^'°°^°^j*^^ 
at their last session, had expressed their doubts, whether court, in 
the act of Connecticut, imposing a duty upon certain arti- the May 
cles exported from Connecticut river, had any respect to session. 
the inhabitants of Springfield, the general court declared, 
that they had particular respect to them, as under the gov- 
ernment of the Massachusetts. They also resolved, that, 
in their best apprehensions, nothing was imposed on them 
more than was strictly just, or than had been imposed on 
themselves ; and that they ought to submit to the impost. 
They declared, that the execution of the act, with respect 
to their brethren at Springfield, had been deferred, only 
that the judgment of the commissioners of the other colo- 
nies might be had on the premises. The assembly also re- 
solved, that they were wholly unsatisfied that Springfield 
did fall within the true limits of the Massachusetts patent. 
They also expressed their earnest wishes, that the line 
might be speedily and fully settled, in righteousness and 

f)eace. It was ordered, that these resolutions should be 
aid before the commissioners at their next meeting. 

Mr. Ludlow had, for several years successively, beea 
desired by the general court to make a collection of the 
laws which had been enacted, and to revise, digest, and 
prepare a body of laws for the colony. He had now fin- 
ished the work, and at this session a code was established. 
Until this time, punishments, in many instances, had 
been uncertain and arbitrary. They had been left wholly 
to the discretion of the court. Defamation had, iix-some 

X 



178 HISTORY OF Chap. IX. 

Book I. instances, been punished by fine, repealed scourging, and 
^-^"-^^"^^ imprisonment.* For violation of the sabbath, there is an 
1G40. instance of imprisonment during the pleasure of the court. 
Unchastity between single persons was, sometimes, punish* 
ed by setting^ the delinquent in the pillory, and by whip- 
ping him from one town to another. But, from this time, 
the laws, in general, became fixed, and the punishment of 
particular crimes was specified, so that delinquents might 
know what to expect, when they had the temerity to trans- 
gress. 

The statute now required a jury of twelve men : that in 
cases in which they were doubtful with respect to law, they 
should bring in b. non liquet, or special verdict; and that 
matter of law should be determined by the bench, as it is 
at the present time. But if, after the jury had been sent 
out repeatedly, the court judged they had mistaken the evi- 
dence, and brought in a wrong verdict, they were author- 
ised, in civil cases, to impannel a new jury. The court, 
also, retained the power of lessening and increasing the 
damages given by the jury, as they judged most equitable.! 
All cases of life, limb, or banishment, were determined by 
a special jury of twelve able men, and a verdict could not 
be accepted unless the whole jury were agreed. Con- 
necticut now had the appearance of a well regulated com- 
monwealth. 
Commis- An extraordinary meeting of the commissioners was 
sioners holden this year at Boston. The members were Thomas 
™ee , "yj)m]|gy^ Esq'r. Mr. Simon Bradstreet, William Bradford, 
Esq'r. Mr. John Brown, Edward Hopkins, Esq'r. Mr. 
Thomas Wells, Governor Eaton, and Mr. John Astwood. 
The settle- Governor Eaton, in behalf of the colony of New-Haven, 
ment of proposed that effectual measures might be immediately 
Delaware adopted for the setUement of Delaware bay. The title 
* ' which a number of merchants, at New-Haven, had to ex- 
tensive tracts on both sides of the river, by virtue of fair 
purchases from the Indians, was laid before the commis- 
sioners. The fertility of the soil, the healthfulness of the 
country, the convenience of the several rivers, the great 
advantages of settlements, and a well regulated trade there, 
not only to New-Haven, but to all the New-England colo- 
nies, were strongly represented. 

* In 1646, one Robert Bartlett, for defamalion, was sentenced to stand 
in the pillory during tiie public lecture, then to be whipped, pay £5, and 
suffer six months imprisonment. This year one Daniel Turner, for the 
same crime, was sentenced to be wiiipped, and then imprisoned a month ; 
at the month's end to go to the post again, and then to be bound to bis 
good' behaviour. 

t Old Connecticut code, p. 37.' 



Chap. IX. CONNECTICUT. 179 

The commissioners, after a full hearing and mature dc- Book I. 
Jiberation, were of the opinion, that the circumstances of v-^'-x'^k^ 
the colonies were such, that it would not be prudent, at ]G49, 
that time, by any public act, to encourage the settlement 
of those tracts. Besides the contest with the Dutch and 
the danger of involving the colonies in war, it was observ- 
ed, that they had scarcely sufficient numbers of men at 
home for their own defence, and the prosecution of the 
necessary affairs of their respective plantations. 

It was therefore recommended to the merchants and gen- Advice of 
tlemen at New-Haven, either to settle or make sale of the *^*^ ?°'"' 
lands which they had, as should appear most expedient. "g^pg°"^ ^ 
The commissioners resolved, that if any persons in the uni- ingit. 
ted colonies should attempt, without their consent, to make 
settlements on the lands, or to do any thing injurious to 
the rights of the purchasers, that they would neither own 
nor protect them in their unjust attempts.* 

The murder of Mr. Whitmore, and the other murders Resolu- 
which the Indians had committed against the English, were *'<'"5 .'■^- 
fullv considered. The commissioners therefore resolved, il'*;^^'"'' 

• 1 •» null II* 1 i»/*i IDCJIali 

that the guilty should be delivered up ; and if they were murder- 
not, that the sachem, at Stamford, or his son, should beap- ers. 
prehended and kept in durance, until they should be se- 
cured, and justice have its course. They ordered, that 
search should be made with respect to the murders, said 
to be committed, at Long-Island, and, if evidence could 
be obtained, to apprehend the delinquents and bring them 
to justice. 

Some time before the meeting of the commissioners, the Murder at 
Indians upon Long-Island perpetrated murder at South- Southhold. 
hold. They rose, in a hostile manner, for several days 
round the town. The inhabitants were obliged to arm 
and stand upon their defence against them for a considera- 
ble time ; and afterwards to keep a strong and vigilant 
guard by night. The town was not only exceedingly 
alarmed and distressed, but put to great expense. They 
therefore made application to the commissioners for relief. 
But they would not consent, that the colonies in general 
should bear any of the charge, in such instances. They 
determined in this case, as they had done before with res- 
pect to other towns in the jurisdictions of Connecticut and 
New-Haven. The colonies and towns, which had suffer- 
ed, had been obliged to bear all the expense of defending 
Stamford and other places, Uncas and the Moheagans, in 
all instances in which they had not been warranted- by the 
particular directions of the commissioners. 
-■ Recorcls of the united colonies. 



180 HISTORY OF Chap. IX. 

Book I. The Nairaganset and Nehantick Indians still persisted 
«^,^~v-^^ in their murderous designs against Uncas, and in their per- 
1649. fidious conduct towards the colonies. The alarming as- 
Narragan- pect of affairs, with respect to them, was the occasion of 
N*h*"'^ this extraordinary meeting. 

ticks con- ^^ Indian, hired by the Narraganset and Nehantick sa- 
tJDue their chems to kill Uncas, going on board a vessel in the 
})lot9. Thames, where he was, ran him through the breast with a 
toassassi- ^word. The wound, at first, was judged to be mortal ; 
Date Uq- Uncas however finally recovered. At this meeting, he 
cas, presented himself before the commissioners, and com- 

plained of the assault made upon him ; and affirmed, that 
these sachems had hired the Mohawks and other Indians 
against him, as well as an assassin tq kill him secretly. 
He complained also, that the Narragansets had neither re- 
stored his canoes nor his captives, as had been expressly 
demanded anu stipulated. He prayed, that, as he had 
ever been friendly and faithful to the colonies, they would 
provide for his safety, avenge these outrages, and do him 
justice. 

Ninigrate was examined before the commissioners on 
these points ; and it was proved, by the confession of the 
Mohawks themselves, that the Narragansets had hired 
them against Uncas. The Indian, who had wounded Un- 
cas, declared, that he had been hired by Pessacus and 
Ninigrate. Ninigrate made but a poor defence, either of 
himself or Pessacus. The commissioners dismissed him, 
entirely unsatisfied, and assured him, that unless he imme- 
diately compliec} v/ith the terms on which they had form- 
erly agreed, they should leave him to his own counsels. 

The colonies were alarmed with the report, that one of 
the brothers of Sassacus, or his son, was about to marry 
the daughter of Ninigrate: audit was conjectured, that 
the Narraganset and Nehantick Indians were concerting a 
plan to collect the scattered remains of the Pequots, and 
to set them up as a distinct nation with the son, or brother 
of Sassacus, at their head. The commissioners viewed 
the colonies as upon the commencement of an Indian war, 
and gave directions, that they should be immediately pre- 
pared for any emergency. 
Petition of The Pequots, who had been given to Uncas, had now 
nuots*^" for more than two years revolted from him, and lived sepa- 
rately, as a distinct clan. In 1647, they complained to 
the commissioners, that Uncas and the Moheagans had 
abused them. They represented, that, though they had 
submitted and been faithful to him, assisted him in his wars, 
hcen esteemed as his men, and paid U^m tribute, he had 



Chap. IX. CONNECTICUT. 181 

nevertheless grossly injured them. They said, that he had Book I. 
required tribute of them, from time to time, upon mere pre- v^x-vw^ 
lences ; and that since they had been put under hinj, they 1649. 
paid him wampum forty times. They alledged, that upon 
the death of one of his children, he gave his squaw pres- 
ents, and ordered them to comfort her in the same way ; 
and that they presented her with a hundred fathom of 
wampum : That Uncas was pleased, and promised that, 
for the future, he would esteem and treat them as Mohea- 
gans. They affinned, that notwithstanding this engage- 
ment, the Moheagans wronged them in their plays, and de- 
prived them of their just rights. Obachickquid, one of 
their chief men, complained that Uncas had taken away 
his wife and used her as his own. They proved, that Un,- 
cas had wounded some of them, and plundered the whole 
company. They prayed, that the English would inter- 
pose for their relief, and take them under their protection. 
The petition was presented in the behalf of more than 
sixty. 

The commissioners found these charges so well sup- Detenni- 
ported, that they ordered Uncas to be reproved, and cje-"^*.'^""i'. 
creed, that he should restore Obachickquid his wife, and Unca'3 ^ 
pay damages for the injuries he had done the Pequots. fiued. 
They also fined him a hundred fathom of wampum. Ne- 
vertheless, as it had been determined, by Connecticut, that 
the name of the Pequots should be extinguished, and that 
they should not dwell in their own country, it was resolv- 
ed that they should return, and be in subjection to Uncas, 
He was directed to receive them without revenge, and to 
govern them with moderation, in all respects, as he did the 
Moheagans. They did not however return to Uncas ; but 
annually presented their petition fo the commissioners to 
be taken under the protection of the English, and to be- 
come their subjects. They pleaded, that though their tribe 
had done wrong, and were justly conquered, yet that they 
had killed no English people ; and that Wequash had 
promised them, if they would flee their country, and not 
injure the colonies, that they would do them no harm. 
To ease them, as far as might be consistent with former de- 
terminations, the commissioners recommended it to Con- 
necticut to provide some place for them, which might not 
injure any particular town, where they might plant and 
dwell together. At th,e same time, they were directed to 
be in subjection to Uncas ; and it was again enjoined on 
him to govern them with impartiality and kindness. 

Mr. Westerhouse renewed his complaint respecting the Complaint 
seizure of his vessel; in the harbour of New-Waven, He and peti- 



182 HISTORY OF Chap. IX. 

Book I. alledged, that besides the loss of his vessel, and the ad- 
s.^-^^^-'^w' vantages of trading, the prime cost of his goods was 2,000 
1649. pounds; and that, after repeated application to the Dutch 
tionof Mr. governor, he had not been able to obtain the least coni- 
Wester- pensation. He had therefore petitioned the government of 
New-Haven, that some Dutch vessel might be taken by 
way of reprisal. He now petitioned the commissioners 
for liberty to make reprisals, byway of indemnification, 
until he should obtain satisfaction, 
Commis- Though the commissioners declared against the injustice 
prisals not ^^ ^^^ Seizure, and regretted both the insult done to the u- 
granted. nited colonies, and the damages sustained by Mr. Wester- 
house, yet they declined granting him a commission to 
make reprisals. They judged it expedient first to nego- 
tiate. 
Commis- They therefore wrote to the Dutch governor, that Mr. 
wriTJto Westerhouse had applied to them for a commission to make 
the Dutch reprisals, and that they had not granted his petition, as 
governor, they wished first to acquaint him with the motion, and to 
represent to him the equity of making reprisals, unless jus- 
tice should be done him some other way. They again a- 
vovved their claim to all parts of the united colonies. They 
asserted the right of New-Haven to Delaware bay, and as- 
sured him, that it would not be given up. They com- 
plained of his letter, the last year, that it was, in various 
respects, unsatisfying ; and that with regard to that dan- 
gerous trade of arms and ammunition carried on with the 
Indians, at fort Aurania and in the English planta- 
tions, it was wholly silent. They observed, that all dif- 
ferences, between them and the Dutch, might have been 
amicably settled, had it pleased him to attend the meeting 
of the commissioners, at Boston, according to the invita- 
tion which they had given him. As that was not agreea- 
ble to him, they avowed their designs of making provision 
for their own safety. 
Resolution To prevent the vending of arms and ammunition to the 
against Indians in the united colonies, they passed the following 
arms'to I'GsoIve : " That after due application hereof, it shall not 
the na- be lawful for any Frenchman, Dutchman, or person of any 
tives. foreign nation, or any Englishman living among them, or 
under the government of any of them, to trade with any 
Indian or Indians within this jurisdiction, either directly or 
indirectly, by themselves or others, under the penalty of 
confiscation of all such goods and vessels as shall be found 
so trading, or the true value thereof, upon just proof of any 
goods or vessels so traded or trading." 

The gentlemen from Massachusetts, at this meeting, a^ 



Chap. IX. CONNECTICUT. 183 

gain brought on the dispute between them and Connecti- Book I. 
cut relative to the impost. They pretended, that Mr. Fen- v-^-v^-^^ 
wick, some years before, had promised to join with them, 1649. 
in running the line, but that as he had not done it, and it Fiirther 
had now been done by them, at their own expense, and [.'^*JsaJ.'JJU^ 
to their satisfaction, it ought to be satisfactory to all oth- [he im- '^ 
ers, who could make no legal claim to the adjacent lands, post. 
This thcv insisted that Conneciicut could not, because ^bjec 

, , , •' tions 01 

they had no patent. _ ^ Massa- 

Thc commissioners from Connecticut denied the facts chusetts. 
which had been stated. They insisted, that Mr. Fenwick R^P'y '^^ 
never had agreed to run the line with them ; and that ^ °^^ 
their running the line, at their own expense, was not ow- 
ing to any defect of his, nor on the part of Connecticut ; 
for they ran the line a year before the dispute with Mr. 
Fenwick respecting Waranoke. Besides, they said, what 
he promised at that time, was not to run the line, but to 
clear his claim to that plantation. With respect to the pa- 
tent, they acknowledged, they had not indeed exhibited 
the original, but a true copy, to the authenticity of which 
Mr. Hopkins could give oath. They observed, it was well 
known that they had a patent ; that the original was in 
England, and could not then he exhibited ; and that the 
Massachusetts insisting on this point was an entire bar to 
the amicable settlement of the line between the colonies. 
Mr. Hopkins insisted, that the southerly extent of the Mas- 
sachusetts patent ought first to be mutually settled ; then 
he proposed, that the line should be run by skilful men, 
mutually chosen, and at the mutual expense of the colo- 
nies. The commissioners from Connecticut indeed de- 
clared, that it was evident, beyond all doubt, that Spring- 
field, at first, was setded in combination with Connecticut ; 
and, that it had been acknowledged to be so even by the 
colony of Massachusetts. They affirmed, that when prop- 
ositions were sent, by governor Winthrop, to the planta- 
tions upon the river, in 1637, relative to a confederation 
of the New-England colonies, Mr. Pyncheon, in prosecu- 
tion of that design, was, in 1638, chosen and sent as a 
commissioner from Connecticut, to act in their behalf: 
That it was at this time, and never before, he suggested 
his apprehensions, that Springfield would fall within the 
limits of Massachusetts ; and that this Avas received as a 
fact without any evidence of what had been alledged. 
They expressed it, as their full persuasion, that Mr. Pyn- 
cheon's representations and motion, at that time, originated 
from a pang of discontent which had overtaken him, in con- 
sequence of a censure laid upon him. by the general court 



184 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. IX. 




Final de- 
cision of 
the com- 
missioa- 
ers. 
Act of 
Massa- 
chusetts. 



Declara- 
tion of the 
coraniis- 
lioners. 



. of Connecticut.* They concluded by expressing their 
earnest wishes, that both the government of the Massachu- 
setts and their commissioners would consider, that they 
did not comply with the advice of the commissioners rela- 
tive to the present dispute ; and that they insisted upon 
what they knew could not, at that time, be obtained. 
They charged them, with an unwillingness to submit the 
differences, subsisting between them and Connecticut, to 
the mature and impartial judgment of the commissioners 
of the other colonies, according to the true intent of the 
confederation. In a very modest and respectful manner, 
they referred it to the serious consideration of their breth- 
j'en of the Massachusetts, whether their conduct was not 
directly contrary to the articles and design of the confede- 
rates, to which they all ought to pay a conscientious re- 
gard.! 

The commissioners finally decided the controversy in 
favor of Connecticut. Upon this the gentlemen from Mas- 
sachusetts produced an order of their general court, pass- 
ed by way of retaliation, imposing a duty upon all goods 
belonging to any of the inhabitants of Plymouth, Connec- 
ticut or New-Haven, imported within the castle, or ex- 
ported from any part of the bay.| 

This was very extraordinary indeed, as it was contrary 
to all the arguments from justice, liberty, expediency, or 
brotherly love, which they had pleaded against their sis- 
ter colony. It was extravagant and unreasonable, as it 
respected Connecticut ; as the impost at Saybrook affect- 
ed the inhabitants of one of their towns only ; and that 
solely upon the export of two or three articles ; whereas 
their impost was upon the inhabitants of all the planta- 
tions in the colony; and u})on all their imports, as well as 
exports. With respect to the other colonies, who had laid 
no kind of imposition on any of the inhabitants of Massa- 
chusetts, it was still more unjust and cruel. 

The commissioners from Plymouth, Connecticut and 
New-Haven, in consequence of this extraordinary act, 
drew up the following declaration and remonstrance, ad- 
dressed to the general court of Massachusetts. 

" A difference between the Massachusetts and Connec- 
ticut, concerning an impost at Saybrook, required of 
Springfield, having long depended, the commissioners 
hoped, according to the advice at Plymouth, might, at this 
meeting, have been satisfyingly issued : but upon the pe- | 

* It seems the court had blamed him for a particular instance of his 
conduct, in trading with the Indians. 
t Records of the united colonies. 
; HutchiiisuOj vol. >• p. 154, 155, 



Chap. IX. CONNECTICUT. 183 

rusal of some late orders made by the general court of the Book L 
Massachusetts, they find, that the line on the south side of ^..^-n/-^^ 
the Massachusetts jurisdiction is neither run, nor the 1649. 
place whence it should be run agreed : That the original 
patent for Connecticut, or an authentic exemplification 
thereof, (though Mr. Hopkins hath offered upon oath to as- 
sert the truth of the copy by himself presented,) is now re- 
quired ; and that a burthensome custom, is, by the Massa- 
chusetts, lately imposed not only upon Connecticut, inter- 
ested in the impost at Saybrook, but upon Plymouth and 
New-Haven colonies, whose commissioners, as arbitrators, 
according to an article in the confederation, have been only 
exercised in the question, and that upon the desire of the 
Massachusetts, and have impartially, according to their 
best light, declared their apprehensions ; which custom 
and burthen, (grievous in itself) seems the more unsatisfy- 
ing and heavy, because divers of the Massachusetts depu- 
ties, who had a hand in making the law, acknowledge, and 
the preface imports it, that it is a return, or retaliation upon 
the three colonies for Saybrook : and the law requires it of 
no other English, nor of any stranger of what nation soev- 
er. How far the premises agree with the law of love, and 
with the tenor and import of the articles of confederation, 
the commissioners tender and recommend to the serious 
consideration of the general court for the Massachusetts^ 
And in the mean time desire to be spared in all future agi- 
tations respecting Springfield."* 

Governor Hutchinson observes, that this law was pro- 
duced to the dishonor of the colony : That had the Massa- 
chusetts imposed a duty upon goods from Connecticut only, 
they might, at least, have had a colour to justify them ; but 
that extending their resentment to the other colonies, be- 
cause their commissioners had given judgment against 
them, admitted of no excuse. It was a mere exertion of 
power, and a proof of their great superiority, which ena- 
bled them, in effect, to depart from the union, whenever 
they found it to be for their interest. If it had been done 
by a single magistrate, it would have been pronounced ty- 
rannical and oppressive. He observes that, in all ages and 
countries, communities of men have done that, of which 
most of the individuals, of whom they consisted, would, 
acting separately, have been ashamed.! 

The Massachusetts treated Connecticut in the same un- Manner ot 
generous manner, with respect to the line between the col- ^^ssa- 
onies. In 1642, they employed one Nathaniel Woodward running 

* Records of the united colonies. ■ "^' 

+ Hutchinson, vol. i. p. p. 153, 156. 

Y 



71 



iStJ HISTORY OF Chap. 1X= 

Book I. and Solomon Saffeiy, whom Donglass calls two obscure 
vw*-v,r-x^ sailors, to rntT the line between them and Connecticut. 
1649. They arbitrarily fixed a boundary, as the exact point to 
which three miles south of every part of Charles river 
would carry them. Thence by water they proceeded up 
Connecticut river, and setting up their compass in the same 
latitude, as they supposed, declared, that the liiie struck 
/ the chimney of one BisselTs house, the most northeru 
/ building then in the town of Windsor. This was a whole 
/"/ j-angc of towns south of the true line between the colonies, 
Connecticut considered the boundary fixed as entirely ar- 
bitrary, and six or eight miles further south than it ought 
/ to have been. They imagined, that the error at Windsor 
was still greater, as no proper allowance had been made 
for the variation of the needle. They viewed the manner 
in which this had been effected, as contrary to all the rules 
of justice, and to the modes in which differences of that 
magnitude ought to be accommodated. The utmost extent 
of Narragansct river was their north line, and they were 
persuaded, that this would run so far north as to compre- 
hend the town of Springfield, and other towns in the same 
latitude. Therefore, neither Connecticut, nor the com- 
missioners of the united colonies, considered any boundary 
as properly settled, whence the line should be run, nor 
any line run between the colonies^ 

Connecticut wished to have the southern boundary of 
Massachusetts mutually settled and the line run, at the, 
joint expense of the two colonies ; but Massachusetts 
would neither consent to this, nor even allow that the copv 
/ \ of the Connecticut patent was authentic. For nearly sev- 
/ / enty years they encroached upon this 'colony, and settled 
/ ; whole towns within its proper limits. 
I ! The general court of Connecticut adopted the rtcom- 
I niendation of the commissioners, with respect to the pro- 
hibition of all trading of foreigners among the Indians oi 
the united colonies. They made the penalty to be the 
confiscation of all vessels and goods employed in such 
trade. 
The as- The court also, after conferring with New-Haven, de- 

sembly^s termiucd to avenge the blood of John Whitmore, of Stam- 
^olfto'ar-' ^^^^ ' ^"'"'' considering all its circumstances, and the con- 
rest mur- tluct of ihe Indians in the town, and bordering upon it, re- 
derers. solvedj'that it was lawful to make war upon them. It was 
ordered, that fifty men should be immediately drafted, arm- 
ed, and victualled, for the purpose of bringing the murder- 
ers to condign punishment, or of arresting other Indians, 
until tlic delinquents should be delivered to justice.* These 
* Records of Councclicuto 



Chap. X. CONNECTICUT. if^ 

spirited measures appear to have had the desired effect. Book !» 
The Indians at Stamford, it seems, became peaceable, and ^-^-s./"*^ 
there is nothing further upon the records respecting any ]G.")0. 
irouble with tliem. 



CHAPTER X. 

Jtbourt of Election at Hartford. Grants to Captain Mason, 
The commissioners meet and dispatch Captain Atherton to 
the Marragansets. Their message to jYinigrate. The 
Dutch governor arrives at Hartford, and refers the differ- 
ences between him and the colonies to arbitrators. Their 
determination, and the line is fixed between the English 
and Dutch plantations. Agreements with Mr. Fenwick 
occasion general uneasiness. Committees are appointed to 
explain and ascertain them. Towns are invited to attend, 
the committees, by their deputies, at Saybrook. An act for 
the encouragement of Mr. Winthrop, in seeking and im- 
proving mines. Norwalk and Mattabeseck settled, and 
made towns. The colony of Mew-Haven make another at- 
tempt to settle at Delawaj:^.' The Dutch governor seizcf< 
the company, and frustrates the design. He pursues his 
former line of conduct towards the colonies. The resolu- 
tions of the commissioners relative to his conduct, to the 
settlement of Delaware, and the tribtite to be paid bi/ the 
Pequots. French commissioners from Canada. Their 
proposals. Reply to them. The Dutch governor and In- 
dians concert a plan to extirpate the colonies. The com- 
missioners meet, and dispatch agents to the Dutch gover- 
nor. They determine upon war, unless he shoidd 7nani- 
fest his innocence, and redress the grievances of the colo- 
nies. They determine on the number of men to be raised, 
and draw a declaration of the reasons of the war. The 
agents return unsuccessful. The commissioners meet 
again, and determine to make war upon the Dutch and 
JsTarraganset Indians. The general court of Massachu- 
setts refuses to raise men, and prevents the xoar. Alterca- 
tions between that general court and the commissioners, 
and between that and the general courts of Connecticut 
and New-Haven. The alarm and distress of the planta- 
tions in these colonies. Their general courts protest against 
the court of Massachusetts, as violators cf the articles, of 




HISTORY OF 



Chap. %. 



1650. 

Election, 
May 16tb. 



Gra^t to 

captaia 

Mason 



Commis- 
sioners 
meet, 
Sept. 5th. 



Captain 
Atherton 
sent to 
Narragan- 
JiPt. 



confederation ; and write to Cromwell and the parliament 
for assistance. The tumultuous state of the inhabitants in 
several of the towns. 

PON the election at Hartford, Mr. Hopkins was cho- 
sen governor, and Mr. Haynes deputy governor. Mr. 
Clark was added to the magistrates. The court consisted 
of thirty-two members ; the governors, ten assistants, and 
twenty deputies. 

The court had granted a thousand acres of land to cap- 
tain Mason, for his good services in the Pequot war ; five 
hundred to himself, and five hundred to be given to his 
five best officers and soldiers. It was now ordered, that 
the five hundred acres granted to the soldiers, should be 
laid out for them at Pequot, or in the Neanticut country. 
The next year the court made a grant of Chippachauge 
island, in Mystic bay, and a hundred and ten acres of land 
at Mystic, to the captain. 

The commissioners met this year at Hartford. The 
meeting consisted of Mr. Simon Bradstreet and Mr. Wil- 
liam Hawthorne, Mr. Thomas Prince and Mr. John Brown, 
and of Governors Hopkins and Haynes, Eaton and Good- 
year. Governor Hopkins was chosen president. 

As the Narragansets still neglected to pay the tribute 
which had been so many years due, the commissioners 
dispatched captain Atherton, of Massachusetts, with twenty 
men, to demand and collect the arrearages. He was au- 
thorised, if they should not be paid, upon demand, to seize 
on the best articles he could find, to the full amount of what 
was due ; or on Pessacus, the chief sachem, or any of his 
children, and carry them oft". Upon his arrival among the 
Narragansets, he found the sachem recurring to his former 
arts, putting him off with deceitful and dilatory answers, 
and not suffering him to approach his presence. In the 
mean time, he was collecting his warriors about him. The 
captain, therefore, marched directly to the door of his wig- 
wam, where posting his men, he entered himself with his 
pistol in his hand, and seizing Pessacus by the hair of his 
Iiead, drew him from the midst of his attendants, declaring, 
that if they should make the least resistance, he would dis- 
patch him in an instant. This bold stroke gave him such 
an alarm, that he at once paid all the arrearages. 

Ninigrate, sachem of the Nehanticks, continuing his per- 
fidious practices, began to lay claim to the Pequot country, 
and appeared to be concerting a plan to recover it from 
the English. Captain Atherton, therefore, made him a visit, 
•^nd, according to his instructions, assured him, that the 



Chap. X. CONNECTICUT. 189 

commissioners were no strangers to his intrigues, in mar- Book I. 
rying his daughter to the brother of Sassacus ; in collect- v^^-v->^ 
ing the Pequots under him, as though he designed to be- 1650. 
come their head ; and in his claims and attempts respect- 
ing the Pequot country. He remonstrated against his con- 
duct, as directly opposite to all the covenants subsisting 
between him and the English colonies. He protested to 
him, that the colonies would never suffer him to accom- 
plish his designs ; either to possess any part of the coun- 
try which they had conquered, or even to hunt within its 
limits. He demanded where the brother of Sassacus was ? 
What numbers he had with him ? And what were his de- 
signs ? He insisted upon categorical answers, that the com- 
missioners might order their affairs accordingly. Having, 
in this spirited manner, accomplished his business, he re- 
turned in safety. 

Meanwhile, Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor, arrived at ^^^^- ^^*'^' 
Hartford. He had been often invited to attend the meet- arrived! 
ing of the commissioners, with a view to the accommoda- 
tion of the difficulties subsisting between him and the En- 
glish colonies. He chose to treat by writing, and on the Corres- 
13th* day of September, he introduced his correspondence pondence 
•with the commissioners. In his letter he complained of *^°™'"^"' 
the encroachments made upon the West India company, 
and the injuries done them, both by Connecticut and New- 
Haven. He pretended, that the Dutch, in behalf of said 
company, had purchased the lands upon the river, of the 
native Americans, before any other nation had bought 
them, or laid any claim to them. He, therefore, demand- 
pd a full surrender of said lands, and such compensation as 
the nature of the case required. He also complained of 
the act prohibiting all foreigners to trade in the English 
colonies, and that the English sold goods so cheap to the 
natives, as to ruin the trade for other nations. He conclu- 
ded with intimations of his willingness to settle a general 
j)rovisional line, between the Dutch and English planta- 
tions, by a joint writing to their superiors in England and 
Holland, or by the decision of agents, mutually chosen and 
empowered for that purpose. 

The commissioners, observing that his letter was dated 
at New-Netherlands, replied, that they would not treat, 
unless he would alter the name of the place where he wrote, reypecttnc 
He answered, that if they would not date at Hartford, he the place' 
■would not at New-Netherlands, but at Connecticut. They of ^nUos, 
consented, that he should date at Connecticut, but claim- 
■fjd a right for themselves to date at Hartford. He gave 
* 23d old style, as he dated. 



190 HISTORY OF Chap. X. 

Book I. up the right of dating at the Netherlands, and the treaty 
'^^-N/-^^ proceeded. 

1650. The commissioners replied to his complaints, to this ef- 
Replyof feet: That their tide to Connecticut river, and the adja- 
mUsioners *^^"^ country, had been often asserted, and made sufficient- 
tothe ^y evident, both to the Dutch and English ; and that they 
Dutch hoped amply to prove their title to what they enjoyed, by , 
complaints patent, purchase, and possession. Consequently, they in- 
sisted, that they had made no encroachments on the hon- 
orable West India company, nor done them the least in- 
jury. They affirmed, that they knew not what the Dutch 
claimed, nor upon what grounds : That at some times they 
claimed all the lands upon the river, and at others, a part 
only : That their claim was founded sometimes upon one 
thing, and at other times upon another ; and that it had 
been so various and uncertain, as to involve the whole af' 
fair in obscurity. 

With respect to trade, they observed, that they had the 
same right to regulate it, within their jurisdiction, which 
the Dutch, French, and other nations had to regulate it, 
within their respective dominions : That their merchants 
had a right to deal with the natives on such terms as they 
pleased ; and that they presumed they did not trade to their 
own disadvantage. They gave intimations that, if the 
then present treaty should succeed agreeably to their wish- 
es, they might reconsider the act of trade, and repeal the 
prohibition respecting foreigners. 

They then proceeded to a large and particular statement 
Statement of the grievances they suffered from the Dutch ; particu- 
of their laHy representing those which have been already noticed 
ancef"^^* in this history, with several other more recent injuries. 
Especially, that the Dutch agents had gone off from Hart- 
ford, without paying for the goods which they had taken 
up : That their successors had refused to make any settle- 
ment of their accounts ; and that the Dutch governor had 
not obliged them to make payment : That the Dutch 
bought stolen goods, and would make no compensation to 
the English, whose property they were : And that they 
had, not only formerly, helped criminals to file off their 
irons and make their escape •, but that they had been guil- 
ty of a recent instance of similar conduct. They alleged, 
that a Dutch servant had, lately, assisted a criminal, com- 
mitted for a capital offence, to break gaol and make his es- 
cape ; and that the Dutch called him to no account, for so 
gross a misdemeanor. 
Aibitra- Various letters passed, and several days were spent, in 
sen. ' these altercations. At length, the coaraissioners chose 



Chap. X. COiNNECTlCUT. 191 

Mr. Bradstreet, of Massachusetts, and Mr. Prince, of Ply- Book I. 
mouth, as arbitrators, to hear and compose all differences v.-«'"v^»^ 
with respect to injury and damages ; to make provisional 1650. 
boundaries, in all places where their respective limits were 
controverted, and to setde a just and free correspondence 
between the parties. The Dutch governor chose Thomas 
Willet and George Baxter for the same purpose. Both 
parties, in the most ample manner, authorised the arbitra- 
tors to hear and determine, in the most full and absolute 
manner, all differences between the two nations in this 
country. 

The arbitrators, after a full hearing of the parties, came 
to the following determination, which they drew up in the 
form of an agreement. 

"Articles of an agreement, made and concluded atDetermi- 
Hartford, upon Connecticut river, September 19th, 1650, J^^'^'Jj^^J 
betwixt the delegates of the honored commissioners of the trators. 
united English colonies, and the delegates of Peter Stuyve- 
sant, governor general of New-Netherlands. 

I. " Upon a serious consideration of the differences and 
grievances propounded by the two English colonies of 
Connecticut and New-Haven, and the answer made by 
the Dutch governor, Peter Stuyvesant, Esq. according to 
the trust and power committed to us, as arbitrators, and 
delegates betwixt the said parties : We find that most of 
the offences or grievances were things done in the time, or 
by the order and command of Mons. Kieft, the former gov- 
ernor, and that the present honorable governor is not pre- 
pared to make answer to them ; we therefore think meet 
to respite the full consideration and judgment concerning 
them, till the present governor may acquaint the H. M.*" 
States and West India company with the particulars, that 
so due reparation may accordingly be made." 

II. " The commissioners, for New-Haven, complained 
of several high and hostile injuries which they, and others 
of that jurisdiction, have received from and by order of the 
aforesaid Mons. Kieft, in Delaware bay and river, and in 
their return thence, as by their former propositions and 
complaints may more fully appear; and besides the Eng- 
lish right, claimed by patent, presented and showed several 
purchases they have made, on both sides the riyer and bay 
of Delaware, of several large tracts of land unto, and 
somewhat above the Dutch house or fort there, with the 
consideration given to the said sachems and their compa- 
nies for the same, acknowledged and cleared by the hands 
of the Indians, who they affirmed were the f me proprietors ; 

' H. M. FIi2h and Mi-htr. 



192 HISTORY or Chap. X. 

Book I. and testified by many witnesses. They also affirmed, that, 
v.^-N/'-'w/ according to the best of their apprehensions, they have 
1650. sustained 1000 pounds damage there, partly by the Swe- 
dish governor, but chiefly by order from Mens. Kieft, 
And therefore required due satisfaction, and a peaceable 
possession of the aforesaid lands, to enjoy and improve 
according to their just rights. The Dutch governor, by 
way of answer, affirmed and insisted on the title and right 
to Delaware, or the south river, as they call it, and to the 
lands there, as belonging to the H. M. States and West- 
India company ; and professed he must protest against any 
other claim ; but is not provided to make any such proof, 
as in such a treaty might be expected, nor had he com- 
mission to treat or conclude any thing therein. Upon con- 
sideration whereof, we, the said arbitrators or delegates, 
wanting sufficient light to issue or determine any thing in 
the premises, are necessitated to leave both parties in statu 
guoprius, to plead and improve their just interest, at Del- 
aware, for planting or trading, as they shall see cause r 
Only we desire, that all proceedings there, as in other pla- 
ces, may be carried on in love and peace, till the right may 
be further considered and justly issued, either in Europe or 
here, by the two states of England and Holland." 

III. " Concerning the seizing of Mr. Westerhouse^s 
i^hip and goods, about three years since, in New-Haven 
harbour, upon a claim to the place, the honored governor, 
Peter Stuy vesant, Esq. professed, that what passed in wri- 
ting that way was through error of his secretary, his intent 
not being to lay any claim to the place, and with all affirm- 
ing, that he had orders to seize any Dutch ship, or vessel, 
in any of the English colonies or harbours, which should 
trade there without express licsnse or commission. We 
therefore think it meet, that the commissioners of New- 
Haven accept and acquiesce in this answer." 

" Concerning the bounds and limits betwixt the English 
United colonies, and the Dutch province of New-Nether- 
lands, we agree as foUoweth." 

I. " That upon Long-Island, a line run from the wes- 
ternmost part of Oyster-Bay, and so a straight and direct 
line to the sea, shall be the bounds betwixt the English and 
Dutch there, the easterly part to belong to the English, 
and the westernmost to the Dutch." 

II. " The bounds upon the main to begin at the west 
side of Greenwich bay, being about four miles from Stam- 
ford, and so to run a northerly line, twenty miles up into 
the country, and after, as it shall be agreed, by the two 
governments of the Dutch and New-Haven, provided the 



Chap. X. CONNECTICUT. 193 

feaid line come not within ten miles of Hudson's river. Book I. 
And it is agreed, that the Dutch shall not, at any time here- ^~^~^/-^t^ 
after, build any house or habitation within six miles of the 1650. 
said line; the inhabitants of Greenwich to remain (till fur- 
ther consideration thereof be had) under the government 
of the Dutch." 

III. " The Dutch shall hold and enjoy all the lands ia 
Hartford, that they are actually possessed of, known and 
set out by certain marks and bounds, and all the remainder 
of the said land, on both sides of Connecticut river, to be 
and remain to the English there." 

" And it is agreed, that the aforesaid bounds and lim- 
its, both upon the island and main, shall be observed and 
kept inviolable, both by the English of the united colonies, 
and all the Dutch nation, without any encroachment or mo- 
lestation, until a full and final determination be agreed 
upon, in Europe, by the mutual consent of the two states of 
England and Holland." 

" And in testimony of our joint consent to the several 
-foregoing conclusions, we have hereunto set our hands this- 
19th day of September, Anno Dom. 1650." 

Simon Bradstreet, 
Thomas Prince, 
Thomas Willet, 
George Baxter. 

The Dutch governor promised also, and his agents, 
Messrs. Willet and Baxter, engaged for him, that Green- 
wich should be put under the government of New-Haven, 
to whom it originally belonged. It was also agreed, that 
the same line of conduct which had been adopted, witU 
respect to fugitives, by the united colonies, in the eightlx 
article of confederation, should be strictly observed be- 
tween them and the Dutch, in the province of New-Neth- 
erlands. The Dutch governor also acquainted the com- 
missioners, that he had orders from Europe to maintain 
peace and good neighbourhood with the English in Ameri- 
ca ; and he proceeded so far as to make proposals of a 
nearer union and friendship, between the Dutch and the 
united colonies. The commissioners declined acting up- 
on these proposals, without consulting their constituents ; 
and recommended the consideration of them to their res- 
pective general courts. 

While this settlement with the Dutch seemed to give a General 
favorable aspect to the affairs of the colonies, there arose a respecting- 
gi'eat and general uneasiness in Connecticut, relative to the the agree- 
agreements which had been made with Mr. Fenwick, and "^^"^^ ^'^h 
t» the slate of the accounts between him and the colony, ^'^'j^^**' 

JLt 



194 HISTORY OF Chap. X, 

Book 1. By the first agreement, besides the impost on several arti- 
\^->r^>^ cles exported fi'om the mouth of the river, for ten years, 
1650. the people were obliged to pay one shilling annually for 
every milch cow and mare in the colony, and the same 
sum for every sn-ine killed either for market or private use, 
Spriu2;field refused to pay the impost ; and it seems that. 
Connecticut was obliged, by the conduct of Massachusetts, 
to repeal the act relating to the imposition. By reason ol 
the controversy which arose between Connecticut and Mas- 
sachusetts, and some other circumstances, several of thf 
towns, during the two first years, paid but a small propor- 
tion of what had been stipulated. The colony therefore, 
on the 17th of February, 1646, made a new agreement 
■with Mr. Fenwick. This was to the following effect : 

That, instead of all former grants, he should receive 
from the colony, annually, one hundred and eighty pounds, 
for ten years. He was to collect what was due from Spring- 
field, and to enjoy certain profits arising from the beaver 
trade. A hundred and seventy or eighty pounds was also 
to be paid to him from Saybrook and one or two newly set- 
tled towns. The whole amount appears to have been 
more than 2,000 pounds, which the colony paid for the 
right of jurisdiction, the ordnance, arms and stores at the 
fort.* As difi'crent apprehensions had arisen, respecting 
■p^v, cd, these asreemcnts, and the state of affairs between Mr. Fen- 
1651. Wick and the colony, the general court appointed commit- 
tees to meet at Saybrook to ascertain them. To quiet the 
minds of the people, notice was given to every town of the 
time and place of the meeting of the committees, and each 
was authorized to send representatives to hear the disputes 
and report the issue, with the reasons of it, to their con- 
stituents. By these means the inhabitants obtained gene- 
ral satisfaction. 
May 15. Mr, .lohti Winthrop, at the electian, was chosen into th'C 
magistracy. The assembly consisted of thirty four mem- 
bers ; twelve magistrates and twenty two deputies, 
RhoJe- The colony of Rhode- Island gave great trouble to her 

Island en- i>eighbours, by giving entertainment to criminals and fugj- 
lu--iiives. tives. Connecticut tbund it SO prejudicial to the course of 
justice and to the rights of individuals, that the court re- 
solved to recommend the consideration of the affair to the 
commissioners of the united colonies.! 

Mr. AV'inthrop imagined, that Connecticut contained 

* See the agreements, Numbers V and VI. 

t Aui^ustus llari'iman, a Dutch trader, with his vessel, was seized by the 
people of Saybrook for illicit trade with the Indians. The court fined him 
40 pounds and confiscated his vessel and cargo. They also made him give 
H iu wiiiiag, under his iiandj lliivthe had been well treated* 



Chap. X. CONNECTICUT. 195 

mines and minerals, which might be improved to great ad- Book T. 
vantage to individuals, as well as to the public emohiment. ^-^--v/^^^-' 
Upon a motion of his, the assembly passed the lollovving 165i, 
act. 

" Whereas, in this rocky country, among these moun- ^'^^ *-° *'"' 
tdins and rocky hills, there are probabilities ot mines oi ^i^^ ^jiscov- 
metals, the discovery of v/hich may be of great advantage cry of 
to the country, in raising a staple commodity; and where- in'"es. 
as John Winthrop, Esquire, doth intend to be at charges 
and adventure, for the search and discovery of such mines 
and minerals ; for the encauragement thereof, and of any 
that shall adventure with the said John Winthrop, Esquire, 
in the said business, it is therefore ordered by the court, 
that if the said John Winthrop, Es<juirc, shall discover, 
set upon, and maintain such mines of lead, copper or tin ; 
or any minerals, as antimony, vitriol, black lead, allum, 
stone salL^ salt springs, or any other the like, witiiin this 
jurisdiction ; and shall set up any work for the digging, 
w^ashing and melting, or any other operation about the 
said mines or minerals, as the nature thereof requireth ; 
liiat then the said John Winthrop, Esquire, his heirs, as- 
sociates, partners or assigns, shall enjoy forever, said 
mines, with the lands, wood, timber and water, within two 
or three miles of said mines, for the necessary carrying on 
of the works, and maintaining of the workmen, and pro- 
vision of coal for the same : provided it be not within the 
bounds of any town already settled, or any particular per- 
son's property ; and provided it be not in, or bordering 
upon any place, that shall, or may, by the court, be judg- 
ed fit to make a plantation of." 

Though the eastern and middle parts of Norwalk had settle 
been purchased more than ten years, yet there had been ment oi" 
only a few scattering inhabitants within its limits. But Norwalkj 
the last year, upon the petition of Nathan Ely and Rich- 
ard Olmstead, the court gave liberty for its settlement, and 
ordained that it should be a town by the name of Norwalk. 
The western part of it was purchased on the 15th of Feb- 
ruary. The inhabitants, at this time, consisted of about 
twenty families. About four years after, the general court 
vested them with town privileges. The situation of the 
place is very agreeable ; the harbor is pleasant and safe, 
and the lands rich, yielding plenteously. The air is un- 
commonly healthful and salubrious.* 

* From the first settlement of the town, to 1732, a terra of more than HO 
years, there was no general sickness, except the measles, in the town. 
From 1715, to 1719, there died in that large town, twelve persons only 
Out of one train band, consisting of a hundred men, there died noione per- 
son, from 1716, to 1730, during the term of fourteen years, Mri. ilaii:. 



19ti HISTORY OF Chap. X. 

Book I. The settlement of Mattabeseck commenced about the 

v-*''-v->w' same time. The principal planters were from England, 

1651, Hartford, and Weathcrslield. The greatest number were 

Settle- from Hartfoi'd. There was a considerable accession from 

M^d^r^ Rowley, Chelmsford, and Woburn, in Massachusetts. By 

town. ^^^ close of this year it became considerably settled. In 

November, 1653, the general court gave it the name of 

Middletown. Twenty years after, the number of shares 

•was fixed at fifty-two. This was the whole number of the 

householders, at that period, within the town. 

The agreement, made the last year, with the Dutch gov- 
ernor, and his professions of amity, encouraged the Eng- 
lish to prosecute the settlement of the lands, which they 
had purchased in the vicinity of the Dutch. 

Fifty men from New-Haven and Totoket, made prepa- 
EeU^e^Del- ^i^^s to settle their lands at Delaware. This spring, they 
a%vare. hired a vessel to transport themselves and their effects in- 
to those parts. They had a commission from governor 
Eaton 5 and he wrote an amicable letter to the Dutch gov- 
ernor, acquainting him with their design ; assuring him, 
that, according to the agreement at Hartford, they would 
settle upon their own lands, and give no disturbance to 
their neighbours. A letter, of the same import, was also 
addressed to him from the governor of Massachusetts. But 
no sooner had governor Stuyvesant received the letters, 
New-Ha- ^^^^ ^^ arrested the bearers, and committed them close 
ven people prisoners, under guard. Then sending for the master of 
imprisoned the vcssel to comc on shore, that he might speak with him, 
^ *^^ he arrested and committed him. Others, as they came on 
"overnor. shore, to visit and assist their neighbours, were confined 
with them. The Dutch governor desired to see their com- 
mission, promising it should be returned when he had tak- 
en a copy. But when it was demanded of him, he would 
not return it to them. Nor would he release the men from 
confinement, until he had forced them to give it under 
their hands, that they would not prosecute their voyage ; 
but, without loss of time, return to New-Haven. He threat- 
ened, that, if he should afterwards find any of them at Del- 
aware, he woukl not only seize their goods, but send them 
prisoners into Holland. He also caused a considerable 
part of the estate of the inhabitants of Southampton to be 
attached, and would not suifer them to remove it within the 
jurisdiction of the English. Captain Tapping, Mr. Ford- 
ham, and others, therefore complained, and petitioned to 
the commissioners for redress. 

ford, relict of the first minister of the town, died Sept. 12th, 1730, agecJ 
-iOOycara, Maniiscnpis of the Rev. Masts JL»ickinson, 



Chap. X. CONNECTICUT. i97 

They met this year at New-Haven. The members were Book I, 
Mr. Bradstreet and captain John Hawthorne, Mr. John s^^-v-^x^ 
Brown and Mr. Timothy Hatherly, governor Hopkins and 1651. 
Mr. Ludlow, governors Eaton and Goodyear. Governor Commis- 
Eaton was chosen president. sioners 

Jasper Crane and William Tutde, in behalf of them- ™e^.Ha- 
selves, and many others, inhabitants of New-Haven and ven. 
Totoket, presented a petition to the commissioners, com- ^^P*-- ^^th, 
plaining of the treatment which they had received from Petition 
the Dutch governor, and representing, that they had sus- J^^P«^cting 
tained more than three hundred pounds damage, besides 
the insult and injury done to the united colonies. They 
showed, that the Dutch had seized, and were about to for- 
tify, upon the very lands which they had bought of the 
original proprietors at Delaware : Th^t, had it not been 
for the injustice and violence of the Dutch, the New-En- 
gland colonies might have been greatly enlarged, by set- 
tlements in those parts ; that the gospel might have been 
published to the natives, and much good done, not only to 
the colonies, at present, but to posterity. They also rep- 
resented, that the Dutch were, by gifts and art, enticing 
the English to make settlements under their jurisdiction. 
They insisted, that suffering them thus to insult the En- 
glish, and to seize on lands to which they could shew no 
just claim, would encourage them to drive them from their 
other settlements, and to seize on their lands and property, 
"whenever they pleased ; and that it would make them con- 
temptible among the natives^ as well as among all other 
nations. They pressed the commissioners, therefore, to 
act with spirit, and immediately to redress the injuries 
which had been done to them and the colonies. 

The commissioners nevertheless, declined acting against -phe com- 
the Dutch, without previously writing, and attempting to missioneis 
obtain redress by ne':';otiationo They wrote to Stuyvesant, remon- 
insisting that he had acted in direct contravention of the !,*'^^/*^, 

TT r 1 1 -11 • 1 protest 

agreement at Hartford, and noticed that, m a letter to gov- ai^ainst the 
ernor Eaton, he had threatened force of arms^ and blood- Dutch 
shed, to any v/ho should go to make settlements upon their ^'^^'^'^'^°''' 
lands, at Delaware, to which he was unable to show any 
claim. They represented to him, how deficient it appear- 
ed at Hartford, not only to the commissioners, but even to 
the arbitrators of his own choosing. They charged him 
with a breach of the engagement of Mr. Willet and Mr. 
Baxter, in his behalf, with respect to the restoration of 
Greenwich to the government of New-Haven. They re- 
monstrated against his conduct, in imprisoning the people 
.<jf J^ew-Haven and Totoket, in detaining their commis- 



198 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. X. 




Resolu- 
tion res- 
pecting 
the settle- 
ment of 
Dela- 
ware. 



Tribute 
demanded 
of the Pe- 
quots. 



They de- 
mand why 
it was re- 
quired. 



Answer of 
the com- 
mission- 
ers. 



sion, and frustrating their voyage ; and also in beginning 
to erect fortifications upon the lands of the New-Haven 
people, at Delaware. They affirmed, that they had as 
good a right to the Manhadoes, as the Dutch had to those 
lands. They declared that the colonies had just cause to 
vindicate and promote their interests, and to redress the in- 
juries which had been done to their confederates. They 
protested, that whatever inconveniences or mischief might 
arise upon it would be wholly chargeable to his unneigh- 
bourly and unjust conduct. 

At the same time, for the encouragement of the petition- 
ers, they resolved, that if, at any time, within twelve 
months, they should attempt the setdement of their lands, 
at Delaware, and, at their own charge, transport a hundred 
and fifty, or at least a hundred men, well armed, with a 
good vessel or vessels for such an enterprise, with a suffi- 
cient quantity of ammunition ; and warranted by a com- 
mission from the authority at New-Haven, that then, if they 
should meet with any opposition from the Dutch or Swedes, 
they would affiard them a sufficient force for their defence. 
They also resolved, that all English planters, at Delaware, 
either from New-Haven, or any other of the united colo- 
nies, should be under the jurisdiction of New-Haven. 

The Pequots among the Moheagans and Narragansets, 
and those who had removed to Long-Island, had, to this 
time, neglected to pay any part of the tribute, which had 
been stipulated, at Hartford, in 1638, upon condition, that 
the English would spare their lives and defend them from 
their enemies. The general court had given orders, that 
it should be collected forthwith, and had appointed captaiu 
Mason to go to Long-Island, and demand it of the Pequots 
there, as well as of those in other places. 

Uncas, with a number of the Moheagans, and of Nini- 
grate's men, therefore presented himself before the com- 
missioners; and, in behalf of the Pequots, paid a tribute of 
about three hundred fathoms of wampum. He then, in 
their name, demanded, why this tribute was required ! 
How long it was to continue ? And whether it must be paid 
by the children yet unborn ? 

The commissioners answered, that, by covenant, it had 
been annually due ever since the year 1638 : That after a 
just war, in which the Pequots wei'e conquered, the Eng- 
lish, to spare, as far as might be, the blood of the guilty, 
accepted of a small tribute, as expressed in the covenant. 
They insisted, that they had aright to demand it as a just 
debt. They observed, that twelve years tribute was now 
due, reckoning only to the year 1650: but that, to show 



Chap. X. CONNECTICUT. 199 

their lenity, and encourage the Pequots, if they would be- Book I. 
have themselves well, and pay the tribute agreed upon, for v.^^^v-%^ 
ten years, reckoning from 1650, they would give them all 1651. 
which was due for past years ; and that, at the expiration 
of the ten years, they and their children should be free. 
This, it seems, they thankfully accepted, and afterwards 
became as faithful friends to the English as the Mohea- 
gans. They assisted them in their wars with other In- 
dians ; especially, in that against Philip and the Narra- 
gansets. 

While the commissioners were at New-Haven, two French 
French gentlemen, Monsieur Godfroy and Monsieur Ga- agents 
briel Druillets, arrived in the capacity of commissioners ^^™°' 
from Canada. They had been sent by the French gov- 
ernor, Monsieur D'Aillebout, to treat with the united colo- 
nies. They presented three commissions, one from Mon- Present 
sieur D'Aillebout, another from the council of New-France, ^^f^^. *^*'™' 
and a third to Monsieur Gabriel Druillets, who had been 
authorized to publish the doctrines and duties of Christiani- 
ty among the Indians. 

In behalf of the French in Canada, and the christianized sue for 
Indians in 'Acadia, they petitioned for aid against the Mo- aid against 
hawks and warriors of the six nations. They urged, that J^® ^"^ °*' 
the war was just, as the Mohawks had violated the most 
solcmH leagues, and were perfidious and cruel : That it 
was a holy war, as the Acadians were converted Indians, 
and the Mohawks treated them barbarously, because of 
their Christianity. They insisted, that it was a common 
concern to the French and English nations, as the war with 
the six nations interrupted the trade of both, with the In- 
dians in general. 

Monsieur Druillets appeared to be a man of address. Their ad- 
He opened the case to the best advantage, displaying all his dress, 
art, and employing his utmost ability to persuade the com- 
missioners to engage in the war against the six nations. 
He urged, that, if they would not consent to join in the war, 
they would at least, permit the enlistment of volunteers, in 
the united colonies, for the French service ; and grant 
them a free passage through the colonies, by land or water, 
as the case might require, to the Mohawk country. He 
also pleaded, that the christianized Indians might be ta- 
ken under the protection of the united colonies. He made 
fair promises of the ample compensation which the French 
would make the colonies for these services. He represent- 
ed, that, if these points could be gained, they would enter 
immediately upon a treaty, for the establishment of a free 
trade between the French and Ensflish in all parts of 
America. 



200 IIIStORY OF Chap. X, 

Book I. 'I'hcrcpiy of the commissioners exhibits policy andpru- 
v^^v-Ni-^ deuce ; showing, that they were not ignorant of men, nor 
1651. of the arts of negotiation. They answered, that they look- 
Reply of edupon such Indians, as had received the yoke of Christ, 
the com- ^^jj^jj another eye, than upon those who worshipped the 
"' devil : That they pitied the Acadians, but saw no way to 
help them, without exposing the English colonies, and 
their own neighbouring Indians, to war: and that some of 
those Indians professed Christianity no less than the Aca- 
dians, They observed, that it was their desire, by all just 
means, to keep peace with all men, even with these bar- 
barians ; and that they had no occasion for war with tho 
Blohawks, who, in the war with the Pequots, had shown a 
real respect to the English colonies, and had never since 
tiomniitted any hostility against them. They declared their 
readiness to perform all offices of righteousness, peace, and 
good neighbourhood towards the French colony ; yet, that 
they could not permit the enlisting of volunteers, nor the 
marching of the French and their Indians through the colo- 
nies, without giving grounds of offence and war to the Mo= 
hawks, and exposing both themselves and the Indians, 
■whom they ought to protect. They observed, that the 
English engaged in no war, until they were satisfied that 
it was just, nor until peace had been offered on reasonable 
terms, and had been refused : that the Mohawks were nei- 
ther in subjection to the English, nor in league with them j 
so that they had no means of informing themselves what 
they could say in their own vindication. They, also, as- 
sured the French ambassadors, that they were exceedingly 
dissatisfied with that mischievous trade, which the Frencht 
and Dutch had carried on, and still continued, with the In- 
dians, in vending them arms and ammunition, by which 
they were encouraged, and made insolent, not only against 
the christian Indians and catechumens, but against all 
christians in Europe, as well as America. But if all other 
difficulties were removed, they represented, they had no 
.such short and convenient passage, by land or water, as 
might be had by Hudson's river to fort Aurania and be- 
yond, in the possession of the Dutch. They concluded, 
by observing, that the honoured French deputies, as they 
conceived, had full powers to settle a free trade between 
the English and French colonies; but if, for reasons best 
known to dieraselves, it was designed to limit the English, 
by the same restraints and prohibitions to which the ur- ' 
privileged French were subjected, not suffering them to 
trade, until they had obtained a particular license from the 
governor and company of New France, they must wait a 



Chap. X. CONNECTICUT. ^01 

more favourable opportunity for negotiation. Such an op- Boor I. 
portunity, whenever it should offer, they intimated they ^-^"v-^i/' 
should readily embrace.* 1651. 

The commissioners, apprehending that there was little L^"^*".*** 
prospect of obtaining a redress of their grievances from [ J^'^ "^ 
the Dutch, by remonstrance and negotiation, wrote to Mr. 
Winslow, agent for Massachusetts in England, on the sub- 
ject. They represented the claims and rights of the colo- 
nies, and the injuries which they suffered from the Dutch. 
They insisted, that their conduct was a high affront, not 
only to the colonies, but to the honour of the English na- 
tion. They desired Mr. Winslow to inquire how the par- 
liament and council of state esteemed the ancient patents, 
and how any engagements of the colonies against the Dutch, 
for the defence of their rights, would be viewed by the 
parliament. It was desired, that he would give them the 
earliest information on the subject. 

The people at New-Haven persisted in their purpose ofcapt. Ma-? 
making, if possible, a permanent settlement upon their son invited 
lands at Delaware. They were sensible, that such was J" remove 
the situation of their affairs, that a leader, who was not only ^are. 
a politician, but a man of known courage, military skill 
and experience, would be of great importance to the en- 
terprise. They, therefore, made application to captain 
Mason, to remove with them to Delaware, and take on 
him the management of the company. They made himt 
such offers, that it seems he had a design of leaving the 
colony, and putting himself at the head of the English set- 
tlements in those parts. But the general court at Con- 
necticut, would by no means consent. They unanimously 
desired him to entertain no thoughts of changing his situa- 
tion. This appears to have prevented his going, and to 
have frustrated the design. 

The grand list of the colony appears this year, for the 
first time, upon the records. There are the lists of seven l^'stofthe 
towns only. The others either paid no taxes, or their lists y°^°"yjljj 
were not completed and returned. The amount of the 
whole, was 73,4921. 10s. 6d. It appears that the towns, 
at this period, were not, upon an average, more than equal 
to our common parishes at this day. 

At the general election in Connecticut, in 1652, the for- Election, 
mcr magistrates were re-elected. ^',^y -^^j 

The commencement of hostilities, the last yeai', between 
England and Holland, the perfidious management of the 
Dutch governor, with apprehensions of the rising of the 
Indians, spread a general alarm through the colony. 
'*■ Records of the united colonics. 
A2 



202 HISTORY OF Chap. X. 

I^ooK T. The assembly convened on the 30th of June, and adopt- 
v-^r-v^^ cd several measures for the common safety. Orders were 
1652. given, that the cannon at Saybrook should be well mount- 
June 3Uth. cd on carriages ; that the fort should be supplied with am- 
munition; and that the inhabitants, who were scattered 
abroad, should collect their families into it, and hold them- 
selves in the best state of readiness for their common de- 
fence. 
Indians re- The Indians in the vicinity of the several plantations, 
quired to ^vithln the colony, were required to give testimony of their 
their"arms f'"iendship and fidelity to the English, by delivering up their 
April, ' arms to the governor and magistrates. Those who refu- 
1653. scd, were to be considered as enemies. 

Stuy vesant, the Dutch governor, made no satisfaction for 
past injuries ; but added new insults and grievances to 
those which were past. He again revived the claims 
which he had renounced at Hartford ; and though he re- 
strained the Dutch from open hostility, yet he used all his 
arts with the Indians to engage them to massacre the Eng- 
lish colonists. 

A discovery was made in March, that he was confede- 
rate with the Indians, in a plot for the extirpation of the 
April 19tl), English colonies. An extraorrlinary meeting of the com- 
oommis- nussioners was called upon the occasion. It consisted of 
vneet. Governor Endicott, Mr. William Hawthorne, William Brad- 
ford, EsqV. Mr. John Brown, Mr. Ludlow, Captain Cul- 
lick, Governor Eaton, and Captain John Astwood. Gov, 
Endicott was chosen president. 

Upon a close attention to the reports which had been 
spread, and a critical examination of the evidence, all the 
commissioners, except those of the Massachusetts, were of 
the opinion, ihat there had been a horrid and execrable 
Plot of the plot, concerted by the Dutch governor and the Indians, 
Ijiitcli aud j-^^j, i^Ij^ destruction of the English colonies. Ninigrate, it 
appeared, had spent the winter at the Manhadoes, with 
Stuyvesant, on the business. He had been over Hudson's 
river, among the western Indians ; procured a meeting of 
the sachems ; made ample declarations against the Eng- 
lish ; and solicited their aid against the colonies. He was 
brought back in the spring, in a Dutch sloop, with arms 
Tvidcnce and ammunition from the Dutch governor. 'The Indians, 
of it. fQf. some hundreds of miles, appeared to be disaffected and 

hostile. Tribes, which l:>efore had been always friendly to 
the English, became inimical ; and the Indians boasted, 
that they were to have goods from the Dutch, at half the 
price for which the English sold them, and powder as plen- 
ty as the sand. The Long-Island Indians testified to th^ 



Chap. X. . CONNECTICUT. 205 

plot. Nine sachems, who lived in the vicinity of (ho Dutch, Book I. 
sent their united testimony to Stamford, " that the Dutch s^^^-x-/ 
governor had solicited them, by promising them guns, pow- 1653. 
der, swords, wampum, coats, and waistcoats, to cut otF the Mart li i: 
English." ^ The messengers who were sent, declared, 
"they were as the mouth of the nine sagamores who all 
spake, they would not lie." One of the nine sachems, 
afterwards, came to Stamford, with other Indians, and tes- 
tified the same. The plot was confessed by a Wampeag 
and a Narraganset Indian, and was confirmed by Indian 
testimonies from all quarters.* It was expected, that a 
Dutch fleet would arrive, and that the Dutch and Indians 
would unite in the destruction of the English plantations. 
It was rumoured, that the time for the massacre was fixed 
upon the day of the public election, when the freemen 
would be generally from home. 

The country was exceedingly alarmed ; especially Con- Ajarmand 
necticut and New-Haven. They were greatly hindered in l,'!'^''!,!" 
their ploughing, sowing, planting, and m ail their aiiairs. niea. 
They were worn down with constant watching and guard- 
ing, and put to great expense for the common safety. 

Six of the commissioners were satisfied, that they had 
just grounds of war with the Dutch. They drew up a 
general declaration of their grievances, for the satisfaction 
of the people. They also stated the evidence they had of 
the conspiracy, which they supposed was then in hand. 
They determined, nevertheless, before they commenced 
hostilities against the Dutch, to acquaint the governor with 
the discovery which they had made, and to give him an op- 
portunity of answering for himself. 

In the mean time letters arrived from the Dutch govern- 
or, in which he appeared, with great confidence, absolute- 
ly to deny the plot which ^lad been charged upon him. He 
offered to go or send to Boston to clear his innocence ; or 
desired that some persons might be deputed and sent to the 
Manhadoes, to examine the charges and receive his an- 
swers. Other letters arrived at the same time confirming 
the evidence of the conspiracy, and representing, that the 
Indians were hastened to carry it into execution. 

The commissioners determined to send agents to the gov- Ajjeni? 
ernor ; and with the utmost dispatch made choice of Fran- dispatch^ 
cis Newman, one of the magistrates of New-Haven, cap- Dutch 
tain John Leveret, afterwards governor of Massachusetts, guv«ing;:. 
and Mr. William Davis. They vested them with j/ienary 
powers to examine the whole affair, and to receive the 
governor's answer, according to his own proposal-:. 
* Records of (lie united colonies. 



bis coun- 
cil 



2©4 HISTORY OF Chap. X. 

Book I. Stuyvesant, in his letters, pretended to express his ad- 
v-.-i—v-^fc^ miration, that the English should give credit to Indian tes- 
1653. timony. The commissioners, therefore, in their reply. 
Letters (0 charged him with making use of heathen testimony against 
him and Jsew-FIavxn ; and observed, that Kieft, his predecessor, 
had used Indian testimonies against the English in a strange 
manner, in a case of treason, and life or death. They 
also acquainted him with the bloody use which the Dutch 
governor and his council had made of the confession of the 
Japanese, against captain Towerson and the English chris- 
tians at Amboyna, though it was extorted by torture. 

They wrote to Monsieur Montague and captain New- 
ton, who were of the Dutch governor's council, that his 
protestations of innocence gave them no satisfaction. They 
charged the fiscal,* as well as the governor, with the plot. 
They stated their grievances, demanded satisfaction for 
past injuries, and security for the future. 
Troops to While their agents were employed at the Manhadoes, 
te raised, jj^^y determined on the number of men to be raised, it| 
case of a war. For the first expedition they resolved to 
send out five hundred ; and appointed captain Leveret to 
the chief command. They also determined, that, should 
they engage in war with the Dutch, the commissioners of 
the united colonies should meet at New-Haven, to give all 
necessary directions respecting the expedition, and to or- 
der the war in general. 
The Butch Notwithstanding the fair proposals which governor Stuy- 
governor yegQ^t hat] made, he would submit to no examination, by 
amina- ^he agents, any further than a committee of his own ap- 
tipu. pointing should consent. Two of the committee were per- 

sons who had been complained of for misdemeanors, at 
Hartford \ and one of them had been laid under bonds for 
his crimes. The agents conceived, that the very proposal 
of such persons as a committee was a high affront to them, 
to the united colonies, and to the English nation. Be- 
sides, the Dutch governor would not suffer the witnesses to 
speak unless they were previously laid under such res- 
traints as would prevent all benefit from their evidence. 
The agents not only objected to the committee, and de- 
clined all connection with them, but remonstrated against 
the restraints proposed to be laid on the witnesses. Find- 
ing that nothing could be effected with respect to the de- 
sign of their agency, they, in a spirited manner, demanded 
satisfaction for insults and injuries past, and security a- 
gainst future abuse, and took leave of the Manhadoes. 
As they returned, they took various testimonies respect- 
* That is, the treasurer. 



C HAP. X. CONNECTICUT. sas 

ingthe plot; some from the Indians, and others from the Book I. 
English, sworn before proper authority. Before their re- s-^-n/^%«/ 
turn, the commissioners were dispersed, and the general 1653. 
elections were finished. The courts at Connecticut and Agents 
New-Haven voted their respective quotas of men, appoint- ^eturu. 
ed their officers, and gave orders, that all necessary prepa- 
tions should be made for the designed expedition. 

On the election at Hartford, the former officers were t^ate'sof 
rechosen. The time of election, at New-Haven, had been New-Ha- 
changed from October to May ; and this year was on the ven. 
25th of the month. The governors were the same as they 
had been for several years, Eaton and Goodyear. The 
magistrates were, Mr. William Fowler, Mr. John Ast- 
wood, William Leet, Esquire, Mr. Joshua Atwater, and 
Mr. Francis Newman. Mr. Atwater was treasurer, and 
Mr. Newman secretary. 

Immediately, on the return of the agents, from the Man- Commisr 
hadoes, the general court of Massachusetts summoned an- sioners 
other extraordinary meeting of the commissioners, at Bos- ™j^^ji_ 
ton, about the last of May. The commissioners were all 
the same who composed the last meeting, except Mr. Brad- 
street in the room of governor Endicott, who was obliged 
to attend the general court. 

The agents made report of the treatment which they had Agents 
received from the Dutch, and of such evidence as they had m^ike re- 
taken of the plot on their return. The commissioners were ^^'^^^' 
also certified, that the Indians, on Long-Island, had charg- 
ed the fiscal with the plot ; and that captain Underhill, 
having reported what the Indians declared, was seized and 
carried by a guard of soldiers, from Flushing to the Man- 
hadoes, where he was confined by the fiscal, until what he 
had reported, was affirmed to his face : then he was dis- 
missed, without trial, and all his charges borne. No soon- 
er had the agents taken their departure from the Manha- 
does, than the captain, because he had been active in ex- 
hibiting the evidence of the Dutch and Indian conspiracy, 
jiotwithstanding all the important services he had rendered 
the Dutch, was ordered to depart. The commissioners re- 
ceived a letter from him. May 24th, representing the ex- 
treme danger in which he and all the English were, as- 
suring them, that as necessity had no law, he had, like Jep- 
tha, put his life in his hand, to save English blood ; and 
that he was waiting their orders, with loyalty to them and 
the parliament, to vindicate the rights of the nation. The 
Dutch demanded, that all the English among them should 
take an oath of fidelity to them. This, in case of war, 
inight have induced them to fight against their own nation. 



206 HISTORY OF Chap. X. 

Book I. The people of Hampstead, at the same time, represented 
v..^r-v-,k^ that they were in the utmost danger, and wrote, in the 
1653. most pressing manner, for arms and ammunition, to defend 
themselves. Letters were also sent from Connecticut and 
New-Haven, with intelligence, that the Dutch governor, by 
presents of wampum, coats, and other articles, was excit- 
ing the Mohawks, and various Indian tribes, to rise and at- 
tack the English, both on Long-Island, and on the main. 

A long letter from the Dutch governor was also receiv- 
ed, in which, in general terms, he excused himself relative 
to the plot ; but he gave no encouragement of the least 
satisfaction, in a single instance ; or that the colonies 
should be more safe from injury and insult, for the future. 
Indeed, he still insulted them, renewing the claims, both to 
Connecticut and New-Haven, which he had given up at 
Hartford. 

All the commissioners, excepting Mr. Bradstreet, voted 
for war against the Dutch. He was under the influence of 
the general court of Massachusetts, who were using all 
their arts to oppose the commissioners, and prevent open 
hostility. The commissioners, however, so strenuously 
urged the justice and necessity of an immediate war with 
the Dutch, and so spiritedly remonstrated against the con- 
duct of the court, as violaters of the articles of union, thai 
they appointed a committee of conference with them. They 
desired, that a statement of the case might be made, and 
the advice of the elders taken on the subject. The com- 
mittee of the court were major Denison and captain Lev- 
eret. 

The commissioners replied, that their former declara- 
tion, their letter to the Dutch governor, and the evidence 
before them, afibrded clear and sufficient light in the af- 
fair. Nevertheless, they appointed captain Hawthorne, 
Mr. Bradford, and governor Eaton, a committee to confer 
■with the gentlemen appointed by the court. Governor 
Eaton drew a state of the case, in behalf of the committee 
of the commissioners. The committee from the general 
court would not consent to it, but drew a statement of their 
own. Under the influence of the general court, and the 
different representation which their committee had made, 
the elders gave their opinion : 
Advice of " That the proofs and presumptions of ihe execrable plot, 
the elder?, {ppfjing to the destruction of so many of the dear saints of 
God, imputed to the Dutch governor and the fiscal, were 
of such weight as to induce them to believe the reality of 
it; yet they were not so fully conclusive, as to clear up a 
present proceeding to v/ar before the world ; and to bear 



Chap. X. CONNECTICUT. 207 

tip their hearts with that fulness of persuasion, which was Book I. 
meet in commending the case to God, in prayer, and to >..^-n/-^ 
the people in exhortations; and that it would be safest for 1633. 
the colonies to forbear the use of the sword ; but advised 
to be in a posture of defence, and readiness for action, un- 
til the mind of God should be more clearly known, either 
for a more settled peace, or manifest grounds of war." 

It seems, that the affair was very ]:)artially referred to 
the ministers, whether the evidence of the plot was so clear 
as to warrant a war ; whereas, this was but one circum- 
stance among many, which might render it just and ne- 
cessary. These ought to have been considered, no less 
than the other. The deputies of the court concurred with 
the clergy. _ 

In the mean time, all the commissioners, except Mi'. Eaton's 
Bradstreet, continued determined for war. Governor Ea- represen- 
ton insisted, that the Dutch had, for many years, during a^^*'7)^/h 
succession of governors, multiplied injuries and hostile af- ^,Qjjjm.t, 
fronts, with treachery and falsehood, against the English, 
to their very great damage : That these injuries had been 
fully and repeatedly represented to them, and satisfaction 
demanded ; yet that nothing had been received in return, 
but dilatory, false, and offensive answers. He observed, 
that the governor and his associates had been formerly 
suspected and accused of instigating the Indians against 
the English ; and that now a treacherous and bloody plot 
had been discovered, and charged upon him and his fiscal, 
by more witnesses than could have been expected ; that by 
it the peace of the country had been disturbed, their own 
lives, the lives of their children, and all their connexions, 
had been in constant jeopardy : That though they had al- 
lowed the Dutch governor a fair opportunity of clearing 
himself, of making satisfaction, and securing the colonies 
for the future ; yet that, by his conduct, he had increased 
the evidence of his guilt ; and that he had given the colo- 
nies no security for their future peace and safety ; nor had 
they the least reason to expect them. He insisted, that 
the English, under the jurisdiction of the Dutch, were in 
the most immediate danger, not only from them, but the 
Indians, through their instigation; because they would 
not submit to an oath to join with them in fighting against 
their own nation. He urged, that the insolence, treachery, 
and bitter enmity, which the Dutch had manifested against 
the nation of England, and all the English abroad, as they 
had opportunity, were sufficient to assure them that, as 
soon as the States General should be able to send a small 
fleet to the Manhadoes, the colonics could not be safe, ei- 



208 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. X. 




Mr. Norris 
pleads for 
war. 



May 30. 



Declara- 
tion of the 
general 
Court of 

M a?sa- 
chusetts. 



Rcpoliiiinn 
of (he gen- 
eral court 
a.t Con- 
iieclictit. 
June 25 th. 



thcr in their persons or property, by land or sea. He fur- 
ther insisted, that the state of the commonwealth of En- 
gland, and of the colonies, was such as called for war; 
and that, if either of the colonies should refuse to join in it, 
against the common enemy, and if any of the plantations, 
through such refusal, should be destroyed, the guilt of such 
blood would lie upon them.* 

Some faithful people in the Massachusetts were entirely 
opposed to the conduct of their general court, and ventur- 
ed to express their opinion. The Rev. Mr. Norris, of Sa- 
lem, sent a writing to the commissioners, representing the 
necessity of a war. He urged, that if the colonies, in their 
then present circumstances, should neglect to engage in it, 
it would be a declaration of their neutrality in the contest ; 
might be viewed in that light by the parliament; and be 
of great and general disservice to their interests : That the 
spending of so much time in parlies and treaties, after all 
the injuries they had received, and while the enemy was 
insulting them, and fortifying against them, would make 
them contemptible among the Indians : That it was dis- 
honoring God, in whom they professed to trust, and bring- 
ing a scandal among themselves. He insisted that, as their 
brethren had sent their moan to them, and desired their 
assistance, if they should refuse, the curse of the angel of 
the Lord against Meroz would come upon them. This, he 
said, he presented in the name of many pensive hearts.! 

But nothing could induce the Massachusetts to unite 
with their brethren, in a war against the Dutch, The gen- 
eral court, in direct violation of the articles of confedera- 
tion, resolved, that no determination of the commissioners, 
though they should all agree, should bind the general court 
to join in an oflensive war, which should appear to such 
general court to be unjust. This declaration gave great 
uneasiness to the commissioners, and to the sister colo- 
nies. Indeed, it nearly effected a dissolution of their un- 
ion. 

The commissioners, finding that the Massachusetts would 
not submit to their determination, nor afford any assistance 
to her confederates, dissolved. 

In this important crisis, governor Haynes called a spe- 
cial court, on the 25th of June. The court resolved, that 
the fears and distresses of the English, bordering upon the 
Dutch, and the damages which they had sustained, should 
be forthwith represented to the magistrates in Massachu- 
setts : That the opinion of the court, respecting the power 

* Records of the united colonies, 
i" Records of the united colonies. 



Chap. X. CONNECTICUT. 20$ 

of the commissioners to make war, and the reasons of their Book I. 
opinion, should be communicated. They also determined, v-^-n/-^-" 
that their messengers should humbly pray, that war might 1653, 
be carried on against the Dutch, according to the deter- 
mination of the commissioners. The messengers were in- 
structed, to use their influence, tlwt three magistrates might 
have power to call a meeting of the commissioners, at 
Hartford or New-Haven, to conduct the affairs of the war, 
as occasion might require. If this could not be obtained 
they were to desire that liberty might be given to enlist 
volunteers, in the JMassachusetts, foT the defence of the 
colonies. 

Governor Hayncs and Mr. Lndlow, were appointed toconfgj, 
conl'er with governor Eaton and his council on the sub- with New; 
ject. The court at New-Haven were no less clear and ^^^^^"• 
unanimous, in the opinion of the power of the commission- 
ers to declare war and make peace, than the general court 
at Connecticut ; and that all the colonies were absolutely 
bound by their determination. Both colonies united in 
sending the messengers, and in the purport of their mes- 
sage. But nothing more could be obtained, than the cal- 
ling of another meeting of the commissioners, at Boston. 

They met on the 11th of September. The resolutions Commis- 
of the general courts of Connecticut and New-Haven were sioners 
produced, expressing their entire approbation of the deter- g'^^/'i jy, 
mination of the commissioners, and remonstrating against 
the declaration of the general court of Massachusetts, and 
the sense which they had put on the articles of confedera- 
tion. 

The general court of Massachusetts returned an answer 
to this effect : that since their brethren of the other colo- 
nies had apprehensions different from theirs, they judged it 
might conduce most to peace to wave the point in contro- 
versy. At the same time, they intimated they had no oc- 
casion to answer them. 

The commissioners refused to accept this as an answer. Reject the 
They insisted, that they had ample powers, from all the answer of 
other colonies, to determine, in all affairs of peace and ''^*^ »^"^'^ 
war ; and that this was consistent with the grammatical, Massa- 
and true sense of the articles of confederation. They in- chusetts. 
sistcd, that it was totally inconsistent, not only with the Alterca- 
articles of union, but with the welfare of the colonies, tions be- 
that they should be at so much expense and trouble, to!|l^^'^ 
meet and deliberate on the general interests of the confed- 
erates, if their determinations were to be annulled by one 
court and another. 

The general court, on their part, insisted, that the deter- 
B2 



.10 HISTORY OF Chap. X, 

Book I. minalions of the commissioners, could not bind them to a 
v.,*»-v-^ war which they could not see to be just ; and that it was 
1653. inconsistent with the liberties of the colonies, that their de- 
cisions should compel them to action. 

The commissioners replied, that no power could bind 
men to do that which was absolutely unlawful ; but that 
their authority was as absolute, with res^ject to war and 
peace, as any authority could be ; and that it was their 
province only to judge of the justice of the cause. They 
maintained, that it could be no infringement of the rights 
of the colonies, to be bound by the acts of their own agents, 
vested with plenary powers for those very acts. They re- 
presented the religious and solemn manner in which the 
confederation was made ; that, by its express words, it was 
a perpetual league for them and their posterity, in which' 
their eight commissioners, or any six of them, should have 
full power to determine all aifairs of war and peace, 
leagues, aids, &;c : That every article had been examined, 
not only by a committee of the four general courts, but by 
the whole court of Massachusetts, at the time when it was 
completed : That many prayers were addressed to heaven 
for its accomplishment-, while it was under consideration ; 
and that the carrying of it into execution, had been an oc- 
casion of abundant thanksgiving. They said, that after 
practising upon it for ten years, the colonies had experi- 
enced the most salutary eftects, to the great and general 
advantage of all the confederates. In these views, they 
insisted, that the violation of it would be matter of great 
sin in the presence of God, and of scandal before men. 
They referred it to the serious consideration of the general 
court, whether they would not, in his sight who knew all 
hearts, be guilty of this sin and scandal ? 

The general court earnestly requested, that they would 
drop the dispute^ and enter upon business. Their com- 
missioners also pressed the same. But, with a spirit of 
magnanimity and firmness, becoming their character, they 
ittterly refused ; determining, to a man, after drawing a re- 
monstrance against the Massachusetts, to return to their 
respective colonies, and leave the event with the supremf> 
ruler. 

No sooner had the general court intelligence of what 
was transacting, than they dispatched a writing to the com- 
missioners, apparently rcti'acting all which they had before 
advanced in opposition to them. It was, however, expres- 
sed artfully iti doubtful language. Upon the reception of 
ihis, they proceeded to business. 

!Niaigratc, ever since the Pequot war, had been the 



Chap. X. CONNECTICUT. 9Ai 

common pest of the colonies. He had violiitcd all his Book I. 
contracts with them ; had fallen on the Long-Island In- v-^-n/^'^^ 
dians, who were in alliance with the Etjglish, and slain 1G53. 
many of them ; and carried others, men, women, and chil- Conduct pf 
dren, into captivity. By his hostilities, he gave alarm and N""o*"ate. 
trouble to the English plantations, on the island, in the 
neighbourhood of the Indians. When messengers had 
been sent to him, demanding that he would return the cap- 
tives, and desist from war, he absolutely refused ; and 
would give no account of his conduct. He had now spent 
the winter with the Dutch governor, in concerting mea- 
sures against the English colonies ; and had been beyond 
Hudson's river, spiriting up the Indians there, as well as in 
other quarters, to a general rising against them. The com- 
missioners therefore declared war against him, and ap- -yy^^ ^^,i 
pointed the number of men and officers for the service, dared a- 
They also again resolved upon war against the Dutch. gai"st him. 
All the commissioners joined in these resolutions, except 
Mr. Bradstreet. But they were to no purpose. The 
general court refused to bear any part in the war against 
either. 

The commissioners protested against the members of Prptest*- 
ihe court of Massachusetts, as violators of the confedera- sa'"^*^ <^['** 
tion. J hey pressed it as an indispensable duty, to avenge cgtts. 
the blood of innocents, who had depended on them for 
safety, and had suffered on the account of their faithfulness 
to the colonies ; to recover their wives and children from 
captivity ; to protect their friends from the insults of bar- 
barous and bloody men ; and to vindicate the honor of 
themselves, and of the nation.* 

The Massachusetts nevertheless persisted i-n their oppo- rp. 
suion to the commissioners, and would bear no part in the sist in thei* 
war. Their desertion of their confederates was matter of "Ppo^it'oa 
great iniury and distress to them : especially to Connecti-*° ^'^- 
cut and New-Haven. They were not only obliged to put sbners. 
up with all former insults and damages from the Dutch ; but 
after they had been at great expense already, in fortifying 
and guarding against the Dutch and Indians, and had been 
worn down with anxiety and watching, from the very open- 
ing of the spring, they were still left to their fears, and 
obliged to combine together for mutual defence, in the best 
manner of which they were capable. 

Few instances occur in history, of so flagrant and obsti- 
nate a violation of a covenant, so solemnly made, as this of 
the general court of Massachusetts ; especially, of a cove- 

* Records of the united colonie^j in which this controversy is recorded 
3,t large. 



5?12 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. X. 




Meetings 
of the e:en- 
eral courts 
of Con- 
necticut 
and New- 
Haven, 



They ad- 
dress let- 
ters to 
Cromwell 
and the 
parlia- 
n^eut. 



want made between christians of the same nation, and all 
professed brethren of the same faith. What interest the 
Massachusetts made by thus favoring the Dutch, is not 
known ; but surely it is painful to relate the indelible stain, 
which the legislature of so ancient and respectable a colo- 
ny have left, by this conduct, upon their honor, as men, 
and upon their morals, as christians. 

The general courts of Connecticut and New-Haven 
were convoked soon after the return of the commissioners. 
That at New-Haven convened on the 12th of October, and 
the court at Connecticut, on the 25th of November. Both 
considered the court of Massachusetts as having wilfully 
violated the articles of union. The general court at New- 
Haven expressly resolved, " that the Massachusetts had 
broken their covenant with them, in acting directly contra- 
ry to the articles of confederation." 

Both colonies therefore determined to seek redress from 
the commonwealth of England. Captain Astwood was ap- 
pointed agent to the lord protector and parliament, to rep- 
resent their state, and to solicit ships and men for the re- 
duction of the Dutch. Connecticut and New-Haven con- 
ferred together, by their committees, and letters were sent, 
in the name of both the general courts, containing a com- 
plete statement of their circumstances. It was agreed, 
that the address to lord Cromwell should be concluded in 
the words following : 

" That unless the Dutch be either removed, or so far, at 
least, subjected, that the colonies may be free from injuri- 
ous affronta, and secured against the dangers and mischiev- 
ous eflects, which daily grow upon them, by their plotting 
with the Indians, and furnishing them with arms against 
the English ; and that the league and confederation be- 
tween the four united English colonies, be confirmed and 
settled according to the true sense, and, till this year, the 
continued interpretation of the articles, the peace and com- 
fort of these smaller, western colonies, will be much haz- 
arded, and more and more impaired. But as they con- 
ceive it their duty, thus fully to represent their afflicted con- 
dition to your excellency, so they humbly leave them- 
selves, with the remedies, to your consideration and wis- 
dom." 

As governor Hopkins was now in England, he was de- 
sired to give all assistance in his power, to the agent 
whom they had agreed to send. Connecticut dispatched 
letters to the parliament, to general Monk, and Mr. Hop- 
kins. 

As Stamford was a frontier town, a guard of men Tjva^ 



Chap. X. CONNECTICUT. 213 

dispatched for its defence. Connecticut and New-Haven Book I. 
provided a frigate of ten or twelve guns, with forty men, \,^^~\/'^«^ 
to defend the coast against the Dutch, and to prevent Nin- 1653. 
igrate and his Indians from crossing the sound, in prose- Provide a 
cutionof his hostile designs against the Indians in alliance j^"^'^*^^^"*" 
with the colonies.* fence. 

The towns bordering upon the Dutch, on Long-Island, 
were in great distress and alarm. Captain Underhill sent 
to his friends at Rhode-Island, for assistance ; and, with 
such Englishmen as he could obtain, made the best de- 
fence in his power. However, Hampstead and some oth- 
er towns were continually harassed, and suffered much 
damage and insult from the Dutch. 

Indeed, this was a year of uncommon alarm, expense, 
and distress to Connecticut and New-Haven. Early in the 
spring they were filled with the most terrible apprehen- 
sions of a sudden and general massacre. A great propor- 
tion of time was employed, by the magistrates and princi- 
pal men, in meetings of the general courts, of the commis- 
sioners, of committees and officers to consult and provide 
for the general safety ; in raising men and making prepa- 
rations for war. The common people, at the same time, 
were called off from their laborsf and worn down with watch- 
ing and guarding by night and day. 

The Dutch, at New-Netherlands, waited only for a rein- Expecia- 
forcement from Holland to attack and reduce the English tionsofa 
colonies. Of this, both they and the English were in con- Dutch 
stant expectation. It was reported, and feared, that when ^^ ' 
the signals should be given from the Dutch ships, the In- 
dians would rise, fire the English buildings, and begin their 
"ivork of destruction. 

Providence, however, combined a number of circum- Circum- 
stances for the preservation of the exposed colonies. TJhe staocts 
defeat of the Dutch fleet by the English, and the spoil fhf^^olo-^ 
which they made upon their trade, prevented the arrival of nies. 
the expected reinforcements ; the Indians could not be 
united; many of the sachems said, the English had done 
lhem no injury, and they would not fight them. The ear- 
ly intelligence, received by the colonies, of the plans 
•which they and the Dutch were concerting, and the con- 
stant watch and guard which the plantations maintained 
disconcerted them. By these means, a general attack up- 
on them was prevented. 

Another mischief however arose. Some of the towns, ^'^tur- 
and many of the people, in the colonies of Connecticut and Stamford 
New-Haven, were so dissatisfied that the war was not and Fair 

* Records of Connecticut and New-Haven, -^ 



214 HISTORY OF Chap. X. 

Book 1. proscciited against the Dutch, according to the resolution 
Vi^-v->te^ of the commissioners, that they were with great diificuUy 
1653. restrained from open mutiny and rebellion. They imag- 
ined, that Connecticut and New-Haven were sufficient to 
subdue the Dutch, and ought to have undertaken an expe- 
dition against them. 

Stamford and Fairfield, in particular, became very dis- 
orderly. The former complained, that the government 
was bad, and the charges unreasonable; and that they 
were neglected, and deprived of their just privileges. 
They pretended to set up for the government of England, 
for their liberties, as they called them, in opposition to the 
government of the colony. They sent to the general court 
at New-Haven desiring them to prosecute the war against 
the Dutch ; resolved to raise a number of men among them- 
selves ; and prayed for permission to enlist volunteers in 
the several towns. 

The town of Fairfield held a meeting on the subject, and 
determined to prosecute the war. They appointed Mr. 
Ludlow commander in chief. He was in the centre of the 
evidence against the Dutch ; had been one of the commis- 
sioners, at the several meetings relative to the affair; had 
been zealous and active for the war ; and conceiving him- 
self and the town in imminent danger, unless the Dutch 
could be removed from the neighbourhood, too hastily ac- 
cepted of the appointment. Robert Basset and John 
Chapman were the heads of this party. They attempted 
to foment insurrections, and, without any instructions from 
authority, to raise volunteers, for an expedition against 
the Netherlands. 

The general court, at New-Haven, judged that the sea» 
son was too far advanced to undertake the enterprise. 
They nevertheless determined to consult Connecticut, and 
to proceed or not, as 'the council ihcre should judge most 
expedient. 

It was now the latter part of November, and it was the 
general opinion, that ships and men could not be seasona- 
bly provided. 

Deputy governor Goodyear and Mr. Newman were dis- 
patched to Stamford to compose the minds of the people. 
They called a meeting of the town, and labored to quiet 
f hem ; buf could make no considerable impressions upon 
them, until they read an order of the committee of parlia- 
ment, requiring, that the plantations should be in subjec- 
tion to the authority of their respective jurisdictions. This 
appeared to have some good effect. But as the inhabi- 
tants had been at great expepse, not only in watching ant; 



Chap. Xt. CONNECTICUT. 215 

guarding the town, bnt in erecting fortifications about the Book I. 
meeting house, they insisted, that the colony should bear a ^-^^^/-^^ 
part of the expense, and provide a guard during the win- l6o4. 
ter. 

The public burth<?ns this year were great. The expen- 
ses of the colony of New-Haven were about 400 pounds. 
The court made some abatements in favour of Stamford ; 
but Basset and Chapman were punished for attempting to 
make an insurrection in the colony, and others were bound, 
in large bonds, to their good behaviour.* 



CHAPTER XL 

The death and character of Governor Hayncs. The freemen 
of Connecticut meet, and appoint a moderator. Mr. Lud- 
low removes to Virginia. The spirited conduct of the peo- 
ple at Milford, in recovering Manning^ s vessel. The free- 
men add to the fundamental articles. Fleet arrives at 
Boston for the reduction of the Dutch. The colonies agree 
to raise men to assist the armament from England. Peace 
prevents the expedition. The general court at Kew-Haven, 
charge the Massachusetts loith a breach of the confedera- 
tion. They refuse to join in a war against Kinigrate^ and 
oblige Connecticut and Nezo-Haven to provide for the de- 
fence of themselves and their allies. Ninigrate continuing 
his hostile measures, the commissioners sendinessengers to 
him. His anszver to them. They declare war, and send 
an army against him. The art of Massachusetts, and the 
deceit of Major Willard, defeat the designed expedition. 
The number of rateable polls, and the atnount of the list 
of Connecticut. The Pequots are taken under their pro- 
tection. Ninigrate persisting in his hostilities against the 
Indians upon Long-Island, the general cotirt adopt mea- 
sures for the defence of the Indians and the English in- 
habitants there. Kew-Haven perfect andprint their laws. 
The answer of J^ew-Haven to the protector'' s invitation^ 
that they would remove to Jamaica. Reply of the com- 
missioners to the Dutch governor. Uncas embroils the 
country. Deaths and characters of Governors Eaton and 
Hopkins. Settlement of Stonington. Mr. Winthrop cho- 

* Records of New-Haven. The general court of Connecticut, at their 
session in November, ordered that 20 pounds- should be paid <o the support 
^f a fellowship in Cambridge Colleg'?. 



216 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. XL 



Book I. 



1654. 



Death of 
Governor 
Haynes. 



His char- 
acter. 



sen governor. The third fundamental article is altered 
by the freemen. Mr. Fitch, and his church and people^ 
remove to Norwich. Final settlement of accounts with the 
heirs of Mr. Fenwick. Deputy governor Mason resigns 
the Moheagan lands to the colony. 



THE colony sustained a great 
death of Governor Haynes. 



loss this year, in the' 
He had been a father 
to it from the beginning ; employed his estate, counsels, 
and labours, for its emolument, and bore a large share in 
its hardships and dangers. He was a gentleman from the 
county of Essex, in England, where he had an elegant seat, 
called Copford Hall, worth a thousand pounds sterling a 
year. He came into New-England with the Rev. Mr. 
Hooker, in 1632, and settled with him, first at Cambridge, 
in Massachusetts. His distinguished abilities, prudence, 
and piety, so recommended him to the people, that, in 
1633, he was chosen governor of Massachusetts. He was 
not considered, in any respect, inferior to Governor Win- 
throp.' His growing popularity, and the fame of Mr. Hook- 
er, who, as to strength of genrus, and his lively and pow- 
erful manner of preaching, rivalled Mr. Cotton, were sup- 
posed to have had no small influence upon the general 
court, in their granting liberty to Mr. Hooker and his com- 
pany to remove to Connecticut. There, it was judged, 
they would not so much eclipse the fame, nor stand in the 
way of the promotion and honour of themselves or their 
friends. Upon his removal to Connecticut, he was chosen 
governor of this colony. He appeared to be a gentleman 
of eminent piety, strict morals, and sound judgment. He 
paid attention to family government, instruction, and re- 
ligion. His great integrity, and wise management of all 
afl'airs, in private and public, so raised and fixed his char- 
acter, in the esteem of the people, that they always, when 
the constitution would permit, placed him in the chief seat 
of government, and continued him in it until his death.* 

* The governor, by two wives, had ei^jht children ; five sons and three 
daughters. By Ins first, he had Rohert, Hezekiah, John, Roger, and Ma- 
ry; and by his second, Joseph, Ruth, and Mabel. When he came into 
New-England, he left his sons, Robert and Hezekiah, and Ws daughter 
Mary, at Copford Hall. Upon the couiniencenient of the civil wars in 
England, Robert espoused the royal cause ; but Hezekiah, declaring for 
the parliament, was, afi.erwards, promoted to the rank of major-general, 
under Cromwell. Upon the ruin of the king's affairs, Robert was put un- 
der confinement, and died without issue. Hezekiah enjoyed Copford Hall, 
under his father, until his decease. He then pc-^sessed it as a paternal in- 
heritance, and it descended to his heirs. John and Roger, who came into 
this country with their father, some time before his death returned to Eng- 
land. Roger died on his passage, or soon after his arrival. John settled 
■iu the miiiiitry, at or near Colchester, in tlie county of Essex, in England^ 



tuAP. XU CONNECTICUT. 2lt 

Mr. Hopkins was in England, and the colony had neither Book I. 
governor nor deputy governor present, to act in its behalf, v.^^-v^-x./ 
The freemen, therefore, in February, convened at Hartford, 1654. 
and elected Mr. Thomas Wells moderator of the general Feb. I6th. 
court, until a governor should be chosen. 

About this time, there happened a great controversy Controv£;r- 
between Uncas and the inhabitants of Nev/-London, rela- ^y ^'fi 
live to their respective limits. It seems that the inhabit- '^"'^^^• 
ants carried tlie dispute so far, as to rise and take posses- 
sion of his forts and many of his wigwams. The assembly 
interposed, and gave orders, that the Indians should not be 
injured, and that the people should be accountable for all 
damages which they had done them. A committee was March Mj 
appointed to fix the boundaries between New-London and 
Uncas, and to compose all differences between the parties. 

Nearly at the same time, the Colony received an order Order of 
from the parliament, requiring that the Dutch should be parlia- 
Ireated, in all respects, as the declared enemies of the ™^°*- 
commonwealth of England. In conformity to this order,' Sequestra- 
the general conrt was convened, and an act passed seques- tion of the 
tering the Dutch house, lands, and property of all kinds, P"*^^ . 
at Hartford, for the benefit of the commonwealth ; and the Hartford 
court, also, prohibited all persons whatsoever from impro- April 6th. 
ving the premises, by virtue of any former claim, or title, 
had, made, or given, by any of the Dutch nation, or any 
other person, without their approbation. 

In the proclamation for a general fast, this spring, the 
great breach made in the colony, by the death of the gov- 
ernor ; the alienation of the colonies, on account of the 
violation of the articles of confederation ; the spreading of 
erroneous opinions in the churches ; the mortality which 
had been among the people of Massachusetts ; and the ca- 
lamitous state of the English nation ; were particularized 
as matters of humiliation. 

The colony was, this year, deprived of Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Lud- 
one of its chief magistrates. He was one of the most zeal- low leave? 
ous for prosecuting the war against the Dutch, and no man "*^'^<^'°°y* 
was more displeased, that the colonies did not follow the 
determinations of the commissioners. He might appre- Reasons of 
hend himself to be particularly in danger at Fairfield. Be- it. 
sides, he had taken a very hasty and unadvised step, in 

where he left issue. Joseph was ordained pastor of the first chnrch in. ^ 

Hartford. Mary married Mr. Joseph Cook, in England ; Ruth, Mr. Sam* 
«el Wyllys, of Hartford ; and Mabel, Mr. James Russell, of Charlestown, 
in Massachusetts ; and all had issue. The Rev. Mr. Haynes, of Hartford, 
had one son, John, a gentleman of reputation, for some years one of the 
magistrates of the colony. He had sons, but they died witbgut issue, a/icj 
ihe name became extinct in this countrv. 
CO 



SIS 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. XF, 




Captain 
Manning 
appre- 
Jiended. 



Court of 
«loction, 
May 18tli 



accepting the command of men to go against the Dutch, 
without any legal appointment. He had, doubtless, ap- 
prehensions of trouble on that account, or, at least, that 
the freemen would neglect him. For some, or all of these 
reasons, about this time, he removed with his family to 
Virginia.* He was clerk of the town of Fairfield, and car- 
ried ofi' their records, and other public writiqgs. He came 
from the west of England, with Mr. Warham and his com- 
pany. In 1630, he was chosen into the magistracy of the 
Massachusetts company ; and in 1G34, deputy governor of 
that colony. He was twice elected deputy governor of 
Connecticut, and was every year magistrate or deputy 
governor, from his first coming into the colony, in 1635, 
until the time of his depai-ture. He appears to have beer^ 
distinguished for his abilities, especially his knowledge of 
the law, and tlie rights of mankind. He rendered most 
essential services to this commonwealth ; was a principal 
in forming its original civil ceiistitution, and the compiler 
of the first Connecticut code, printed at Cambridge, in 
1672. For jurisprudence, he appears to Ivive been second 
to none who came into New-England at that time. Had 
lie possessed a happier ter/iper, he would, probably, have 
been the idol of the people, and s-hared in all the honours 
which they could have given him. 

Nearly at the same time, an affair happened, in which 
the people of Milford exhibited a noble spirit of zeal and 
enterprise. One captain Manning, master of a ten gun 
ship, had been apprehended for an unlawful trade with the 
Dutch, at the Manhadoes. While the affair was upon trial 
before the court at New-Haven, his men ran off with the 
ship from Milford harbour. The people completely arm" 
ed and manned a vessel, with so much dispatch,' that they 
pressed hard upon the ship before she could reach the 
Dutch island. The men, perceiving they must be taken^ 
unless they immediately abandoned the ship, made their 
escape in their boat. The ship, thus left adrift, was re- 
covered, and brought into Milford harbour, and, with all 
her goods, condemned as a lawful prize. 

At the general election, Mr. Hopkins, though in Eng- 
land, was chosen governor. Mr. Wells was appointed 
deputy governor. Mr. Webster, Mr. Mason, Mr. Win- 
throp, Mr. Cullick, Mr. Wolcott, Mr. Clark, Mr. Wyllys, 
son'of George Wyllys, and Mr. JohnTalcott, were elected 
magistrates. Mr, Cullick was secretary, and Mr. Talcott 
treasurer. 

* Py the records of New-Haven, it appears, that he was shipping hi* 

family and effects oa the 26th of April. 



Chap. XL CONNECTICUT. 219 

' At this court, the freemen passed the following resohi- Book I. 
tion, as an addition to the fundajnentals of their constitu- v.^^v>»b/ 
tion : — " That the major part of the magistrates, in the ab- 1654. 
sence of the governor and deputy governor, shall have Addition 
power to call a general court ; and that any general court, ^" ^'"^^ ,"" 
being legally called and met, th? major part of the magis- articles, 
trates and deputies then met, in the absence of the gover- 
nor and deputy governor, shall have power to choose un- 
to, and from among themselves, a moderator, which being 
done, they shall be deemed as legal a general court, as if 
the governor, or deputy governor were present." 

At the election in New-Haven, the only alteration in-^lay^i, 
public officers, was the addition of Mr. Samuel Eaton, of ''^^t*'"'* 
New-Haven, to the magistrates, and the choice of Mr. Ben- Havek, 
jamin Fenn, in the room of captain John Astwood. 

About the same time, in answer to the petitions of Con- 
necticut and New-Haven, major Sedgwick and captain 
I^everet arrived at Boston, with a fleet of three or four 
ships, and a small number of land forces, sent by Olivei* 
Cromwell, lord protector, for the reduction of the Dutch. 
On the 8th of June, govei-nor Eaton received a letter from 
his highness, certifying, that he had sent ships and ammu- 
nition for the assistance of the colonies. With this came 
a letter from major Sedgwick and captain Leveret, request- 
ing, that commissioners might be sent immediately from 
each of the governments, to consult ivith them on the ob- 
jects of the designed expedition. Mr. William Leet 
and Mr. Jordan were appointed commissioners for*^""®^^-' 
New-Haven. They were authorised to engage, in behalf 
of that jurisdiction, to furnish all the men and provisions 
which it could spare. An embargo was laid on all pro- 
visions, and every measure adopted, that the utmost assist- 
ance might be given, in the enterprise. Such was the zeal 
of the general court, that they instructed their commission- 
ers to engage the assistance of that colony, though no 
other, except Connecticut, should join with them. 

On the 13th of June, the general court of Connecticut June I3ih, 
convened, at Hartford, and appointed major Jolm Mason 
and Mr. Cullick commissioners. They were directed to 
proceed with the utmost dispatch to Boston : and, in be- 
half of Connecticut, to engage any number of men, not ex- 
ceeding two hundred, but rather than the expedition should 
fail, four or five hundred. 

The general court of Massachusetts was convoked on 
the 9th of June, but did not agree to raise any men them- 
selves. They granted liberty, nevertheless, for major 
Sedgwick and capte^in Leveret to raise fivn hundred vol 



220 HISTORY OF Chap. XI. 

Book I. unteers. The commissioners finally agreed upon 800 men, 
^w^-N/^«w/ as sufficient for the enterprise. The ships were to furnish 
1654. two hundred soldiers ; three hundred volunteers were to 
be raised in Massachusetts ; two hundred men were to be 
sent from Connecticut ; and a hundred and thirty three 
from New-Haven. But while preparations were making 
with vigor and dispatch, the news of peace, between Eng- 
land and Holland, prevented all further proceedings rela- 
tive to the affair. 

The total defeat of the Dutch fleet, the loss of admiral 
Tromp and a great number of their merchantmen, made 
the Dutch in earnest for peace ; and it was expeditiously 
concluded, on the 5th of April. The news of it arrived in 
America, almost as soon as the fleet. The commander in 
chief therefore employed his forces, with the Massachu- 
setts volunteers, in dispossessing the French from Penob- 
scot, St. John's, and the adjacent coast. This was doubt- 
less one object of the expedition, and not undertaken with- 
out orders from the protector, 
•yransac- It was not expected, that there would have been any 
^°T' ^wh niceting of the commissioners this year. Massachusetts 
confede- ^^^^ violated the articles of union, and the colonies had pro- 
■i^tion. tested against them, as breakers of the most solemn con- 
federation. The general court of Massachusetts had also 
represented, to the other colonies, that the articles needed 
explanation and emendation, that they might be consistent 
with the rights of the several general courts. Indeed, it 
had proposed a meeting of the commissioners for that pur- 
pose. The other colonies viewed the articles as perfectly 
intelligible, and consistent with the rights of the confede- 
rates. They therefore rejected the motion. The general 
court of New-Haven had voted, that there was no occasion 
for appointing commissioners that year. 

But on the 5th of July, governor Eaton received a let- 
ter from the general court of the Massachusetss, waving an 
answer to the letter jointly written from the general courts 
of Connecticut and New-Haven, and lamely excusing their 
non-compliance with the resolution of the commissioners, 
on the account of their not being able to apprehend the jus- 
tice of the -jvar with the Dutch and Ninigrate. They 
complained of the other colonies, for treating theni as vio- 
lators of the confederacy. They professed themselves to 
be passionately desirous of its continuance, according to 
the genuine construction of the articles. They gave in- 
formation, that they had chosen commissioners, and had 
determined to empower them as had been usual. 

The general court, at New-Haven, replied, that they and 



jGhap. XI. CONNECTICUT. 221 

the other colonies had justly charged them with a violation Book I. 
of their covenant, and urged, that, according to their own v-^-n^--^-/ 
interpretation of the articles, they stood responsible to them 1654. 
for the infraction ; and that, according to the eleventh ar- 
ticle of the confederation, they were to be treated by them 
according to the magnitude of their fault. Theyobserv-^ 
ed, that her sister colonies had not only condemned their 
conduct, but had sent messengers and taken proper pains 
to inform them, and adjust the difference between them ; 
but that they had treated them in a very disagreeable man- 
ner, and their endeavours had been to no good purpose. 
They declared, nevertheless, that, if the combination might 
be again firmly settled, according to the original inteutioti 
and grammatical sense of the articles, they would, without 
further satisfaction, forgetting what was past, cheerfully re- 
new their covenant, and send their commissioners to meet, 
at any time and place, for that end. This was subscribed 
by the secretary, and sent to Hartford, to be subscribed by 
the general court of Connecticut ; and to be transmitted, 
in the name of each of the colonies, to the Massachusetts. 
This, it seems, was harmoniously done. 

As the general court of the Massachusetts would not join Nin!^ra««fi 
with her confederates, against Ninigrate, he prosecuted the continues 
war against the Long-Island Indians, and it was supposed, 
that his design was to destroy, both those Indians and the 
Moheagans. For this purpose he had hired the Mohawks, 
Pocomtocks, and Wampanoags, afterwards called Philip's 
Indians, to assist him. By a collection of such numbers of 
Indians, from the westward, northward, and eastward, the 
general peace of the country would have been greatly en- 
dangered, and the Long-Island Indians, who had put them- 
selves under the protection of the English, exposed to a to- 
tal extirpation. They had been obliged, not only to fortify 
themselves, and to use every precaution for their own de- 
fence, but to suffer the loss of many of their people, who 
had been already either slain or captivated. 

The deputy governor, and council, of Connecticut, judg- Connecti-. 
cd it an affair of such importance, to defend their allies, ''"* ^"d 
and provide for their own safety, that they determined to vtlrTsend" 
dispatch major Mason, with ammunition, and a number of aid to 
men, to the assistance of the Indians upon the Island. Montau-- 
The deputy governor and Mr. Clark acquainted governor j.^Jj^'"" 
Eaton with their views and determination, and desired that 
the colony of New-Haven would send lieutenant Seely, 
with a detachment of men, and with supplies of ammuni- 
tion, to second their design. The court of New-Haven 
pDmplied with the desire of Connecticut. Lieutenant See 



222 HISTORY OF Chap. XI. 

Book I. ly had orders to join major Mason at Saybrook. They 
v^^-sy-x^ were instructed to acquaint the Montauket Indians, that 
1654. tlie colonies made them that present of ammunition, wholly 
for their own defence, and not to enable them to injure 
Ninigrate, or any other Indians, unless they should make 
an attack upon them : and that, while they continued faith- 
ful to the English, they would be their friends. It was or- 
dered that, if Ninigrate should invade the Long-Island In- 
dians, the English officers should use their endeavours to 
persuade them to peace, and to refer their differences to 
the decision of the commissioners. But if he would tight, 
they were commanded to defend themselves, and the In- 
dians in alliance with the colo^iies, in the best manner they 
could.* 
Comnnis- j^^ September, the commissioners convened at Hartford, 
meet Sep- They consisted of the following gentlemen, Mr. Simon 
tcinber 7. Bradstreet, Major Denison, Mr. Thomas Prince, Mr. John 
Brown, major Mason, Mr. John Webster, governor Eaton, 
and Mr. Francis Newman. Governor Eaton was chosen 
Send mes- president. They immediately dispatched messengers to 
^|.°?^'"*^° Ninigrate, demanding his appearance at Hartford, and the 
payment of the tribute so long due for the Pequots under 
him. On the 18th, Mr. Jonathan Gilbert returned, and 
made a report of Ninigrate's answer, in the words follow- 
ing : 

" Concerning the Long-Island Indians, he answered, 
6wer. wherefore should he acquaint the commissioners, as the 
Long-Island Indians began with him, and had slain a sa- 
chem's son, and sixty of his men ; and therefore he wil! 
not make peace with the Long-Islanders ; but doth desire 
that the English will let hira alone ; and that the commis- 
sioners would not request him to go to Hartford ; for he 
hath done no hurt. What should he do there ? If our gov- 
ernor's son were slain, and several other men, would you 
ask counsel of another nation, how and when to right your- 
selves ? And added, that he would neither go nor send to 
Hartford. Concerning the upland Indians,! his answer 
was, that they were his friends, and came to help him 
against the Long-Islanders, who had killed several of his 
men. Wherefore should he acquaint the commissioners of 
it ? He did but right his own quarrel, which the Long-Isl- 
anders began with him." With respect to the tribute due 
'for the Pequots, though he had never paid it, yet he pre- 
tended there was none due. 

The commissioners, considering his perfidious conduct^ 

* Records of Connecticut and New-Huven. 

■' Tluis he called the Pocomtocks and Wauipanoags- 



Ghap. XI. CONNECTICUT. 223 

the last year, his present answer, and that lenity and for- Book I, 
bearance had been an encouragement of his insolence and ^^^^-n^-^^ 
barbarity, ordered forty horsemen, and two hundred and 1654. 
seventy infantry to be raised, to chastise his haughtiness. Commis- 
The Massachusetts were to raise the forty horsemen, and ^"'"T Z^^" 
a hundred and fifty-three footmen ; Connecticut forty-five, „pojj ^^r 
and New-Haven thirty-one. Orders were given, that with Ninj- 
twenty horse, from Massachusetts, twenty-four men from gr^^e. 
Connecticut, and sixteeji from New-Haven, should be im- 
mediately dispatched into the Nehantick country. The 
commissioners nominated major Gibbons, major Denison,. 
or captain Atherton, to the chief command ; leaving it, in 
complaisance, to the general court of Massachusetts, to ap- 
point which of the three should be most agreeable to them. 
But rejecting these, who were men of known spirit and 
enterprise, they appointed major Willard. The commis- 
sioners instructed him to proceed with such troops, as Massa- 
should be found at the place of general rendezvous, by the chusetts 
13th of October, directly to Ninigrate's quarters, and de- win™d°^ 
mand of him the Pequots, who had been put under him, defeat 
and the tribute which was due. If Ninigrate should not their de- 
deliver them, and pay the tribute, he was required to take ®'S"- 
them by force. He was instructed to demand of Ninigrate, 
a cessation from all further hostilities against the Long-Isl- 
anders. If he v/ould not comply with these demands, he 
had express orders to subdue him. If a greater number 
of men should be found necessary, his instructions were 
to send for such a number, as he should judge sufficient to 
carry the expedition into effect. The place of rendezvous 
was at Thomas Stanton's, in the Narraganset country. 
"W^hen he arrived at the place appointed, he found that Ni- 
nigrate had fled into a swamp, at fourteen or fifteen miles 
distance from the army. He had left his country, corn, 
and wigwams, without defence, and they might have been 
3aid waste, without loss or danger. Nevertheless, he re- 
turned, without ever advancing from his head quarters, or 
doing the enemy the least damage. 

About a hundred Pequots took this opportunity to re- 
.}iounce the government of Ninigrate, and come off with 
the army. They put themselves under the protection and 
crovernment of the Encjlish. 

The commander pleaded, in excuse, that his instructions Commig- 
were equivocal, and the season for marching unfavorable, sioners di«- 
The commissioners, however, were entirely unsatisfied, satisfied. 
They observed to him, " That, while the army was in the 
Narraganset country, Ninigrate had his mouth in the dust j 
and that he would have submitted to any i*casonable terms. 



224 HISTORY OF Chap. XL 

Book I. which might have been imposed upon him.'* They char- 
v..^-v-x^ ged the major with neglecting an opportunity of humblinj:^ 
1655. his pride; and they referred it to his consideration, what 
Chargre satisfaction ought to be expected from him, and those of 
major Wii- j^jg council, who adviscd and joined with him in his mea- 

lard with ^ '' 

neglect of SUrcS. ^ 

duty. Governor Hutchinson has observed, that major Willard 

w^as a Massachusetts man, and although that colony had so 
far complied with the rest, as to join in sending out the for- 
ces, yet they were still desirous of avoiding an open war. 
This was the second time of their preventing a general war^ 
contrary to the minds of six of the commissioners of the 
other colonies.! 

The general court of Massachusetts had receded from 
their explanation of the articles of confederation, and the 
commissioners had a most amicable meeting. They were 
unanimous in the war against Ninigrate, and yet the Massa- 
chusetts, by private intrigue, defeated their designs. In 
which instance they acted the most honorable and consis- 
tent part, when, by an open infraction of the articles of un- 
ion, they prevented a war, or when they supplanted their 
brethren, by secret treachery, the impartial world wil! 
judge. 

The whole number of rateable persons, in the colony of 
Connecticut this year, was 775, and the grand list was 
79,073 pounds.J 

Upon the election at Hartford, Thomas Wells, Esq'r^ 
was chosen governor, and Mr. John Webster, deputy-gov- 
Election, ernor. The magistrates elected were, Mr. Hopkins, Mr. 
May 17th. Mason, Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Wolcott, Mr. Cullick, Mr. 
Clark, Mr. Wyllys, Mr. Talcott, Mr. JohnCosmore, and 
Mr. Thomas Tapping. Mr. Cullick was secretary, and 
Mr. Talcott treasurer. 

At the general election in New-Haven, this year, there 
was no altei-ation of their officers. 

* Records of the united colonies, 
t Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 186, IS?. 

% By the number of persons, and the amount of the lists in each town, 
an idea may be formed of their proportion to each other. 

Estates. 

Z 19,609 

15,833 

12,602 

8,634 

4,437 

7,958 

5,519 

2,172 

2,309 

775 79j073 



Towns. 


Persons 


Hartford, 


177 


Windsor, 


1C5 


Weathersfield, 


113 


Fairfield, 


94 


Saybrooli, 


53 


Stratford, 


72 


Farmington, 


A<S 


Middletown,^ 


31 


'Norwalk, 


24 



6hap. Xf. tJONNECTICUT. .22^ 

The Pcquofs persevering, in their petitions, to be taken Book I. 
linclcr the protection and government of the English, the ^-^"^''"*»-' 
commissioners, this year, granted their request. Places 1655. 
of residence were afterwards appointed for them, by the '^^^ ^®" 
general court of Connecticut, about Pavvcatuck and Mis- kenundec 
tic rivers. They were allowed to hunt on the lands west the gov- 
of the latter. They were collected together in these two emment 
places, and an Indian governor was appointed over them English 
in each place. General laws were made for their govern- 
ment. Blasphemy, murder, witchcraft, and conspiracy a- I-aws for 
gainst the colonies, were prohibited upon pain of death. ^''^*'' ^"J* 
Sabbath-breaking, adultery, and drunkenness, were pro- 
hibited under proper penalties. He who stole was requir- 
ed, on conviction, to pay double damages. They were 
prohibited to make war with other Indians, or to join with 
them in their wars, unless it were in their own just defence, 
Avithout the consent of the commissioners of the united col- 
onies. They were obliged to submit to the Indian gov- 
ernors, whom they should appoint over them, and pay 
them the same tribute which they had stipulated to pay to 
the English.* 

After the return of major Willard and the troops under Ninigrate 
his command, from the Narraganset country, Ninigrate ag. prosecutes 
sumed his former haughtiness, and continued the war a- against the 
gainst the Indians upon Long-Island. Mr. Thomas James, Lo'ng-lsi- 
minister of Easthampton, captain Tapping of Southamp- ^'^^i^'^^- 
ton, captain Underhill and others, wrote to the commis- 
sioners, that both the English and Indians on the Island 
"were in a calamitous and distracted condition ; and in im- 
minent danger, on the account of his constant hostilities. 
They assured them, that the Indians, upon the Island, 
could not hold out much longer, but must submit them- 
selves and their country to the Narragansets, unless they 
should have some speedy assistance. They intreated 
them to consult some effectual measures to prevent such 
calamity. 

In consequence of this intelligence, they ordered, that a ^i^^^l ^^ 
vessel, well armed and manned, shoukl lie in the road be- fence, 
tween Neanticut and the Island, to watch the motions of 
Ninigrate ; and, if he should attempt to pass the sound, to 
stave and destroy his canoes, and to make all the slaugh- 
ter and destruction upon him, which should be in their pow- 
er. Captain John Youngs was appointed to command 
this vessel of observation. He was authorised to draught 
men from Saybrook and New-London, as emergencies 
might require. An encouraging message was sent to the 
* RecouU of the colonics. 



^?6 HISTORY OF Chap. XL. 

Book 1, Montauket sachem, acquainting him with the measures the 
v-^'>^^i-/ English were taking for his defence. The commissioners 
1655. sent him a supply of ammunition. Provision was also 
made, that South and East-Hampton^ with all the adjacent 
towns, should be completely furnished with all articles ne- 
cessary for war. Orders were given, that if the Indians 
couldnotmaintain their ground, in any assault, they should 
lice towards some of the neighbouring towns ; and that, if 
the enemy should pursue them within two miles of any of 
the settlements, the inhabitants should immediately repair 
to their assistance. Intelligence of these resolutions was 
dispatched to the Narragansets, as well as the Long-lsl- 
andcrs. All the united colonies were exceedingly offended 
at the conduct of major Willard, except the Massachusetts, 
under whose influence he was supposed to act. The gene- 
ral court at New-Haven, resolved, that he had not follow- 
ed his instructions, in the expedition against Ninigrate : 
but that they were willing to suspend their judgment, with 
respect to the measures to be taken with him, until they 
should be certified of the opinions of the other confede- 
rates. Whatever their opinions or wishes were, major 
Willard was safe under the wing of the Massachusetts ; and 
Connecticut and New-Haven had principally to bear the 
unhappy consequences of his perfidious conduct. They 
■ were obliged, the next year, at their own expense, to con- 
tinue the commission of captain Youngs to cruise between 
the main and Long-Island, to prevent the designs of Nini- 
grate. They also found it necessary to furnish both men 
and provisions, for the defence of the Islanders. 
Ciovcrnor Governor Eaton had been desired to perfect a code of 
Eaton laws for the colony of New-Haven. For his assistance in 
compiles j_}^g compilation, he was requested, by the general court, 
New-Ha- ^o cousult the Rev. Mr. Cotton's discourse on civil govern- 
ven. mcnt in a new plantation, and the laws of Massachusetts. 

Having accomplished the work, and the laws having been 
examined and approved, by the elders of the jurisdiction, 
October they were presented to the general court. They ordered, 
19th the j^j^gj 5QQ copies should be printed. The copy was sent to 
tier them England, that the impression might be made under the in- 
to be spection of governor Hopkins. He procured the printing 
printed, of the laws, at his own expense, and sent them the number 
proposed, with some other valuable books, as a present. 
The laws were distributed to the several towns in the juris- 
diction. 
Death of This year, died Henry Wolcott, Esq*;, in the 78th year 
\v*^"i7u of his age. He was the owner of a sfood estate in Somer- 

VVolOOtt, 1 • ° . T^ 1 1 TT- 1 • • • ^ 

Esq. sctshirc, in England. His youth, it is said, was spent m 



€hap. XI. CONNECTICUT. 22: 

gaiety and country pastimes ; but afterwards, under the Book T. 
instructions of Mr. Edward Elton, his mind was entirely v-^^^'*i> 
-changed, and turned to the sincere love and practice of 1G55. 
religion. As the puritans were then treated with great sc-Hisdiar- 
verity, he sold about 8,000 pounds worth of estate in Eng- '^'■*'^^''' 
land, and prepared for a removal into America. He came 
into New-England with Mr. Warham, in May, 1630, and 
settled first at Dorchester, in Massachusettis. In 1636, he 
removed to Windsor, and was one of the principal planters 
of that town. He was chosen into the magistracy in 1643, 
and continued in it until his death. He left an estate in 
England, which rented at about sixty pounds a year, which 
the family, for some time, enjoyed ; but it was afterwards 
sold. After his decease, some one of his descendants was 
annually chosen into the magistracy, for a term of nearly 
eighty years, until the year 1754, when governor Wolcott 
left the chair.* 

At the election in Connecticut, Mr. John Webster was 
chosen governor, and Mr. Wells deputy governor. This 
was the only alteration in the magistracy. 

At New-Haven, the former governors and magistrates Election at 
were rechoseo. Mr. John Wakeman was appointed treas- ^^"'"^*" 
urer. The general court at New-Haven, took great pains |g"g ^^' 
to put the colony in a state of defence. Orders were given 
for the raising of a troop of sixteen horse, in the five towns May 28th« 
upon the sea coast, with complete arms and furniture. For 
their encouragement, they were exempted from taxation, ho'rse^ap- 
and from training with the foot, and were to enjoy all the pointed, 
privileges of troopers in Massachusetts. This was the first 
troop in any part of Connecticut. It was ordered, that all 
the common soldiers should be trained to shooting at a 
mark; that they should be furnished with ammunition for 
that purpose, at the public expense ; and that prizes should 
be prepared for the best marksmen. The soldiers were 
directed to play at cudgels, and at the broad sword, that 
they might know how to defend themselves and theii 
country. 

* Manuscripts from Windsor, found in the collection of the Rev. Mr 
Prince, at Boston. 

The family have kept up the monument of their ancestor, and preserved 
their dignity to the present time. His Excellency, Oliver Wolcott, Esq'r. 
one of the sons of the former governor, Roger Wolcott, Esq'r. is the pre- 
sent governor of the state. His brother, the Hon. Erastus Wolcott, EsqV. 
was, for some years, one of the magistrates of Connecticut, and, after- 
•wards, one of the judges of the superior court. Oliver Wolcott, Esq'r. 
one of the sons of the present governor Wolcott, is secretary of the treasu- 
ry of the United States. Some of the family have been members of the ,« 
assembly, judges of the superior court, or magistrates, from the first set- 
tlement of the colony to this time, during the terra of more than a centurj 
and a half. A. D. 1797. 



228 



HISTORY OF 



Chaf. XJ. 



Booic I. 



1G5G. 



Commis- 
sioners 
meet, 
Sept. 4th. 

Letter 
from the 
Dutch 
ffo^'ernor. 



The protector, Oliver Cromwell, having conquered Ja- 
maica, made it a favourite object to remove the people of 
New-England to that island. He artfully represented, thaf 
ihey had as clear a call for transporting themselves from 
New-England to Jamaica, as they had for emigrating from 
Old England to New, for the advancement of their inte- 
rests ; as the Lord's people were to be the head, and not 
the tail. He likewise represented, that it would have a 
tendency to the destruction of the man of sin. He wrote 
particularly to New-Haven on the subject, and sent thetn 
a copy of his instructions relative to the affair. These he 
had given to one captain Gookins, whom he had employed 
in the several plantations, to promote this, his favourite de- 
sign. He and major Sedgwick dispatched letters also to 
New-Haven, on the same business. 

Governor Eaton had, some time before this, laid them 
before the general court. The several plantations in the 
colony had been made acquainted with their contents, and 
the deputies had been desired to return their opinion to 
the court. After a long and serious debate, the court re- 
solved, " That, though they could not but acknowledge 
the love, care, and tender respect of his highness, the Lord 
Protector, to New-England in general, and to this colony 
in particular, yet, for divers reasons, they cannot conclude 
that God calls them to a present remove thither." 

The governor was desired to write to the lord protector, 
acknowledging his great care and love towards the colony. 

The commissioners of the united colonies, this year, 
held their meeting at Plymouth. They received a very 
plausible letter from Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor. Ho 
wrote with a great show of religion, expressing his joy 
that God had quenched the bloody war between the Dutch 
and the English, in Europe ; and his warm desires, that it 
might redound to the great advantage of the subjects of the 
two nations, in these remote parts of the earth. He so- 
licited a nearer union between the Dutch and the united 
colonies. At the same time, he certified them, that he had 
received a ratification of the agreement made at Hartford, 
in 1650, under the seal of the High and Mighty States of 
the United Belgick Provinces ; and desired that time and 
place might be appointed for delivering and interchanging 
the ratifications. 

The governor was so well known to the commissioners, 
that neither the plausibility of his letter, nor the very chris- 
tian manner in which it was written, made any deep im- 
pressions upon them. They replied, in short, that the 
peace was matter of joy to thepi, and they \yished th^ con^ 



Chap. Xr. CONiNECTICUT. 229 

tinuancc of it in Europe, and in all the plantations abroad. Book I. 
They gave assurances, that the preservation of it should s.^-v-^.^ 
be their constant endt^avour. Nevertheless, they gave no 1656. 
intimations that they desired a nearer union, or to ratify 
the agreement. The Dutch governor had not observed it 
himself; they considered the Dutch as mere intruders, and 
were growing daily more able to defend themselves against 
their encroachments : they were, therefore, determined to 
do nothing further relative to the affair. 

They observed to the governor, that he had made no re- 
paration of the damages he had done the colonies, and that 
they had not heard that he designed to make any : that they 
heard he yet laid claim to Oyster bay, and that he had 
made no proper resignation of Greenwich. They desired 
iiim to be explicit on these points.* 

The last year, complaints were made to the court atCom- 
New-Haven, that the inhabitants of Greenwich were under P'^'."* 
little government, and demeaned themselves in a lawless t^lp",^. 
planner. They admitted of drunkenness among themselves, %vich. 
and among the Indians, by reason of which, damages were 
jlone to themselves and to the towns in the vicinit)^, and 
the public peace was disturbed. They received children 
and servants, who fled from the correction of their parents; 
gnd masters, and unlawfully joined persons in wedlock, 
with other misdemeanors. 

Upon this, the general court asserted their right to 
Greenwich, and ordered the inhabitants to submit to their 
jurisdiction. But they continued much in the same state, 
and sent a letter to the court in May, denying their juris- 
diction, and refusing any subjection to the colony, unless 
they should be compelled to it, by the fiarliament. The 
court, therefore, resolved, that, unless they should appear 
before the court, and make their submission, by the :25th 
of June, Richard Crab and others, who Avere the most 
stubborn among them, should be arrested and punished, The inha- 
according to law. They, therefore, some time after, sub- bitants 
jected their persons and estates to the government of New- ^l'^™** ^^ 
Haven. ilavcD. 

Uncas, though friendly to the English, appears to have 
been a proud, mischievous sachem, who, by his haughty 
carriage and provoking language, was often embroiling 
the country, and bringing trouble upon himself and the 
colonies. He made an assault upon the Podunk Indians, 
at Hartford. He, or his brother, invaded the Norwoo- 
tucks. He upbraided the Narragansets of their dead sa- 
■vphems, and challenged them to fight. Among other in]^ 

* Records of tbe united colonic?. 



230 HISTORY OF Chap. XL 

Book I. stances of misconduct, he proved treacherous to the Mon- 

^^^~\^-^^^ tauket sachem, and joined with Ninigrate, in his perfidi- 
1656. ous practices. By these means, the country was so dis- 
quieted, that it was with great difficulty the commissioners 
maintained the general peace. They interposed, and ob- 
liged Uncas to make restitution to the Indians, whom he, 
had injured. They prohil>ited his making war, without 
their consent and advice. They endeavored to quiet anc 
conciliate the natives; but ihey found them, whether thej 
were friends or foes, to be a troublesome people. After alP 
their precautions, the country was still more alarmed the 
next year. 

In April, the Indians committed a horrid murder at Far- 
^657. mington, and besides Mesapano, who was the principal ac- 
tor, the Norwootuck and Pocomtock Indians were suppos- 
ed to be accomjilices. 

The Montaukets, after all the trouble and expense, 
which the English had been at for their defence, became 
tumultuous, and did great damage to the inhabitants of 
Southampton. 

April 9tli. The general court at Hartford, gave orders that the In- 
dians, who perpetrated the murder at Farmington, should 
be apprehended, and that the sachems of the Pocomtock 
and Norwootuck Indians should deliver up the delinquents 
among them. 

Major Mason was ordered, with a detachment, to Long- 
Island, to bring the Indians there to a just and peaceable 
conduct, and adjust affairs between them and the English.* 
At the general election in Connecticut, 1657, Mr. John 

Mav ''1st ^'^ '^I'hrop was elected governor, and Mr. Thomas Wells 
deputy-governor. Mr. Webster was chosen ths first mag- 
istrate. The other officers were the same who had been 

May27tb. appointed the last year. The freemen, at the election in 
New-Haven, made no alteration in their magistrates. 

The general court at Hartford, this year, was uncom- 
monly thin, consisting of twenty-two members only. The 
. danger of the plantations, and of particular families, from 

the hostile stale of the Indians, appears to have been the 
reason. The Montaukets, Moheagans, Narragansets, and 

^^'■^^ Norwootucks, engaged in implacable wars with each other. 

Indiaiis. '^^^Y would pursue one another into the English planta- 
tions, and even into their houses, and kill each other in 
the presence of the families, to their great alarm and aston- 
ishment. Uncas was so pressed by the Narragansets, 
that Connecticut was obliged to send men to his fortress, 
lo assist him in defending himself against them. The Nar- 
* Records of Connecticut. 



Chap. XI. CONxXECTICUT. 231 

ragansets, in several instances, thrcalcncd and plundered Book I. 
the inhabitants of Connecticut. v.^-^sy^^^ 

Therefore, when the commissioners met, in September, 1657. 
they sent messengers to them, demanding that they should Q^..^^^ 2d. 
cease from war, until their grievances, and the grounds of 
their contentions, should be heard. They assured them, 
that they would hear and determine impartially, without 
favoring any of the parties. They represented to them 
the covenants which they had made with the English, and 
the entire inconsistency of their conduct, with those en- 
gagements. They also prohibited all fighting in the En- 
glish plantations. 

This year, the colony of New-IIaven, and indeed all the 
New-England colonies, sustained a heavy loss in the death cha^acto: 
of governor Eaton.* Me was a minister's son, born atofTheoph- 
Stony Stratford, in Oxfordshire ; was educated an East In- 'f"* Eaioit, 
dia merchant, and was sometime deputy-governor of the '^' 
company, trading to the East Indies. For several years, 
he was agent for the king of England at the court of Den- 
mark. After his return, he was a merchant of great busi- 
ness and respectability, in the city of London. 

Upon the Laudean persecution, he left his native coun- 
try, and came into New-England with Mr. Davenport, his 
minister, in 1637. He was one of the original patentees 
of the Massachusetts, and soon after his arrival was cho- 
sen one of the magistrates of that colony. Upon the set- 
tlement of New-Haven, he was chosen governor of the col- 
ony, and was annually re-elected until his death. He is 
represented as comely and personable, and is said to have 
appeared upon the bench with a dignity and majesty, 
which admit of no description. The impartiality with 
which he administered justice, was most exemplary, and 
his authority was not to be opposed. The wisdom, grav- 
ity, and integrity of his administration, were viewed with 
universal admiration. In honor to his memory, and the 
good services which he had rendered the colony, his fune- 
ral charges were borne, and a handsome monument erect- 
ed at the public expense.! 

* He died January 7th, 1657, in the 67th year of his age. 

t His private was not less amiable than his public character. In con- 
versation, he was affable, courteous, and generally pleasant ; but always 
grave and cautious. He was pious and strictly moral. His meekness, 
patience, and fortitude, were singular. 

In theconduct of his family, he was strict, prudent, and happy. Though 
it sometimes consisted of not less than tiiirty persons, yet they were under 
the most perfect order and government. Tliey were all assembled raorn- 
] ing and evening, and the governor, after reading the scriptures, and mak- 
ing devout and useful observations upon them, i)rayed with great reverence 
I and pertinency. On the sabbath, and other days of public devotion, he 



232 iilSTORY OF Chap. Xt, 

Book I. Nearly at the same time, died his son-in-law, Edward 

v-rf-v-x^ Hopkins, Esquire, for a number of years governor of Con- 
1657. necticut. He conducted the affairs of government with 

Character great wisdom and integrity, and was universally beloved. 

oi gover- j^g ^^.j^g ^ gentleman of exemplary piety, righteousness, and 

kins. charity. In his family and secret devotions, he followed 

the example of governor Eaton. His charity was great 
and extensive. Besides the relief he dispensed to the 
poor, with his own hands, he gave considerable sums of 
money to others, to be disposed of to charitable purposes. 
When he went into England, on the occasion of his broth- 
er's death, who had been warden of the English fleet, he 
designed to return again to his family and friends, in New- 
England; but he was very soon particularly noticed, and 
made first warden of the fleet, in the room of his brother. He 
was then chosen commissioner of the admiralty and navy ; 
and finally member of parliaments These unexpected pre- 
ferments altered his designs, and determined him to send 
over for his family, and to spend the remainder of his days 
in his native country. He had been a consumptive man, 
attended with a cough, and spitting of blood, for more thaa 
thirty years. His constitution was now entirely wasted, 
and he died in the 58th year of his age. 

His dona- His last will was highly expressive of that public spiriJ; 

tions. and charity, which had so distinguished him in life. His 
whole estate, in New-England, was given away to charita- 
ble purposes. He manifested his peculiar friendship to the 
family of Mr. Hooker, his pastor, at Hartford, by giving 
his relict, Mrs. Hooker, all the debts due from the family, 
to him ; by giving to Mrs. Wilson, of Boston, Mr. Hook- 
er's eldest daughter, his farm at Farmington, with all the 
houses, out-houses, and buildings upon it ; and by legacies 
to several others of his descendants. All the remainder of 
his estate, in New-England, he bequeathed to his " father,- 
Theophilus Eaton, Esquire, master John Davenport, mas- 
ter John CuUick, and master William Goodwin, in full as- 
spent an hour or two with his family, in instructing^ them in the duties of 
fnith and practice ; and in recommending to them the reading and study 
of the scriptures, secret devotion, the sanctification of the sabbath, and a 
devout and constant attendance on all divine institutions. On these days 
he sang praises, as well as prayed with his family. He was greatly be- 
loved by his domestics, as well as by the commonwealth. Indeed, there 
was no man, among the first planters of New-England, who had a more 
general acquaintance with public business, or who sustained a fairer cha- 
racter. His monument is kept up to the present time. Upon it arc these 
expressive lines : 

"Eaton, so meek, so wise, so fam'd, so just, 
The PhfEnix of our world here hides his dust : 
This name forget, New-Englaad never must. 



©HAP. XI. CONNECTICUT. 233 

surance of their trust and faithfulness, in disposing of it ac- Book I. 
cording to the true intent and purpose of him, the said Ed- v,^^/"^^ 
ward Hopkins, which was to give some encouragement, in 1657, 
those foreign plantations, for the breeding up of hopeful 
youths, in a way of learning, both at the grammar school 
and college, for the public service of the country, in future 
times." He also made a donation of five hundred pounds 
more, out of his estate in England, to the said trustees, in 
further prosecution of the same public ends, " for the up- 
holding and promoting the kingdom of the Lord Jesus 
Christ, in those parts of the earth." This last donation, 
was considered as made to Harvard college, and, by virtue 
of a decree in chancery, was paid in 1710. The interest 
given in New-England, was estimated at about 1,0001. ster- 
ling ; and was appropriated to the support of the gram- 
mar schools in New-Haven, Hartford, and Hadley. The ' 
money originally belonged to New-Haven and Hartford 5 
but as a considerable number of the people of Hartford af- 
terwards removed to Hadley, and were principal settlers 
of that town, they received their proportion of the do- 
nation. 

At a general court in Hartford, March 11th, 1658, a 1658. 
troop of thirty horsemen was established in Connecticut, f'^t troop 
and Richard Lord was appointed csiptain. This was the '^^ ^°'i°^^' 
first in the colony. 

This year there was a very considerable alteration with Election at 
respect to governors and the council, both in Connecticut |[j[^'"*'^!|*^> 
and New-Haven. At the election in Connecticut, Thorn- ^^ 
as Wells, Esquire, was elected governor, and John Win- 
throp, Esquire, deputy governor. To the magistrates last 
year, who were again re-chosen, there was an addition of 
Mr. Matthew Allen, Mr. Phelps, Mr. John Wells, Mr. 
Treat; Mr. Baker, Mr. Mulford, and Mr. Alexander 
Knowles. There appears to have been sixteen magis- 
trates, and twenty-six deputies ; in the whole, forty-two 
members. 

On the election at New-Haven, Mr. Francis Newman 
was chosen governor, and William Leet, deputy gover- 
nor.* Mr. Jasper Crane was added to the magistrates, 
and Mr. William Gibbard was appointed secretary. 

This year a considerable settlement was made betw^een Pawca- 
Mistic and Pawcatuck rivers. This tract was called Pe-tuck, af- 
quot, and originally belonged to New-London. The first ^'^"^^'"''^ 

* Mr. Stephen Goodyear, who had been deputy governor, witli gover- 
nor Eaton, through almost his whole administration, died this year, in Lon- 
don, and was either there, or on his passage, at this election. He- ap- 
pears to have been a worthy man, and left a respectable family. 



234 HISTORY OF Chap. XL 

Book I. man who settled upci thts tract, was William Cheese- 
«<-i»-v'-s-/ brough, from Rehoboth, iti 1649. A complaint was ex- 
1658. hibited against him for carrying ots an illicit trade with the 
named Indians, for repairing their arms, and endangering the pub- 
Stoiiing- ]j(, safety. The general court of Connecticut declared, 
iled.*^ " ^^i^t ih^y had a clear title to those lands, and summoned 
him before them. They reprimanded him for settling up- 
Cheese- gn them without their approbation ; for withdrawing him- 
brough re- ^^j^ from christian society and ordinances ; and for unlaw- 
td. "^ fully trading with and assisting the Indians. He confessed 
his faults ; but pleaded, in excuse, that he had been en- 
couraged by Mr. Winthrop, who claimed a right at Paw- 
catuck. He gave bonds for his good conduct, and was al- 
lowed to continue upon the land. The court promised 
him, that if he would procure a sufficient number of plant- 
ers, they would give them all proper encouragement, in 
making a permanent settlement. About ten or twelve 
families, this year, made settlements in that quarter; and, 
finding that there was a controversy between Connecticut 
and the Massachusetts, with respect both to title and juris- 
The plant- diction, they, on the 30th of June, entered into a voluntary 
ers agree contract to govern themselves, and conduct their affairs in 
them- peace, until it should be determined 'to which colony they 
selves. should submit. The principal planters were George Deni- 
son, Thomas Stanton, Thomas Shaw, William, Elisha, and 
Samuel Cheesebrough, and Moses and Walter Palmer* 
These, with some otheTs, were signers of the voluntary 
Compact. 
Claim of At the meeting of the commissioners, the Massachusetts 
Massa- claimed that tract of country, by virtue of the assistance 
ciuse s. ^j^j(,j^ |.}^py afforded Connecticut in the conquest of the Pe- 
Determi- quots. The commissioners resolved, " That the determi- 
nation of nation did arise only from the several rights of conquest, 
which were not greatly different ; yet that being tender of 
any inconvenience which might arise to those who were 
already possessed, either by commission from Massachu- 
setts or Connecticut, in any part thereof, should they bo 
put off their improvemettts ; also, upon inquiry, finding, 
that the Pequot country, which extended from Nehantick 
to Wekapaug, about ten miles eastward from Mistic river, 
may conveniently accommodate two plantations, did, re- 
specting things as they then stood, conclude, that Mistic 
river be the bounds between them, as to propriety and ju- 
risdiction, so far as conquest may give tide. Always pro- 
vided, that such as are already accommodated, by com- 
mission of either of the said governments, or have grants 
<)f anr^ tracts of land^ on either side of the Mystic river, be 



the com 
;ini.s;;ioners 



Chap. XI. CONNECTICUT. £35 

not molested in any of their possessions or rights, by any Book 1. 
-Lhcr grants." v-^-n,-^> 

lIj)on the petition of the planters, the general court of 1G58. 
the Massachusetts made them a grant of eight miles fi-omOct. laUi, 
the month of Mystic river towards Wekapaug, and eight 
miles northward into the country, and named the planta- 
lion Southcrton. It continued under the government of 
Massachusetts until after Connecticut obtained a royal 
charter. 

This was a year of great sickness and mortality in Con- 
necticut, and in New-England in general. Iloligious con- 
troversies, at the same time, ran high, and gave great 
trouble to church and commonwealth. The Indians con- 
tinued their wars with implacable animosity. The cora- 
missioners employed all their wisdom and influence to 
make peace ; but they could not reconcile those blood- 
thirsty barbarians. The crops were light, and it was a 
year of fear, perplexity, and sorrow.* 

John Winthrop, Esq'r. was chosen governor of Con- Election at 
necticut for the year 1659, and Thomas Wells, Esq'r. de- S^*"*'}*'!' 
puty governor. Captam lappmg and Mr. Kobert r)ond ]659. 
were elected magistrates, in the room of Mr. Knowles and 
Mr. Mulford. 

At the election in New-Haven, the same governor and 
council were rechosen. Indeed, little alteration was made 
with respect to them, until the union of that colony with 
Connecticut. 

At the October session, Cromwell bay, or Setauket, on Oct. 6ih. 
Long-Island, at the desire of the inhabitants, was admitted 
as a member of the jurisdiction of Connecticut. 

In 1660, Mr. John Winthrop was rechosen governor. Election, 
This was the first time that any governor had been elected May i7il), 
to that office more than once in two years. Major Mason ^ 
was advanced to the place of deputy governor. The ma- 
gistrates were Mr. Henry Clark, Mr. Wyllys, Mr. Phelps, 
Mr. Allen, Mr. Treat, Mr. Gould, Mr. Tapping, Mr. Og- 
den, Mr. Bond, Mr. Daniel Clark, and Mr. Talcott. Mr. 
Daniel Clark was secretary, and Mr. Talcott treasurer. 

Mr. Webster and Mr. Wells appear now to be no more. 
They had been annually chosen into the magistracy, for 
about twenty years, and both had the honour of the chief 
seat of government.! 

* In a proclarnation for a gcnerarfast, the intemperate season, thin har- 
vest, sore visitation by sickness, and the sad, prolonged differenceg in the, 
churches, are particularized as matters of humiliation. 

t Four or five governors of Connecticut, governor Hayne?, governor 
Wyllys, governors Wells and Webster, lie buried at Hartford, without; 
a monument. William Lt;et,*[Esq. [governor of New-Haven and Coa- 



S36 HISTORY OF Chap. XL 

Book I. At this election, the freemen, having found by long ex- 
v^'^v-v^ perience, that the clause in the third fundamental article, 
1660, incapacitating any person to be choson governor more 
than once in two years, was prejudicial, rather than advan- 
tageous to the colony, resolved, that there should be liber- 
ty for the annual choice of the same person governor, or of 
any other whom they should judge best qualified to serve 
the commonwealth. 
Distress of During the wars between Uncas and the Norragansets, 
tJncas. ihey besieged his fort, near the bank of the Thames, until 
his provisions were nearly exhausted, and he found that he, 
and his men, must soon perish, by famine or sword, unless 
he could obtain speedy relief. In this crisis, he found 
means of communicating his dangei-tothe scouts, who had 
been sent out from Say brook fort. By his messengers, he 
Represented the great danger the English, in those parts, 
would be in immediately, if they should suffer the Mohea- 
gans to be destroyed. 
Eeliered Upon this intelligence, one Thomas LefBngwell, an en- 
by Thorn- sign at Saybrook, an enterprising, bold man, loaded a ca- 
BsLeffing- j^Q^, ^^,j^j^ beef, corn, and pease, and, under cover of the 
; ' night, paddled from Saybrook into the Thames, and had 
the address to get the whole into the fort. The enemy 
soon perceiving that Uncas was relieved, raised the siege. 
For this service, Uncas gave said Leffingwella deed of a 
great part, if not of the whole town of Norwich. In June, 
J 669, Uncas, with his two sons, Owaneco and Atta wan- 
hood, by a more formal and authentic deed, made over 
imto said Leffingwell, John Mason, Esq. the Rev. James 
Fitch, and others, consisting of thirty-five proprietors, the 
whole township of Norwich, which is about nine miles 
square. The company, at this time, gave Uncas and his 
sons about seventy pounds, as a further com{)ensation for 
so large and fine a tract. 
Norwich". Preparations were immediately made for its settlement ; 
settled. and, this spring, the Rev. James Fitch, with the principal 
part of his church and congregation, removed from Say- 
brook, and planted the town of Norwich. Three or four 
planters joined them from New-London, and two or three 
from the towns of Plymouth and Marshfield, in Massachu- 
setts. In 1663, the general assembly ordered that the deed 
should be recorded. The limits were afterwards ascer- 
tained, and the town received a patent of the whole. 

neclicut, also lies interred there, in the same obscure manner. Consider- 
ing their many and important public services, this is remarkable ; hut 
their virtues have embalmed their names, and will render them venerable 
to the latest posterity. 



fJnAP. XI. CONNECTICUT. 237 

The Moheagans were a great defence, and of essential Book I. 
service to the town for many years. They kept out their ^-^-^y^'v^ 
scouts and spies, and so constantly watched thcii- enemies, 1660. 
that they gave the earliest notice of their approach, and 
were a continual defence against themr. For this purpose, 
in times of danger, they often moved aad pitched their wig- 
wams near the town, and were a great terror to the enemy. 
Once the hostile Indians came near to the town, upon the 
sabbath, with a design to make a descent upon it; but, 
viewing it from an eminence, and seeing the Moheagari 
huts, they were intimidated, and went off without doing the 
least damage.* 

This year, the town of Huntington, upon Long-Island, Hunting- 
was received as a member of the Connecticut jurisdiction, t^" receiv- 

This general court ordered, that grand jurors should be 
appointed in every town, to make presentment of all breach- Grand ju- 
'cs of law, in their respective towns. The law required rors ap- 
that the presentments should be made to the particular '^°'"*^'^' 
com-t, in May and October. 

The accounts with the heirs of George Fenwick, Esq. 
had not been closed, nor discharges given, relative to the 
purchase made of the fort at Saybrook, and the old patent 
of Connecticut. This was an occasion of great uneasiness 
Among the people. The three towns of Hartford, Windsor, 
and Weathersfield, presented petitions to the general court, 
praying that the accounts might be adjusted, and the colo- 
ny discharged. In consequence of these, a large commit- 
tee was appointed to make a complete settlement with the 
said heirs. They having prepared the accounts for a final 
adjustment, the general court, at their session in October, 
authorised them, in their behalf, to perfect and confirm the 
writings. The governor was authorised, in their name, to 
affix the public seal of the colony to those which were to 
he delivered to captain Cullick, and Elizabeth, his wife, 
heirs of the said George Fenwick, Esq. and to receive of 
them the writings, to be delivered to the court, in favour of 
the colony. 

Accordingly, on the 7th of October, the colony dischar- Settle- 
ged Mr. John Cullick, and Elizabeth, his wife, their heirs, J',;;",^^.^^'^**' 
&;c. ; and the said John, and Elizabeth, his wife, gave aUoCMr. 
ample discharge to the colony of Connecticut, from all sums Fenuick, 
of money due to the said Fenwick, his heirs or assigns, by ^^^*- '^^^• 
virtue of the agreements made with Mr. Fenw"ick, or pur- 
chase of the river's mouth. t 

* Manuscripts from Norwich, and Records of Connecticut. 

t Mr. Cullick, who, for several years, had been one of (he magislraft^ 
of Connecticut, and secretary of the colony, had now removed his rti: 
deuce to Boston. 



238 HISTORY OF Chap. XI. 

Book J. Tims, after tlie term of sixteen years, from the first, and 
v^^-v-w' fourteen from the second agreement with Mr. Fenwick, the 
1660. colony completed a settlement respectini!; the fort and lands 
holdenby him; and became legally possessed of the tract 
conveyed to the lords and gentlemen severally named in 
the patent. 
500 pounds Upon a final adjustment of the accounts, it appeared, 
coioi''*'''' t^^^ ^^' Cullick and the heirs of Mr. Fenwick were in- 
debted 500 pounds sterling to the colony, which had been 
paid them, more than what was due according to the origi- 
nal agreements with Mr. Fenwick. 

John Mason, Esq. now deputy governor, had some time 
since been authorised, in behalf of the colony, to purchase 
of Uncas all the lands, which he had reserved for himself 
and the Moheagans, in the deed of 1640, under the name 
of planting grounds. Having effected the purchase, he 
made a surrender of the lands, in the presence of the gene- 
ral court. The following is a minute of the transaction. 

" Hartford, session of the general court, March 14, 
1660.* 
March 14, •■' The jurisdiction power over that land, which Uncas- 
^^f Mason ^^^ Wawequa have made over to major Mason, is by him 
resi"-n9 the surrendered to this colony. Nevertheless, for the laying 
Moheagan out of those lands to farms, or plantations, the court doth 
lauds. leave it in the hands of major Mason. It is also ordered and 
provided, with the consent of major Mason, that Uncas 
and Wawequa, and their Indians and successors, shall be 
supplied with sufficient planting ground at all times, as the 
court sees cause, out of that land. And the major doth re- 
serve to himself a competency to make a farm." 

For want of form, and a more legal manner of convey- 
ance, with respect to those lands, originated the memora- 
ble Mason case, or controversy, as it was called. It con- 
tinued about seventy years, and was an occasion of great 
trouble and expense to the colony. A statement of it will 
be made in the progress of this history. 

* This according to the present mode of dating was March 14, 1G6.1. 




Cha^p. XII. CONNECTICUT. 



CHAPTER XII. 16C0. 

The general court of Connecticut decla/e their loyalty and 
.submission to the king ; determine to address his miajes- 
Ay, and apply for charter privileges. A petition to his ma- 
jesty is prepared, and a letter addressed to lord Say and 
Seal. Governor IVinthrop is appointed the colony''s a- 
gent, to present their petition, and solicit a patent. Regi- 
cides condemned. Whalley and Goffe arrive at Boston, 
escape to New-Haven, and arc kindly entertained, and 
kept from their pursuers. Jsfew-Haven falls into great 
trouble and danger on that account. New-Haven excuse 
themselves ; decline sending an agent ; but join roith Mas- 
sachusetts, in supporting one. The king proclaimed. 
Governor Winthrop obtains the charter of Connecticut. 
First governor and council under the charter. Repre- 
sentation of the constitution it ordains, and the privileges 
it conveys. Difficulties of the colony of New-Haven, 
Governor Leet''s address. Charter of Connecticut ar- 
rives. Proceedings of Connecticut in consequence of the 
charter. They extend their jurisdiction to all places with- 
in the limits of their patent, and challenge New-Haven 
colony, asunder their jurisdiction. Controversy between 
the tivo colonies. Settlement of Killingzvorth. Patent of 
the duke of York. Colonel Nichols and commissioners 
arrive, reduce all the Dutch settlements. Their extraor- 
dinary powers. Important crisis of Connecticut. The 
general court make a present to the commissioners. An- 
swer to the propositions from his majesty, and reply to the 
duke of Hamilton's claim and petition. Boundaries be- 
tween Connecticut and New-York. Union of Connecticut 
and Nezo-Haven, 

THE colony having purchased the patent, and the gov- March u. 
ernment of England having been settled in the king 
and parliament, the general court determined to make ap- 
plication for a charter under the royal signature. They 
avowrd their allegiance to his majesty, king Charles the „■ . 

second; declared that all the inhabitants of this colony avow their 
were his faithful subjects ; and that it was necessary to pe- allegiance 
tition him for his grace, and the continuance and confirma- [?, ^''.?f, ,, 
tion of their rights and privileges. The court resolved, 
that the 500 pounds due from Mr. Cullick should be ap- 
propriated to the prosecution of their address, and applica- 
tion to his majesty for a patent. 



HISTORY OP 



Chap. XIL 



Book I, 
1661. 

Prepare a 
petilion 
for a cliar 
ter. 
May 16. 



Gov. Win- 
throp ap- 
pointed 
ageot. 



Represen- 
tations in 
the peti- 
tion. 



Letter to 
lord Say 
and Seal. 



Cora- 
])laiii(s a- 
^ainst Mr. 
ieawick. 



At the session in May, a petition to his majesty was pre- 
' sentcd by the governor, and approved by the general 
court. That it might, however, be made as perfect as 
possible, the governor and deputy governor, Mr. Wyllys, 
Mr. Allen, Mr. Warham, Mr. Stone, Mr. Hooker, Mr. 
Whiting, and the secretary, were appointed a committee 
for its emendation. They were authorised to methodize 
and make all such alterations, as they should judge expe- 
dient, provided the substance of it were retained. They 
were directed to write letters to any noble personages it^ 
England, to whom it might be expedient to make applica- 
tion, and to transact whatever might be necessary, respect- 
ing the petition and the procurement of a patent. 

Governor Winthrop was appointed agent to present the 
petition to his majesty, and to transact all affairs in Eng- 
land, respecting the general welfare of the colony. He 
had particular instructions from the general court for the 
management of the business of his agency. He was espe- 
cially directed to obtain the consent, and take the advice 
of the nobles and gentlemen, who had been interested in the 
old patent of Connecticut; and to engage the friendship 
and influence of all those, who might be active and servicea- 
ble, with respect to the interests of the colony. 

In the petition to his majesty, it was represented, that the 
greatest jiartof the colony had been piu'chasedand obtain- 
ed by great and valuable considerations ; that some other 
part thereof had been obtained by conquest; and that it 
had, with great difficulty, at the sole endeavours, expense 
and charges of themselves and their associates, under whom 
they claimed, been subdued and improved, and thereby 
become a considerable enlargement and addition to his ma- 
jesty's dominions and interests in New-England.* These 
were pleaded as reasons, with his majesty, to grant the 
tract and privileges for which the petitioners prayed. 

At the same time, a letter was addressed to lord Say ancf 
Seal, representing the encouragements which their fathers, 
and some of their surviving associates, received from him, 
to transplant themselves into the inland parts of this vast 
wilderness, and their assm-ances of his patronage and fa- 
vor. They also complained, that Mr. George Fenwick, 
several years after he had taken possession of the entrance 
of Connecticut river, detei-mining to return to England, 
proposed to sell the fort, at Saybrook, with all the build- 
ings and a|)purtcnanccs there, together with all the lands 
iipou the river, as far eastward as Narraganset bay, with 
the light of jurisdiction, to the colony. Theyrepresented^ 
*.\ppendix No. VI!. 



Chap. XIL CONNECTICUT. ^41 

that this, at first, was strenuously opposed, by many of Book I. 
the inhabitants, as they imagined his lordship, and the ^^^^-y^*^ 
other noble patentees, had very bountiful intentions to- 166). 
wards them ; and that such a procedure would be extreme- 
ly contrary to their designs. Nevertheless, that after- 
wards, as some of those gentlemen, who had the greatest 
interest in the affections of their lordships, were removed 
by death ; and as Mr. Fenwick pretended to be the only 
patentee ; and threatened, that unless the colony would 
purchase the lands, on his own terms, he would either im- 
pose duties upon the people, or sell the premises to the 
Dutch, they finally agreed with him, and paid him 1,600 
pounds for them. They intimated that this was the only 
way in which the peace and safety of the community could 
have been preserved. As a further matter of grievance, 
they complained, that, besides this great abuse, Mr. Fen- 
tvick had given them nothing under his hand, to oblige him- 
self or his heirs to fulfil his engagements ; and that they 
had nothing to secure them, in the enjoyment of their just 
rights and privileges, as a distinct commonwealth. They 
further made complaint of encroachments made upon them, 
on the north by the Massachusetts, and by them and others 
towards the Narragansets ; and that they knew not how to 
support their claims, or ascertain their boundaries, with- 
out a patent. They intreat his lordship to consider their 
circumstances, counsel and assist their agent, and counte- 
nance their designs.* 

The only alteration which had been made, at the elec- 
tion, this year, in Connecticut, was the choice of Mr. 
Thurston Rayner into the magistracy ; but at New-Haven 
the alteration was very considerable. 

Francis Newman, Esq. who had succeeded governor Govemop 
Eaton, in the chief seat of government, was now no more, ^^^wman 
He had been for many years secretary, under the adminis- 
tration of governor Eaton, and was well acquainted with the 
affairs of the colony. He is represented as a gentleman 
of piety and unblemished morals, happily imitating his 
predecessor both in public and private life. 

Upon the election, William Leet, Esq. was chosen gov- ^'^^*'°" ^* 
ernor, and Mr. Matthew Gilbert, deputy governor. Mr. pen^^May 
Benjamin Fenn, Mr. Robert Treat, Mr. Jasper Crane, Mr. 29fh. 
John Wakeman, and Mr. William Gibbard, were elected '■ 
magistrates. The spirit of republicanism however was so 
high, at New-Haven, that several of them would not ac- 
cept their appointments and take the oaths prescribed. 
Mr. Wakeman and Mr. Gibbard utterly refused. Mr, 
* Letter to bis lordship, No. V'lII. 
F2 



242 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. Xll, 




Regicides 
condemn- 
ed. 



Whalley 
and Gofie 
arrive at 
Boston. 



Retire to 
Cam- 
bridge. 



Arrive at 
New-Ha- 

INIarcU 27, 



Fenn was hardly prevailed with to accept his office. He 
at last took the oath, with this previous explanation, that it 
was only with reference to the fjarticular laws of that colo- 
ny ; and that if any thing foreign should present, it should 
give no offence if he should decline acting. Mr. Jame? 
Bishop was chosen secretary, and Mr. Robert Allen, trea- 
surer. 

An affair had happened at New-Haven, a few months 
before this, which now began to alarm the country, and 
soon gave great anxiety and trouble to that colony. 

Ver}'' soon after the restoration, a large number of the 
judges of king Charles the tirst, commonly termed regicides, 
were apprehended and brought upon their trials, in the 
Old Baily. Thirty nine were condemned, and ten exe- 
cuted as traitors. Some odiers, apprehensive of danger, 
fled out of the kingdom before king Charles II. was pro- 
claimed. Colonels Whalley and Goffe made their escape 
to New-England. They were brought over by one cap- 
tain Cooking, and arrived at Boston, in July, 1660. Gov- 
ernor Endicott and gentlemen of character, in Boston and 
its vicinity, treated them with peculiar respect and kind- 
ness. They were gentlemen of singular abilities, and had 
moved in an exalted sphere. Whalley had been a lieuten- 
ant general, and Golfe, a major general, in Cromwell's ar- 
my. Their manners were elegant, and their appearance 
grave and dignified, commanding universal respect. They 
soon went from Boston to Cambridge, where they resided 
until February. They resorted openly to places of pub- 
lic worship on the Lord's day, and at other times of public 
devotion. They were universally esteemed, by all men oi 
character, both civil and religious. But no sooner was it 
known, that the judges had been condemned as traitors, 
and that these gentlemen were excepted from the act of 
jaardon, than the principal gentlemen in the Massachusett.s 
began to be alarmed. Governor Endicott called a court, 
of magistrates to consult measures for apprehending them. 
However, their friends were so numerous that a vote could 
not, at that time, be obtained to arrest them. Some of the 
court declared that they would stand by them, others ad- 
vised tiiem to remove out of the colony. 

Fine,:. ig themselves unsafe at Cambridge, they came, by 
the assistance of their friends, to Connecticut. They 
made their route by Hartfoi-d, but went on directly to New- 
Haven. They arrived about the 27th of March, and made 
Mr. Davenport's house the place of their residence. They 
were treated with the same marks of esteem and generous 
friendship, at New-Haven, which they had received in the 



Chap. XII. CONNECTICUT. 243 

Massachusetts. The more the people became acquainted Book T. 
with them, the more they esteemed them, not only as men ^-^^^/^^ 
of great minds, but of unfeigned piety and religion. For 16G1. 
r,ome. lime, they appeared to apprehend themselves as out 
of danger, and happily situated among a number of pious 
and agreeable friends. But it was not long before the 
news of the king's proclamation against the regicides ar- 
rived, requiring, that wherever they might be found, they 
should be immediately apprehended. The governor of 
Massachusetts, in consequence of the royal proclamation, 
issued his warrant to arrest them. As they were certified. Goto 
by their friends, of all measures adopted respecting them, '^^'"'-"'^- 
they removed to Milford. There they appeared openly in 
the day time, but at night often returned privately to New- 
Haven, and were generally secreted at Mr. Davenport's, 
until about the last of April. 

In the mean time, the governor of Massachusetts receiv- 
ed a royal mandate requiring him to apprehend them •, and 
a more full and circumstantial account of the condemna- 
tion and the execution of the ten regicides, and of the dis- 
position of the court towards them, and the republicans 
and puritans in general, arrived in New-England.' This 
gave a more general and thorough alarm to the whole 
country. A feigned search had been made in the Massa- 
chusetts, in consequence of the former warrant, for the co- 
lonels Whalley and Goffe ; but now the governor and ma- 
gistrates began to view the affair in a more serious point 
©flight; and appear to have been in earnest to secure 
them. They perceived, that their own personal safety, 
and the liberties and peace of the country, were concerned 
in the manner of their conduct towards those unhappy men. 
They therefore immediately gave a commission to Thomas Ecllond 
Kellond and Thomas Kirk, two zealous young royalists, to ^"'^ ^'T'^ 
go through the colonies, as far as the Manhadoes, and make sb ned' to 
a careful and universal search for them. They pursued search the 
the judges, with engagedness, to Hartford ; and, repairing <^ountry. 
to governor Winthrop, were nobly entertained. He as- 
sured them, that the colonels made no stay in Connecticut, 
but went directly to Ncw-IIaven. He gave them a war- 
rant and instructions similar to those which they had re- 
ceived from the governor of Massachusetts, and transacted 
every thing relative to the affair with dispatch. The next Come t(^ 
day they arrived at Guilford, and opened their business to ^""°^"^"« 
deputy governor Leet. They acquainted him that, accord- 
ing to the intelligence which they had received, the regi- 
cides were then at New-Haven. They desired immediate- 
ly to be furnished with powers, horses, and assistance to 
^.rrest them. 



244 HISTORY OF Chap. XII, 

Book I. But here they were very unwelcome messengers. Gov- 
v.^-N/'-x^ ernor Leet, and the principal gentlemen in Guilford and 
1661. New-Haven, had no ill opinion of the judges. If they had 
Sentiments done wrong in the part they had acted, they viewed it as 
*^'^|°^'Y°' ^" error in judgment, and as the fault of great and good 
and his men, under peculiar and extraordinary circumstances, 
couacil. They were touched with compassion and sympathy, and 
had real scruples of conscience with respect to delivering 
up such men to death. They viewed them as the excel- 
lent in the earth, and were afraid to betray them, lest they 
should be instrumental in shedding innocent blood. They 
saw no advantage in putting them to death. They were 
not zealous therefore to assist in apprehending them. Gov- 
Their con- ^mor Leet said, he had not seen them, in nine weeks, and 
duct res- that he did not believe they were at New-Haven. He read 
pecting some of the papers relative to the affair with an audible 
tides. voice. ' The pursuivants observed to him, that their busi- 
ness required more secrecy, than was consistent with such 
a reading of their instructions. He delayed furnishing them 
with horses until the next morning, and utterly declined 
giving them any powers, until he had consulted with his 
council, at New-Haven. They complained, that an Indian 
■went off, from Guilford to New-Haven, in the night, and 
that the governor was so dilatory, the next morning, that a 
messenger went on to New-Haven, before they could ob- 
tain horses for their assistance. The judges were appris- 
ed of every transaction respecting them, and they, and 
their friends, took their measures accordingly. They 
changed their quarters, from one place to another in the 
town, as circumstances required ; and had faithful friends 
to give them information, and to conceal them from their 
enemies. 

On the 13th of March, the pursuivants came to New-Ha- 
ven, and governor Leet arrived in town, soon after them, 
to consult his council. They acquainted him, that, from 
the information which they had received, they were per- 
suaded, that the judges were yet in the town, and pressed 
him and the magistrates to give them a warrant and assist- 
ance, to arrcbt them, without any further delay. But after 
the governor and his council had been together five or six 
hours, they dispersed, without doing any thing relative to 
the affair. The governor declared, that they could not 
act without calling a general assembly of the freemen. 
Kellond and Kirk observed to him, that the other govern- 
ors had not stood upon such niceties; that the honor and 
justice of his majesty were concerned, and that he would 
highly resent the concealment and abetting of such traitor^ 



Chap. XII, CONNECTICUT. 245 

and regicides. They demanded whether he, and his coun- Book I. 
ril, would own and honour his majesty ? The governor s-^~n/-x^ 
replied, we do honour his majesty, but have tender con- 1661. 
sciences, and wish first to know whether he will own us.* 

The tradition is, that the pursuivants searched Mr. Da- 
venport's house, and used him very ill. They also search- 
ed other houses, where they suspected that the regicides 
were concealed. The report is, that they went into the 
house of one Mrs. Eyers, where they actually were; but 
she conducted the affair with such composure and address, 
that they imagined the judges had just made their escape 
from the house, and they went off without making any 
search. It is said, that once, when the pursuers passed 
the neck bridge, the judges concealed themselves under it. 
Several times they narrowly escaped, but never could be 
taken. 

These zealous royalists, not finding the judges in New- 
Haven, prosecuted their journey to the Dutch settlements, 
and made interest with Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor, 
against them. He promised them, that, if the judges should 
be found within his jurisdiction, he would give them imme- 
diate intelligence, and that he would prohibit all ships and 
vessels from transporting them. Having thus zealously Kellond 
prosecuted the business of their commission, they returned ^"*^ ^"^'^ j 
to Boston, and reported the reception which they had met report! 
with at Guilford and New-Haven. 

Upon this report, a letter was written by secretary Raw- Letter 
son, in the name of the general court of Massachusetts, to '""om the 
governor Leet and his council, on the subject. It repre- ^"[gj^" 
sented, that many complaints had been exhibited in Eng- chusetts to. 
land against the colonies, and that they were in great dan- governor 
ger. It was observed, that one great source of complaint, ^^^^" 
was their giving such entertainment to the regicides, and 
their inattention to his majesty's warrant for arresting 
ihem. This was represented as an affair which hazarded 
the liberties of all the colonies, and especially those of 
New-Haven, It was intimated, that the safety of particu- 
lar persons, no less than that of the colony, was in danger. 
It was insisted, that the only way to expiate their offence, 
and save themselves harmless, was, without delay, to ap- 
prehend the delinquents. Indeed, the court urged, that 
rot only their own safety and welfare, but the essential in- 
terests of their neighbours, demanded their indefatigable 
exertions to exculpate themselves. 

Colonels Whalley and Goffe, after the search which had 

♦Report of Kellond and Kirk to governor Endicott; to which they 
eave oath, ia the presence of the governor and his councih 



246 IJISTORY OF Chap. XIL 

Book 1. been made for them at New-Haven, left Mr. Davenport's, 
v-*»~v-x-' and took up their quarters at Mr. William Jones's, son in 
1661. law to governor Eaton, and, afterwards, deputy governor 
Regicides of New-Havcn and Connecticut. There they secreted 
change themselves until the 11th of May. Thence they removed 

their ciuar- n • i • /• i t^ i 

t^rs. to a mill in the environs oi the town, r or a short time, 

they made their quarters in the woods, and then fixed them 
in a cave in the side of a hill, which they named Provi- 
dence Hill. They had some other places of resort, to which 
ihey retired as occasion made it necessary ; but this was, 
generally, the place of their residence until the 19th of 
August.* When the weather was bad, they lodged, at 
night, in a neighbouring house. It is not improbable, that, 
sometimes, when it could be done with safety, they made 
visits to their friends at New-Haven. 
They ap- Indeed, to prevent any damage to Mr. Davenport, or 
V^t NeT- ^'^^ colony, they once, or more, came into the town openly- 
Haven. and offered to deliver up themselves to save their friends. 
It seems it was fully expected, at that time, that they would 
have done it voluntarily. But their friends neither desired, 
nor advised them, by any means, to adopt so dangerous a 
measure. They hoped to save themselves and the colony 
harmless, without such a sacrifice. The magistrates were 
•greatly blamed for not apprehending them, at this time in 
particular. Secretary Rawson, in a letter of his to gover- 
nor Leet, writes, " How ill this will be taken, is not diffi- 
cult to imagine; to be sure not well. Nay, will not all 
men condemn you as wanting to yourselves ?" The gene- 
ral court of Massachusetts further accjuainted governor, 
Leet, that the colonies were criminated for making no ap- 
plication to the king, since his restoration, and for not pro- 
claiming him as their king. The court, in their letter, ob- 
served, that it was highly necessary that they should send 
an agent to answer for them at the court of England. 
Governor On the reception of this intelligence, governor Leetcon- 
Leet con- yoked the general court, and laid the letters before them, 
venes the ^j-^gj. f^^udj debate, it was concluded to address a letter to 
court, die general court, exculpating the colony. With respect 
Aug. 1st. to the regicides, tliey declared, that they had neither dis- 
owned nor slighted the king nor his authority ; and that 
the apprehending of them was not defeated by any delay 
cusc. of theirs, as they had made their escape before the king's 

* About this time they removed to Milford, where they continued about 
t'.vo years. On the arrival of the king's commissioners in New-England, 
Ihey retired again to their cave lor a slioit tune, and about the 13th of Oc- 
tober, 1664, removed to Hadley. As the late Rev.. President Stiles has 
written their history, no notice will be taken of it in this work, furthe* 
than it is connected with the aftairp of the colony. 



Ncw-lTa 
ven's ex 



Chap. XIL CONNECTICUT. 247 

warrant arrived in the colony. They alledged, that the Book I. 
pursuers neglected their business, to attend upon the gov- ^.,^-n/->^ 
ernorand his council, for which they had no authority. Be- 16C1. 
sides, they pleaded scruples of conscience, and fear of un- 
faithfulness to the people, who had given them all their 
power, and to whom they were bound by solemn oath. 
Further, they insisted, that acting upon the warrant would 
have been owning a general goveri^or, and dangerous to 
the liberties of the people. To him they said the warrant 
was directed, and though other magistrates were mentioned, 
yet they were considered only as officers under him. 

With reference to the magistrates not arresting the judg- 
es, when they appeared openly in the town, they said, it 
was owing to a full persuasion that they would certainly 
surrender themselves, according to their promise. Tiiey 
affirmed, that they had used all diligence with those who 
had shown them kindness, to persuade them to deliver them 
up; that they were ignorant where they were, and that 
they did not believe that they were in the colony. They 
promised, that they would exert themselves to arrest and 
secure them, if an opportunity should present. 

They excused themselves for not making an address or 
application to his majestyj because it was to them a nevr 
and unprecedented affair, and they v/ere ignorant of the 
proper form. Indeed, they said they could not agree in 
one which might be acceptable. These they avowed to 
be the reasons of their omission, and not any disloyalty to 
his majesty. As the form in which the colony of Massa- 
chusetts made their submission to the king, had been laid 
before them, they declared, that it was to their satisfaction, 
and that, from their hearts, they acknowledged and said 
the same. They promised full subjection and entire alle- 
giance to his majesty, king Charles II. Upon this sub- 
mission and declaration, they supplicated for the same im- 
munities and privileges with their sister colonies, and de- 
clared their expectations of the full enjoyment of them. 

At the same time, they declined the making of any par- 
ticular address to the king, on account of their inability to 
procure a proper agent to present it to his majesty. In 
their great distress, they desired the general court of Massa- 
chusetts to represent them to the king as cordially owning 
and complying with their address, as though it had been 
feaid and made by themselves. They expressed their opin- 
ion of the necessity of a general agent for New-England, New-Ha,- 
to supplicate the royal favour, to defeat the designs of their ^'^^ "»'fe 
enemies, and to procure for them all acts of indemnity and ^^^^^^^^i 
grace They agreed to bear their proportionable part of a<jei)t. 



SJ48 HISTORY OF Chap. XH. 

Book I. the expense. The court immediately sent an agent to 
^w^^/-'^/ Boston, on this business. One great matter of complaint, 
1661. against the colonies, had been their not proclaiming the 
They pro- king. But as he had now been proclaimed in all the other 
khi'™ A^- ^olo^iss, in New-England, the general court at New-Haven 
gust '21st. judged it expedient formally to proclaim him there.* 
Gov. Win- About this time, it seems, governor Winthrop took 
^o'^'fT'^f ^^^ passage for England. Upon his arrival, he made 
England, application to lord Say and Seal, and other friends of 
the colony, for their countenance and assistance. 

Lord Say and Seal, appears to have been the only 
nobleman living, who was one of the original paten- 
tees of Connecticut. He held the patent in trust, origi- 
nally, for the puritanic exiles. He received the address 
from the colony most favorably, and gave governor Win- 
throp all the assistance in his power.! The governor was 
a man of address, and he arrived in England at a happy 
time for Connecticut. Lord Say and Seal, the great friend 
ship ofiord ^^ ^^^ colony, had been particularly instrumental in the 
Say and restoration. This had so brought him into the king's fa- 
Seal, vor, that he had been made lord privy seal. The earl of 
Manchester, another friend of the puritans, and of the 
rights of the colonies, was chamberlain of his majesty's 
household. He was an intimate friend of lord Say and 
Seal, and had been united with h'im in defending the colo- 
nies, and pleading for their establishment and liberties. 
Favorable Lord Say and Seal engaged him to give Mr. Winthrop his 
circuna- utmost assistance. Mr. Winthrop had an extraordinary 
Mances un- ring, which had been given his grand father by king 
thepeti'^' Charles the first, which he presented to the king.' This, it 
tion was is Said, exceedingly pleased his majesty, as it had been 
presented, once the property of a father most dear to him. Under 
these circumstances, the petition of Connecticut was pre- 
sented, and was received with uncommon grace and favor. 

* The form was curious. It was expressed in the following words. 
Form of " Although we have not received any form of proclamation, by order 

prodama- from his majesty or council of state, for proclaiming his majesty in 
lion. this colony; yet, the court taking encouragement from what has been 

done in the rest of the united colonies, hath thought (it to declare publicly, 
and proclaim, that we do acknowledge his royal highness, Charles (he 
second, king of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, to be our sove- 
reign lord and king ; and that we do acknowledge ourselves, the inhabi- 
tants of this colony, to be his majesty's loyal and faithful subjects." 

t Letter to governor Winthrop, in England, No. IX. Iiis lordship ever 
retained his friendship for the colonies, and not only rendered great services 
lo Connecticut, hut to them all, in vindicating them against the complaints 
made against them, and in conciliating the favor of the king and his court 
towards them. In a letter of his, to the government of Massachusetts, he 
.says, " I have not been wanting both to the king and council to advance 
your interest ; more I cannot do, but pray tlie Lord to stand with you and 
for you." 



6hap. XtL CONNECTICUT, 249 

Upon the 20th of April, 1662, his majesty granted the Book I, 
colony his letters patent, conveying the most ample privi- v^^-v^^fc/ 
leges, under the great seal of England. It confirmed unto 1662. 
it the whole tract of country, granted by king Charles the Charter 
first unto the earl of Warwick, and which was, the next If^"!^*^" 
year, by him consigned unto lord Say and Seal, lord Brook conveyed, 
and others. The patent granted the lands in free and Reasons 
common socage. The fates, stated and pleaded in the pe- '"ecogmJ:* 
tition, were recognized in the charter, nearly in the same ^ 
form of words, as reasons of the royal grant, and of the 
ample privileges which it conveyed. 

It ordained, that John Winthrop, John Mason, Samuel 
Wyllys, Henry Clarke, Matthew Allen, John Tapping, 
Nathan Gould, Richard Treat, Richard Lord, Henry Wol- 
cott, John Talcott, Daniel Clarke, John Ogden, Thomas 
Wells, Obadiah Bruen, John Clark, Anthony Hawkins, 
John Deming, and Matthew Canfield, and all such others 
as then were, or should afterwards be admitted and made 
free of the corporation, should forever after be one body 
corporate and politic, in fact and name, by the name of the 
Governor and companv of the English colony or 
Connecticut in New-England in America ; and that by 
the same name, they and their successors should have per- 
petual succession. They were capacitated, as persons ia 
iaw, to plead and be impleaded, to defend and be defend- 
ed, in all suits whatsoever : To purchase, possess, lease, 
grant, demise, and sell lands, tenements, and goods, in as 
ample a manner, as any of his majesty's subjects or corpo- 
rations in England. The charter ordained, that there 
should be, annually, two general assemblies ; one holdea 
on the second Thursday in May, and the other on the sec- 
ond Thursday in October. This was to consist of the 
governor, deputy governor, and twelve assistants, with 
two deputies from every town or city. John Winthrop 
wAi appointed governor, and John Mason, deputy govern- 
or, and the gentlemen named above, magistrates, until d. 
new election should be made. 

The company were authorised to have a common seal, 
to appoint judicatories, make freemen, constitute officers, 
establish laws, impose fines, assemble the inhabitants in 
marshal array for the common defence, and to exercise 
martial law in all cases, in which it might be necessary. 

It was ordained by the charter, that all the king's sub- 
jects, in the colony, should enjoy all the privileges of free 
and natural subjects within the realm of England ; and that 
the patent should always have the most favorable construe- 
tton for the benefit of the governor and company. 

G 2 



S50 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. X\L 




Governor 
Leet's 
concilia- 
tory 
speech, 
May281h, 



Cenera! 
election at 
Hartibrd, 
Or*. 9th, 

'mi. 



The charter did not come over uniil after the election. 
This was on the 1 5th of May, and the freemen made no al- 
teration in their officers. 

Many of the colony of New-Haven appear to have been 
exceedingly opposed to king Charles, and to the royal in- 
structions which they had received. It had been with 
great dilliciilty, that the governor and council had n^anaged 
the government in such a manner, as to keep peace among 
the people, and not incur the displeasure of the king and 
his council. Though they had done as little as possible, 
consistent with loyalty, in conforming to his majesty's or- 
ders, yet they had done more than was pleasing to all. 
There had been some insurrections and tumults, and thr 
authority, in some instances, had not been well treated. 
Some complained, that they could not enjoy their privileges 
more amply ; and that none but church members could be 
freemen of the corporation. 

Governor Leet, therefore, at the court of election, made 
a pacific speech to the freemen. He represented to them 
the great difficulties and dangers of the year past, and the 
divine goodness towards them, in the continuation of their 
civil and religious privileges. He acknowledged himself 
to be subject to many imperfeclious, yet professed, that, in 
his office, he had acted conscientiously, consulting the com- 
mon safety and happiness. He declared his readiness to 
give the reasons of his conduct to any brother, or breth- 
ren, who would come to him, in an orderly manner. He 
acknowledged their kind affection and patience toward? 
liim, in covering and passing by his infirmities. ^ 

Upon this, tTie election proceeded, and he was chosen 
governor, and Matthew Gilbert deputy governor. The 
deputy governor's not apprehending the regicides, did not^ 
in any measure, injure his popularity. No objection was 
made against either of the governors. Mr. William Jones 
and Mr. William Gibbard were chosen magistrates, 'or 
New-Haven ; Mr. Benjamin Fenn and Mr. Robert Treaty 
for Millord ; and Mr. Jasper Crane, for Branford. Seve- 
ral of the magistrates took the oath, this year, with the ex- 
planations and exceptions which they had made the last. 

Before the session of the general assembly of Connecti- 
cut, in October, the charter was brought over ; and as the 
governors aiid magistrates, appointed by his majesty, were 
!iot authorised to serve after this time, a general election 
was appointed on the 9th of October. John Winthrop, 
Esq. was chosen governor, and John Mason, Esq. deputy 
governor. The magistrates were, Matthew Allen, Samu- 
el Wyllys, Nathan Gould, Richard Treat, John Ogden^ 



Chap. XII. CONNECTICUT, 251 

John Tapping, John Talcott, Henry Wolcott, Daniel Book J. 
Clarke, and John Allen, Esquires, Mr. Baker, and Mr. ^^-^^r-^-' 
Sherman. John Talcott, Esq. was treasurer, and Daniel 1062. 
Clarke, Esq. secretary. 

Upon the day of the election, the charter was publicly 
read to the freemen, and declared to belong to them and 
their successors. They then proceeded to make choice of 
Mr. Wyllys, Mr. Talcott, and Mr. Allen, to receive the 
fiharter into their custody, and to keep it in behalf of the 
eolony. It was ordered, that an oath should be adminis- 
tered by the court, to the freemen, binding them to a faith- 
ful discharge of the trust committed to them. 

The general assembly established all former officers, ^^^^ v^^^- 
civil and military, in their respective places of trust ; and the"recep- 
enacted, that all the laws of the colony should be continu- tion of the 
ed in full force, except such as should be found contrary charter, 
io the tenor of the charter. It was also enacted, that the ^gj^^. ' ' 
same colony seal should be continued. 

The major part of the inhabitants of SouthholJ, several 
of the people at Guilford, and of the towns of Stamford and 
Greenwich, tendering their persons and estates to Connec- 
ticut, and petitioning to enjoy the protection and privileg- 
es of this commonwealth, were accepted by the assembly, 
and promised the same protection and freedom, which was 
common to the inhabitants of the colony in general. At 
the same lime, it was enjoined upon them, to conduct them- 
selves peaceably, as became christians, towards their 
neighbours, who did not submit to the jurisdiction of Con- 
necticut ; and that they should pay all taxes due to the 
ministers, with all other public charges then due. A mes- 
sage was sent to the Dutch governor, certifying him of the 
charter, granted to Connecticut, and desiring him, by no 
means, to trouble any of his majesty's subjects, within its 
limits, with impositions, or prosecutions from that jurisdic- 
tion. 

The assembly gave notice to the inhabitants of Winches- 
ter, that they were comprehended within the limits of Con- 
necticut ; and ordered, that, as his majesty had thus dis- 
posed of them, they should conduct themselves as pcacea- 
l)\e subjects. The aa- 

The assembly resolved, that the inhabitants of Mistic teml^hel*' 
and Pawcatuck should nomore exercise any authority, byjurisdic- 
virtue of commissions from any other colony, but should |^"" *» 
elect their town officers, and manage all their aftairs, ac- tuck'^ana 
cording to the laws of Connecticut. It was also resolved, Long-Ial- 
ihat this, and some other towns, should pay twenty pounds oa^- 



252 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. XII. 




Appoint a 
committee 
to confer 
■with New- 
Haven o 



(Commit- 
tee's dec- 
laration. 



l\ew-Ha- 

ven's re- 



W- 



each, tewards defraying the expense of procuring the 
charter.* 

Huntington, Setauket, Oyster-Bay, and all the towns 
upon Long-Island, were obliged to submit to the authori- 
ty, and govern themselves agreeably to the laws of Con- 
necticut. A court was instituted at Southhold, consisting 
of captain John Youngs, and the justices of South and 
East-Hampton. The assembly resolved, that all the 
towns, which should be received under their jurisdiction, 
should bear their equal proportion of the charge of the col- 
ony, in procuring the patent. 

As the charter included the colony of New-Haven, Mr. 
Matthew Allen, Mr. Samuel Wyllys, and the Rev. Messrs. 
Stone and Hooker, were appointed a committee, to pro- 
ceed to New-Haven, and to treat with their friends there, 
respecting an amicable union of the two colonies.! 

The committee proceeded to New-Haven, and after a 
conference with the governor, magistrates, and principal 
gentlemen in the colony, left the following declaration, to 
be communicated to the freemen. 

" We declare, that through the providence of the Most 
High, a large and ample patent, and therein desirable pri- 
vileges and immunities from his majesty, being come to our 
hand, a copy whereof we have left with you, to be consid- 
ered, and yourselves, upon the sea coast, being included 
and interested therein, the king having united us in one 
body politic, we, according to the commission wherewith 
we are intrusted, by the General Assembly of Connecticut, 
do declare, in their name, that it is both their and our ear- 
nest desire, that there may be a happy and comfortable 
union between yourselves and us, according to the tenor of 
the charter ; that inconveniences and dangers may be pre- 
vented, peace and truth strengthened and established, 
through our suitable subjection to the terms of the patent, 
and the blessing of God upon us therein." 

The authority of New-Haven made the following reply. 

" We have received and perused your writings, and 
heard the copy read of his majesty's letters patent to Con- 
necticut colony ; wherein, though we do not find the colo- 
ny of New-Haven expressly included, yet to show our de- 

* It appears, from the appropriations made, and taxes imposed, to pay 
the charges of governor Winthrop's agency, that the charter cost the cot- 
ony about thirteen hundred pounds sterling. 

+ A thanksgiving was appointed by this assembly, through the colony, 
io celebrate the divine beneficence ; especially, in granting them such a 
favorable reception with his majesty, and such ample civil and religious 
privileges, as had been conferred by their charter: and for God's gracious 
answer to the prayers of his people, in abating the sickness of the oountrjj 
•aM giving them rain ia the t)me of drought. ' 



Chap. XII. CONNECTICUT. 25^ 

sire that matters may be issued in the conserving of peace Book I. 
and amity, with righteousness between them and us, we v«^-v'-">.>' 
shall communicate your writing, and a copy of the patent, 1662. 
to our freemen, and afterwards, with convenient speed, re- 
iturn their answer. Only we desire, that the issuing of 
matters may be respited, until we may receive fuller in- 
formation from Mr. Winthrop, or satisfaction otherwise ; 
and that in the mean time, this colony may remain distinct, 
entire, and uninterrupted, as heretofore : which we hope 
you will see cause lovingly to consent unto; and signify 
the same to us with convenient speed." 

On the 4th of November, the freemen of the colony of „ 
New-Haven, convened in general court. The governor ^^^^^ ^^ 
communicated the writings to the court, and ordered a copy New-*la- 
of the patent to be read. After a short adjournment, for ^*^"i ^o^" 
consideration in an affair of so much importance, the free- 
men met again, and proceeded to a large discussion of the 
subject. 

The Rev. Mr. Davenport was entirely opposed to an ^^- ^^^' 
union with Connecticut. He proceeded, therefore, to offer t^J^^s ihs' 
a number of reasons, why the inhabitants of New-Haven union, 
could not be included in the patent of that colony, and for 
which they ought by no means, voluntarily to form an un^ 
ion. He left his reasons in writing, for the consideration 
of the freemen. He observed that, he should leave others 
to act according to the light which they should receive. 

It was insisted, that New-Haven had been owned as a p 
distinct government, not only by her sister colonies, by the a^ainit it, 
parliament, and the protector, during their administration; 
but by his majesty, king Charles the second : That it was 
against the express articles of confederation, by which 
Connecticut was no less bound, than the other colonies ; 
That New-Haven had never been certified of any such de- 
sign, as their incorporation with Connecticut ; and that 
they had never been heard on the subject. It was further 
urged, that, had it been designed to unite them with Con- 
necticut, some of their names, at least, would have been 
put into the patent, with the other patentees ; but none of 
them were there. Hence it was maintained, that it never 
could have been the design of his majesty, to comprehend 
them within the limits of the charter. It was argued, that 
for them to consent to an union would be inconsistent with 
their oath, to maintain that commonwealth, with all its pri- 
I'ileges, civil and religious. Indeed, it was urged, that it 
would be incompatible both with their honor and most es^ 
sential interests. 

Governor Leet excused himself from speaking on i^c 



254 HISTORY OF Chap. XIL 

Book I. subject, desiring rather to hear the freemen speak their 
s-^-N./-x^ minds freely, and to act themselves, with respect to the un- 
1662. ion. 

After the affair had been fully debated, the freemen re- 
solved, that an answer to Connecticut should be drawn up 
under the following heads. 

1. " Bearing a proper testimony against the great sin ot 
Connecticut, in acting so contrary to righteousness, amity, 
and peace," 

2. " Desiring that all further; proceedings, relative to the 
affair, might be suspended, until Mr. Winthrop should re- 
turn, or they might otherwise obtain further information 
and satisfaction." 

3. " To represent, that they could do nothing in the af- 
fair, until they had consulted the other confederates."* 

The freemen appointed all their magistrates and elders, 
with Mr. Law, of Stamford, a committee to draw up an an- 
swer to the General Assembly of Connecticut. They 
were directed to subjoin the weighty arguments, which 
they had against an union. If these should not avail, they 
were directed to prepare an address to his majesty, pray- 
ing for relief. 

The committee drew up a long letter, in which they de- 
clared, that they did not find any command in the patent, 
to dissolve covenants, and alter the orderly settlement of 
New-England ; nor a prohibition against their continuance 
as a distinct government. They represented, that the con- 
duct of Connecticut, in acting at first without them, con- 
firmed them in those sentiments ; and that the way was still 
open for them to petition his majesty, and obtain immuni- 
ties, similar to those of Connecticut. They declared, that 
they must enter their appeal from the construction which 
Connecticut put upon the patent ; and desired that they 
might not be interrupted, in the enjoyment of their distinct 
privileges. They solicited, that proceedings relative to 
an union might rest, until they might obtain further infor- 
mation, consult their confederates, and know his majesty's, 
pleasure concerning them. 

The committee then proceeded to represent the unrea- 
sonable and injurious conduct of Connecticut towards them, 
in beginning to exercise jurisdiction within their limits, be- 
fore they Jiad given them any intimations that they were 
included in their charter ; before they had invited them to 
an amicable union ; and before they had any representa- 
tion in their assembly, or name in their patent. They ur- 
ged, that, in such a procedure, they had enjcouraged diviv 

* Records of Ne^-Haven. 



Chap* XII. ' CONNE(!:TlC:Ut. 255 

sion, and given countenance to disaffected persons : that Book I. 
they had abetted them in slighting solemn covenants andv>'~v-"w^ 
oaths, by which the peace of the towns and churches, in 1662* 
that colony, was greatly disturbed* Further, they insisted, 
that, hf this means, his majesty's pious designs were coun- 
teracted, and his interests disserved: that great scandal 
was brought upon religion before the natives, and the beau- 
ty of a peaceable, faithful and brotherly walking exceed- 
ingly marred among themselves. The committee also re- 
presented, tliat these transactions were entirely inconsist- 
ent with the engagements of governor Winthrop, contrary 
to his advice to Connecticut, and tended to bring injurious 
reflections and reproach upon him. They earnestly pray- 
ed for a copy of all which he had written to the deputy 
governor and company on the subject. On the whole, 
they professed themselves exceedingly injured and griev- 
.ed ; and intreated the general assembly of Connecticut to 
adopt speedy and effectual measures to repair the breaches 
which they had made, and to restore them to their former 
state, as a confederate and sister colony.* 

Connecticut made no reply to this letter ; but at a gene- Assembly 
ral assembly, holden March 11 th, 1663, appointed the de- ^* ^^"^ 
puty governor, Messrs. Matthew and John Allen, and Mr. March I'l 
John Talcott, a committee to treat with their friends at 1663. 
New-Haven, on the subject of an union. But the hasty 
measures which the general assembly had taken, in admit- 
ting the disaffected members of the several towns, under 
the jurisdiction of New-Haven, to their protection, and to 
the privileges of freemen of their corporation, and in that 
way beginning to dismember that colony, before they had 
invited them to incorporate with them, had so soured their 
minds and prejudiced them, that this committee had no 
better success than the former. 

In consequence of the claims of Connecticut, and of General 
what had passed between the tWo colonies, governor Leet court at 
railed a special assembly at New-Haven, on the 6th of ^'^^^'j^'^^ 
May. It was then proposed to the court, whether, consid- gth' 
rring the present state of the colony, and the affairs de- 
pending between them and Connecticut, any alteratioa 
should be made, with respect to the time or manner of 
their election ? The freemen resolved, that no alteration 
-should be made. They then determined upon a remon- Remonr 
strance, or declaration, to be sent to the general assembly ^^J^^^? 
of Connecticut. In this they gave an historical account ofc^onnecti- 
the ends of their coming, with their brethren in the united cut. 
cx?lonieSj into New-England, and of the solemn manner in 
* Letter to Connecticut, No. X. 



^5G fitSTORY OF Chap. XIL 

Book I. \vhich these colonies had confederated ; and insinuated, 
^s^-^^^^^/ that the conduct of Connecticut towards them, was directly 
1663. contrary to the designs of the first planters of New-Eng- 
land, and to that express article of the confederation, thai 
no one colony should be annexed to another, without the 
consent of the other colonies. They declared, that if. 
through the contrivance of Connecticut, without their know- 
ledge or consent, the patent did circumscribe that colony, 
it was, in their opinion, contrary to brotherly love, right- 
eousness, and peace. They also declared, that, notwith- 
standing the sense which Connecticut put upon their pat- 
ent, they could n^ot find one line or letter in it, expressing 
his majesty's pleasure, that they should become one witli 
that colony. The court affirmed, that they were necessi- 
tated to bear testimony against the appointment of consta- 
bles and other officers, in the towns under their jurisdic- 
tion, and the dismembering of their colony, by receiving 
their disafljccted ])eople under the protection of a legisla- 
ture distinct ft-om theirs, and in which they had no rejjre-* 
sentalion. They remonstrated against this, as distracting- 
the colony, destroying the comfort, and hazarding the lives 
and liberties of their confederates ; as giving great offence 
to their consciences, and as matter of high provocation and 
complaint before God and man. All this unbrotherly and 
Tjnrig'hteous management, they represented as exceedingly 
aggravated, in that, notwithstanding their former repre- 
.'ientations and intreaties, in writing, notwithstanding their 
appeal to his majesty, and notwithstanding all their past 
distress and sufferings, they were still pursuing the same 
course. They still declared, that they appealed to his ma- 
jesty ; and that, exceedingly grieved and afflicted, they, in 
the sight of God, angels, and men, testified against such? 
proceedings.* 
Governor While these affairs were transacted in the colonies, the 
Wintlirop petition and address of New-Haven, to his majesty, arrived 
writes to jii England. Upon which governor Winthrop, who was. 
cut March yet there, by the advice of the friends of both colonies, 
^U. agreed, that no injury should be done to New-Haven, and. 

that the union and incorporation of the two colonies should 
be voluntary. Therefore, on the 3d of March, 1663, he 
wrote to the deputy governor and company of Connecti-' 
cut, certifying them of his engagements to the agent of 
New-Haven ; and that, before he took out the charter, he 
had given assurance to their friends, that their interests- 
and {)rivi!egcs should not be injured by the patent. He 
represented, that they were bound by the assurances he 
* No. SI. 



fiiiAP. XII. CONNECTICUT. 257 

had given ; and, therefore, wished them to abstain from all Book T. 
?uither injury and trouble of that colony. He imputed ^--^'-^'-^^ 
;viiat they had done to their ignorance of the engagements 1663, 
which he had made. At the same time, he intimated his 
assurance, that, on his return, he should be able to effect 
an amicable union of the colonies.* 

At the election in Connecticut, Mr. Howell and Mr. Jas- Election !\f 
per Crane were chosen magistrates, instead of Mr. John j^^'^^'ffi' 
Allen and Mr. John Ogden.t Mr. John Allen was appoint- less, ' 
ed treasurer. 

Connecticut now laid claim to West-Chester, and sent July lOtU% 
one of their magistrates to lead the inhabitants to the choice 
of their officers, and to administer the proper oaths to such 
as they should elect. The colony also extended their claim 
to the Narraganset country, and appointed officers for the 
goverimient of the inhabitants at Wickford. 

Notwithstanding the remonstrance of the court at New- Commie- 
Haven, their appeal to king Charles the second, and the *<-<; ^P- 
engagemcnts of governor Winthrop, Connecticut pursued ^"'"jff^, 
the affair of an union, in the same manner in which it was treatwith 
Ijegun. At a session of the general assembly, Aug^ust 1 9th, New-Ha- 
1663, the deputy governor, Mr. Wyllys, Mr. Daniel Clarke, ^gjj'/jglg 
aii t Mr. John Allen, were appointed a committee to treat ' 
"wiin their friends of New-Haven, Milford, Guilford, and 
Branford, relative to their incorporation with Connecticut, 
Provided they could not effect an union, by treaty, they 
"vvcre authorised to read the charter publicly at New-Ha- 
Veii, and to make declaration to the people there, that the 
assembly could not but resent their proceeding, as a dis- 
tinct jurisdiction, since they were evidently included withia 
the limits of the charter, granted to the corporation of Con- 
necticut. They were instructed to proclaim, that the as- 
sembly did desire, and could not but expect, that the in- 
habitants of New-Haven, Milford, Guilford, Branford, and 
Stamford, would yield subjection to the government of 
Connecticut. 

At the meeting of the commissioners, in September, Coromis= 
New-Haven was owned by the colonies, as a distinct con- ^i'^"^'*' 
federate. Governor Leet and Mr. Fenn, who had been Boston 
sent from that jurisdiction, exhibited a complaint against Sept, 3d, 
Connecticut, of the injuries which they had done, by en- ^^^^• 
croaching upon their rights, receiving their members under (-i^jg^jj^j 
their government, and encouraging them to disown their of New- 
authority, to disregard their oath of allegiance, and to re- Haven, 
fuse all attendance on their courts. They furthev complain- 

* Governor Winthrop's letter to Connecticut, No. XII. 

i Mr. Crane was chosen magistrate, this year, in both colonies. 

lis ' 



-ioS 



HISTORY OF 



Ch-ap. xr\ 




lleply of 

Coanecti- 

cuf. 



Deteruii- 

iiation of 
t};e corn- 
inihsioners 



^gpt. 3d. 



The Dutch 
ccovtmor 
complains 
of a breach 
of the arti- 
cles of 
agree- 
Tcrnt in 
1650. 



Reply of 
Connecti- 
cut. 



ed, that Connecticut had appointed constables in several of 
their towns, to the great disquiet and injury of the colony. 
They prayed, that eflectual measures mic;ht be taken to 
redress their grievances, to prevent further injuries, and 
secure their rights as a distinct confederate. 

Governor Winthrop and Mr. John Talcott,, commission- 
ers from Connecticut, replied, that, in their opinion, New- 
Haven had no just grounds of complaint ; that Connecticut 
had never designed them any injury, but had made to them 
the most friendly propositions, inviting them to share with 
them freply in ali the important and distinguishing privi- 
leges, which they had obtained for themselves 5 that they 
had sent committees amicably to treat with them; that 
they were sttll treating, and would attend all just and 
friendly means of accommodation. 

The commissioners of the other colonies, having fully 
heard the parties, determined, that as the colony of New- 
Haven had been '' owned, in the articles of confederation, 
as distinct from Connecticut, and having been so owned, 
by the colonies jointly in the present meeting, in all their 
actings, they may not, by any acts of violence, have their 
liberty of jurisdiction infringed, by any other of the united 
colonies, without breach of the articles of confederation ; 
and that where any act of power hath been exerted against 
their authority, that the same ought to be recalled, and 
their power reserved to them entire, until such time, as, in 
an orderly way, it shall be otherwise disposed." With 
respect to the particular grievances, mentioned by the 
commissioners of New-Haven, the consideration of them 
was referred to the nexL meeting of the commissioners at 
Hartford.* 

The extending of the claims of Connecticut to all the 
plantations upon Long-Island, to West-Chester, and the 
neighbouring towns, alarmed Stuyvesant, the Dutch gov- 
ernor. He, therefore, appeared before the commissioners 
at Boston, and complained of the infraction of the articles 
of agreement, concluded at Hartford, between the English 
and Dutch, and desired the commissioners to determine, 
whether they considered said articles as binding the par- 
ties or not. 

As this complaint respected Connecticut more especially, 
governor Winthrop and Mr. Talcott replied, in behalf ot' 
their constituents. They pleaded, that, as it was an affair 
of great concernment, and as Connecticut had not been cer- 
tified of any such complaint, and they had no instructiorls 
relative to the subject, the decision of it might be deferred 
until the next meeting of the commissioners. 
* Records of the united colonies, vol. ii> 



,€hap. XIT. CONNECTICUT. 259 

The commissionors resolved, that, saving their allegi- Book f. 
ance to his majesty, and iiis claim to the lands in contro- ^^^^-^/-^^^ 
versy, and the right of Connecticut colony, by virtue of 16G3. 
their charter, they did, for themselves, esteem the articles Determi- 
•of agreement, in 1650, to be binding, and that they would "/^|'°" ^^ 
•not countenance the violation of them. They advised the missioner?, 
•parties concerned, to refer all matters, respecting the sub- 
ject, to the next meeting of the commissioners. In the 
mean time, they advised, that the articles of agreement 
should be observed, and that all persons in the places in 
controversy, should be acquitted from penalties and dam- 
ages, on the account of their having resisted the authority 
ofthcDutch.^ 

Connecticut was now attacked from all quarters. While 
the colony was without a royal grant, its neighbours made 
encroachments with impunity; and now, when it extended 
its claims, by virtue of regal authority, they all complain- 
ed, and took all possible advantage of former encroach- 
ments and decisions, at times when they could plead no 
such autharity. As all the united colonies, except Ply- 
mouth, were affected by the claims of the colony, so they 
were mutually interested in opposing and determining 
against them. 

As Connecticut had now claimed Pawcatuck, or South- 
erton, and prohibited the exercise of any authority there, 
except such as was derived from the legislature of that col- 
ony, the inhabitants had exhibited three addresses to the 
general court of Massachusetts, petitioning for relief and 
protection. 

The commissioners from Massachusetts, Mr. Bradstreet 
and Mr. Danforth, laid the complaints and petitions before 
the commissioners of the other colonies, and prayed for re- 
lief, according to the provision made, in such cases, in the 
articles of confederation. 

The court of commissioners advised, that the affair 
should be respited for the present ; that Connecticut should 
apply to the general court of the Massachusetts, for an am- 
icable settlement : and that, if this should not be effected, 
the aggrieved party might make application to the com- 
missioners, at their next meeting. In the mean time, they 
advised, that affairs at Southerton, should be managed ac- 
cording to their former decisions. 

When the general assembly of Connecticut convened, in ^^^"'''".^l , 
October, tliey paid particular attention to these great ob-ocT^t^* 
jects of general concernment. Notwithstanding all which 1063 

* Records of the united colonies, vol. II. 



260 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. XII. 



1663. 
Act res- 
pecting 
New-Ha- 
Van. 



Book I. had happened relative to New-Haven, the following act 
v,x-N/-x-^ passed. 

" This court doth declare, that they can do no less, for 
their own indemnity, than to manifest their dissatisfaction 
with the plantations of New-Ha:yen, Milford, Guilford, 
Stamford, and Branford, in their distinct standing from us, 
in point of government ; it being directly opposite to the 
tenor of the charter, lately granted to our colony of Con- 
necticut, in which these plantations are included. We do 
also expect their submission to our government, according 
to our charter, and his majesty's pleasure therein express- 
ed ; it being a stated conclusion with the commissioners, 
that jurisdiction right goeth with patent. And whereas, 
the aforesaid people of New-Haven, Milford, Guilford, 
Stamford, and Branford, pretend they have power of gov- 
ernment, distinct from us, we do hereby declare, that our 
council will be ready to attend them, or a committee of 
theirs; and if they can rationally make it appear, that they 
have such power, and that we have wronged them accord- 
ing to their complaints, we shall be ready to attend them 
with due satisfaction."* 

The assembly appointed a committee to draught a letter- 
to the gentlemen at New-Haven, and to inclose to them the 
preceding resolution. 

Agents were sent to this assembly from the Manhadoes, 
to treat with the legislature, relative to the differences sub- 
sisting between them and the Dutch. A petition, at the 
same time, was presented from the English plantations 
upon Long-Island, in the vicinity of the Dutch, praying for 
the protection and privileges of the corporation of Connec- 
ticut. Upon which the assembly passed the following re- 
solve : 

" That, as they were solicitous to maintain the interests 
and peace of his majesty's subjects, and yet to attend all 
ways of righteousness, so that they might hold a friendly 
correspondence with their neighbours, at the Manhadoes, 
they would, for the present, forbear all acts of authority to- 
wards the English plantations on the west end of Long-Isl- 
and, provided the Dutch would forbear to exercise any co- 
ercive power towards them ; and this court shall cease 
from further attendance unto the premises, until there be 
a seasonable return, from the general Stevenson, to those 
propositions his messengers carried with them, or until 
there be an issue of the difference, between them and us. 
And, in case the Dutch do unjustly molest or offer violence 
-unto them, we declare, that we shall not be willing to sec 
* Records of Connecticut. 



Agents 
frorti the 
Dutch. 



Chap. XI^. CONNECTICUT. 261 

our countrymen, his majesty's natural born subjects, and Book I. 
his interests, interrupted or molested, by the Dutch or any s-^-n/->-/ 
others ; but we shall address ourselves, to use such just 1665. 
and lawful means, as God shall, in his wisdom, offer to 
our hands, for their indemnity and safety, until his majesty, 
pur sovereign lord the king, shall please to declare his roy- 
al pleasure for their future settlement." 

As governor Winthrop was now returned from England, 
the assembly embraced the first opportunity to present 
him with the thanks of the colony, for the great pains he 
had taken, and the special services he had rendered it, in 
procuring the charter. 

The legislature, determining to secure, as far as possible, 
the lands within the limits of their charter, authorised one 
Thomas Pell to purchase of the Indian proprietors all that 
tract between West-Chester and Hudson's river, and thQ 
waters which made the Manhadoes an island ; and resolv- 
ed, that it should be added to West-Chester. 

The towns on the west end of Long-island petitioning to 
be under the government of Connecticut, the assembly de- 
clared, that, as the lines of their patent extended to the ad- 
joining islands, they accepted those towns under their ju- 
risdiction. 

It was resolved, in October, that Hammonasset should October, 
be a town. The same month, twelve planters, principally 
from Hartford, Windsor, and Guilford, fixed their residence 
there. It was afterwards named Killingworth. At the 
October session, 1703, the assembly gave them a patent, 
confirming to the proprietors all the lands within the limits 
of the towTi.* 

While these affairs were transacted in Connecticut, the Oct. 22, 
colony of New-Haven persisted in their opposition to an in- ^^^^^^ 
corporation with that government. On the 22d of Octo- at New- 
ber, their general court convened, and governor Leet ac- Haven 
quainted the court, that, since the meeting of the commis- ^SJ"*^ ^'^,. 
sioners, their committee had written to Connecticut to the cut. 
following effect : That as the commissioners had unani- 
mously established the confederation, and the distinct and 
entire jurisdiction of each confederate colony, they judged, 
that it would not be unacceptable to present to their gene- 
ral assembly our request, that they would act in conformi- 
ty to the advice of the commissioners, and recal all former 
acts, inconsistent with their determinations. They insist- 
ed, that a compliance with their wishes would be no ob- 

* The najne originally designed was Kennehvorth, and thus it is writ - 
ten, for some years, on the records of the colony, but by mistake it w^£ 
cecorded KilliDgwortii, and this name finally prevailed.. 



262 HISTORY OF Chap. XIL 

Book I. struclion to an amicable treaty ; but that its tendency 
v,^-N/-x^ would be sooner to effect the union, which they desired : 
1663, That it could, by no naeans, endanger their patent, nor any 
of their chartered rights ; and that they had the counte- 
nance of ali the confederates, to apologize for them in their 
present request, and in maintaining their rights, as a dis- 
tinct jurisdiction. Governor Leet further certified the 
court, that their committee had desired an answer to their 
letter, before the present session of their general court, 
and previously to their answering the proposals made to 
them by Connecticut. 
The free- "pj^g freemen of the colony of New-Haven were not only 
tcrmi'ne'to apposed to an incorporation with Connecticut, but even to 
hold no treating with them, under the then present circumstances, 
further The court, after a long and serious debate, considering, 

J^fk^i, 4 ll^si^ the general court of Connecticut had not complied 

with that . , , .« , Ml- 1 • 1 -....'. 

colony. With their request, but still claimed a right of jurisdiction 
over them, and countenanced the malcontents in their sev- 
eral towns, were decidedly against any further treaty. The 
following resolution was adopted. " That no treaty be 
made, by this colony, with Connecticut, before such acts of 
power, exerted by them, upon any of our towns, be revo- 
ked and recalled, according to the honorable Mr. Win- 
throp's letter engaging the sanne, the commissioners' de- 
termination, and our frequent desires." 
Order that The court ordered, that the magistrates, or other offi- 
rates shall ^pj.g^ where there were no magistrates, should issue war- 
trained. I'ants, according to law, to attach the personal estate of 
those who, upon legal demand, had refused, or should re- 
fuse to make payment of their rates. It was provided, 
that, in case of resistance and forcible rescue, violence 
should not be used to the shedding of blood, unless it were 
in a man's own defence. The court further determined to 
make application to his majesty for redress. The plan 
adopted by the court, as circumstances then were, was to 
petition the king for a bill of exemption from the govern- 
ment of Connecticut, and to leave the affair of procuring a 
patent, for that colony, to the wisdom of their agents in 
England, as they should judge to be most expedient. 

A tax of 300 ])ounds was levied upon the colony, for the 
purpose of enabling them to prosecute the affair before his 
majesty in council. 

A day of extraordinary fasting and prayer was appoint- 
ed to supplicate divine mercy, for the afflicted people ot 
God universally, and especially for themselves, that they 
might be directed to the proper means of obtaining an es- 
tablished and permanent enjoyment of thcirjust rights anii 
privileges. 



Ghap. Xlf. CONNECTICUT. 2&3 

The affairs of the colony of New-Haven were now ex- Book I. 
Ceedingly embarrassed, and approaching to an important s-^-n/"*-» 
crisis. The colony was much in debt. Taxes had not 16G3. 
been punctually collected. Many were disaffected with Embav- 
ihe government, and refused to pay any thing for its sup- ^j^***'^* 
port. When the officers of New-Haven attempted to col- '^ew-Ha- 
lect the taxes, which had been imposed, they repaired to ven. 
Connecticut for protection ; and, with too little appearance 
of justice, or brotherly affection, were protected, by its 
legislature. Indeed the colony was so reduced, that it 
coult not pay the stated salaries of its principal officers. 
While the court expressed their ardent desh-es, were it in 
their power, to give the governors the full salary, which 
had been usual, yet, considering the low state of the colo- 
ny, and the numbers withdrawn from them, they judged 
they were not able to give the governor more than forty 
pounds, and the deputy governor not more than ten. 

No sooner did the officers begin to distrain the rates of Alarm at 
those who refused to pay, than it produced the most alarm- Guilford, 
ing and dangerous consequences. One John Rossiter of j^^^'i^'^'^* 
Guilford, and his son, bold and disorderly men, who had Haven, 
been punished for misdemeanors, by the authority of the Dec. 30tb. 
colony of New-Haven, made a journey to Hartford, and ob- 
tained two of the magistrates of Connecticut, a constable, 
and several others, to come down to Guilford, on the night 
of the .30th of December. By firing a number of guns ia 
the night, they greatly alarmed and disturbed the town. 
Some of the men, from Connecticut, were rough, and used 
high and threatening language. In such a crisis, governor 
Leet judged it expedient to send immediately to Branford 
and New-Haven, for assistance. Both the towns were a- 
larmed, in the dead time of night, and forwarded men to 
thea"i^ofthe governor. The governor and magistrates 
conducted affairs with such moderation and prudence, that 
no mischief was done. The gentlemen from Connecticut 
remonstrated against collecting taxes from those, who had 
been taken under the protection of that colony, and de- 
sired New-Haven to suspend the affair for further conside- 
ration. 

Governor Ijcet therefore convoked a special court, at Genera! 
New-Haven, on the 7th of January, 1664, He opened '^^"'"t at 
the public business, by acquainting the court, that it was ye^,^^jan" 
the earnest desire of the magistrates from Connecticut, 7Ui,'ig64. 
and of Mr. Rossiter and his son, that the act of the general 
court of New-Haven, relative to the distraining of taxes, 
might be suspended, until there could be another confer- 
ence belweon the colonies ; at which, they were in cxpcc-- 



case 



264 HISTORY OF Chap. Xlf. 

Book I. talion, that all difficulties might be amicably settled. He 
v.^-N/->^ also laid before the court the representations which the 
1GG3. gentlemen from Connecticut had made of the great danger 
there would be, in carrying that act into execution, in di- 
rect opposition to the authority of Connecticut. Jt was de- 
sired, that the court would maturely consider the affair. 
The court insisted, that all former treaties with Connec- 
Tersists ia ^icut had been without any good effect; and persisted in 
its resolu- the resolution, that, until the members, which had been so 
lion not to ui^j.jg'dt^pously taken from them, should be restored, they 
ConDecti- ^^o"^'^^ ^ol^ "o further treaty with that colony.* Mr. Da^ 
cut. vcnportand Mr. Street were appointed to make a draught 

of their grievances, to be transmitted to the General Assem- 
bly of Connecticut. It was to be examined and approved 
by such a number of their committee, as could be conven- 
ed upon the occasion. They drew up a long and sensible 
Statement remonstrance, which they termed " New-Haven case sta- 
of New- TED." The subject was introduced with a declaration to 
Haven ^j^j^ gffg^t . That it was their deep sense of the injuries, 
which the colony had suffered, by the claims and encroach- 
ments, which had been made upon their just prerogatives i,j 
and privileges, which had induced them, unanimously, *'| 
though with great reluctance, to declare their grievances 
unto them. They proceeded then, to declare, that they 
settled at New-Haven, with the consent of Connecticut; 
had purchased the whole tract of land, which they had set- 
tled upon the sea coast, of the Indians, the original propri- 
etors of the soil ; and had quietly possessed it nearly six 
and twenty years : That they had expended great estatesy 
in clearing, fencing, and cultivating the lands, without any 
assistance from Connecticut ; and had formed themselves, 
by voluntary compact, into a distinct commonwealth. They 
then proceeded to state a great variety of instancjs, in 
which Connecticut, the united colonies, the parliameiVi, 
and protector, the king, and his council, had owned them 
as a distinct colony. They insisted that, notwithstanding, 
they had nov/ procured a patent including New-Havcii, 
not only without their concurrence, but contrary to their 
minds, previously expressed ; conti-ary to the express ar- 
ticles of the confederation, and to their own engagements, 
not to include them in the charter. Further they afhrmed, 
that Mr. Winthrop, before his departure for England, had, 
by his letters, given assurance, that it was not designed to 
include New-Haven in the patent ; and that the magistrates 
of Connecticut had agreed, that, if the patent should in- 
clude them, they should be at full liberty to incorporate 
^ Records of New-Haven. 



Chap. XIL CONNECTICUT. .265 

with them or not, as should be most agreeable to their in- Book I. 
rliiiations. They alledged that, contrary to all the prGm- ^^^^.r-^^ 
iscs, to justice, to good faith, to brotherly kindness, to the 1664,, 
])eace and order of church and commonwealth, Connect- 
icut, even in tlieir first assembly, proceeded to the dis- 
memberment of the colony of New-Haven, by receiving 
its members from Stamford, Guilford, and Southhold : 
That, after such dismemberment, they had preposterously 
pretended to treat with them relative to an union: And 
that, after a conference with the committee from Connecti- 
cut, and the reading of their charter, it did not appear that 
they were so much as mentioned, or that it had any refer- 
ence to them. They declared that, in a full persuasion of 
his majesty's pleasure, to continue them a distinct jurisdic- 
tion, they had assured the committee of their design to ap- 
peal to him, and know his royal purpose : That, thougli 
they immediately sent their appeal ; yet that, out of ten- 
der respect to the peace and honor of Mr. Winthrop, they 
advised their friends, in England, to acquaint him with 
their papers, that he might adopt some effectual expedi- 
ent, to compromise the unhappy differences between the 
two colonies : And that it was on the account of Mr. Win- 
ihrop's engagements to their friends, that their rights and 
interests should not be disquieted nor injured, that the ap- 
peal to his majesty was then suspended.* From a state- 
ment of these, and some other facts and circumstances, 
they attempted to demonstrate their rights, as a distinct: 
colony, and the injustice, unfaithfulness, ingratitude, and 
cruelty of Connecticut, in their claims upon them, and in 
the manner of their prosecuting them. Their beginning 
to dismember their colony, by receiving and protecting" 
their subjects and malcontents, previous to any treaty 
with them 5 their appointing officers, creating animosities, 
and raising alarms in their several towns. Were especially 
insisted on, as contrary to all their covenants, as brethren 
and confederates, and contrary to all order, peace, and 
justice. 

The General Assembly of Connecticut, at their session Assembly _ 
in May, avowed their claim to Long-Island, as one of the 'f ^onnec- 
adjoining islands mentioned in their charter, except some j^^" 'j2th, 
preceding right should appear, approved by his majesty. 
Officers were appointed, by the court at Hampstead, Ja- 
maica, Newtown, Flushing, Oyster-Bay, and all the towns General 
upon the west end of the island. election at 

Upon the general election at New-Haven, the freemen ^*^^^'^^" 
proceeded to the choice of their civil officers, as had been g^yj *^ 

* Records of New-Haven. 

J2 



3d< 



IllSTOllY OF 



Cfl-AP. xir. 



16G4, 



©akcof 

York's 
patent. 



Book I. usual. Governor Leet was rechosen, and Mr. William 
v^,,^->/--w/ Jones was elected deputy-governor. Matthew Gilbert. 
Esq. the former deputy-governor, Mr. Benjamin Fenn, 
Mr. Jasper Crane, Mr. Treat, and Mr. Nash, were ap- 
pointed magistrates. The two last would not accept the 
office. The governor and deputy-governor were chosen 
commissioners for the next meeting at Hartford. The col- 
ony w as now become so weak, and the affairs of it so em- 
barrassed, by the claims and proceedings of Connecticut, 
that the general court either did no business, or judged it 
expedient to put nothing upon record. 

In this situation of affairs, an event took place, which 
alarmed all the New-England colonies, and at once chang- 
ed the opinions of the commissioners, and of New-Haven, 
with respect to their incorporation with Connecticut. 

King Charles the second, on the 12th of March, 1664, 
gave a patent to his brother, the Duke of York and Alba- 
ny, of several extensive tracts of land, in North America, 
the boundaries of \vhich are thus described. 

" All that part of the main land of New-England, begin- 
ning at a certain place, called and known by the name of 
St. Croix, nest adjoining to New-England in America, and 
from thence extending along the sea coast unto a certain 
place called Pemaquie or Femaquid, and so up the rivei 
thereof, to the furthest head of the same, as it tendeth north- 
ward; and extending from thence to the river Kembequin, 
and so upwards by the shortest course to the river Canada, 
northward: and also, all that island or islands, commonly 
called by the general name or names of Meitowax, oi 
Long-Island, situate and being toward the west of Cape 
Cod, and the narrow Highgan^sels, abutting upon the main 
land between the two rivers there called or known by the 
several names of Connecticut and Hudson's river, and all 
the land from the west side of Connecticut river to the east 
side of Delaware bay, and also all those several islands 
called or known by the names of Martin's Vineyard or 
Nantucks, otherwise Nantucket: together," &:c. 

The concern of tl>e Duke of York for his property, the 

aversion both of his majesty and the duke to the Dutch, 

with the differences between them and the New-England 

colonies, made an expedition against the New-Netherland<^ 

a prime object of their attention. Though his majesty 

king Charles II. was an indolent prince, devoted to dissi- 

for the re- pation and pleasure, yet, und^r the influence of these mo- 

diictioD of lives, an armament was soon prepared, and a fleet dis- 

the Dutch patched to New-England, for the reduction of the Dutch 

»ea^, settlements on the continent. Colonel Richard Nichols 



€hap. XiT. CONNECTICUT. £6? 

was chief commander of the fleet and army. Colonel Book L 
Nichols had not only a commission, for (he reduction of v>-^-x--"^»>' 
the Dutch plantations, and the government of them, but he, ] 664. 
with George Cartwrith, Esq. Sir Robert Carr, and Samuel Commis- 
Maverick, Esq. were appointed commissioners, by his ma- ''^"'"''^ 
icsty, and vested with extraordinary powers, for visiting ^aordin'a- 
rhe New-England colonies ; hearing and determining all ry powers, 
matters of complaint and controversy between them, and 
settling the country in peace.* 

Colonel Nichols arrived at Boston, with the fleet and Colonel 
troops under his command, on the 23d of July, 1664. He ^^'chols 
immediately communicated his commission to the colonies, Boston ^ 
and his majesty's requisition of troops, to assist in the ex- July 2Jd. 
pedition against the Dutch. He then sailed for the New- 
Netherlands, and on the 20th of August, made a demand of Demands 
the town and forts upon the island of Manhadoes. Heasurren- 
had previously sent letters to governor Winthrop to join J?®""*^*^!!'® 
him, at the west end of Long-Island. Governor Winthrop, t^^,,, ^^. 
with several of the magistrates and principal gentlemen of the Man- 
Connecticut," joined him, according to his wishes, hadoes. 

Stuy vesant, the Dutch governor, was an old soldier, and 
had he been better prepared, and the people united, doubt- 
less would have made a brave defence. But he had no 
intimations of the design, until the 8th of July, when he 
received intelligence, that a fleet of three or four ships of 
%var, with three hundred and fifty soldiers on board, were 
about to sail from England, against the Dutch settlements. 
Upon this, he immediately ordered that the forts should be 
put into a state of defence, and sent out spies into several 
parts of Connecticut, with a view of obtaining further in- 
formation. Indeed, the tradition has been, that the Dutch 
governor, apprehending the danger in which all the Dutch 
plantations would immediately be, on the arrival of the 
fleet, should the colonies unite against them, came to Hart- 
ford to negotiate a neutrality with Connecticut; and that 
he was there when he received the news of the arrival of 
the fleet at Boston. The story has been, that he made his 
departure in the night, and returned with the utmost expe- 
dition. 

He was extremely opposed to a surrender of the fort Dut< li gov- 
and town. Instead of submitting to the summons at first emor op- 
sent him, he drew up a long statement of the Dutch claims, ^^i^^j.^Jo^ 
and their indubitable right to the country. He insisted 
that, had the king of England known the justice of their 
claims, he never would have adopted such measures against 
ihem. He concluded, by assuring colonel Nichols, tha^ 
^ No. xiij, and his majesty's letter No. xiv. 



268 HISTORY OF Chap. XlL 

Book T. he should not submit to his demands, nor fear any cvilsj 
v.-^^v-^w/ but such as God, in his providence, should inflict upon 
1664. him.* 

Colonel Nichols, in his first summons, had, in his ma- 
jesty's name, given assurance, that the Dutch, upon their 
submission, should be safe, as to life, liberty, and property. 
Governor Winthrop also wrote a letter to the governor and 
council, advising them to surrender. But they were care- 
ful to secrete the writings from the people, lest the easy 
terms proposed, should induce them to surrender. The 
burgo-masters and people desired to know of the governor, 
what was the import of the writings he had received, and 
pie^oppose especially of the letter from governor Winthrop. The 
him. Dutch governor and his council giving them no intelligence, 

they solicited it still more earnestly. The governor, irri- 
tated at this, in a paroxysm of anger, lore the letter in pie- 
ces. Upon which the people protested against his con- 
duct, and all its consequences. 
Theeom- While the governor and his council were thus contend- 
missioners ing with the burgo-maslers and people, in the town, the 
j^sue a English commissioners caused a proclamation to be pub- 
i'loa. lished, in the country, encouraging the inhabitants to sub- 

mit to his majesty's government. This promised to all the 
inhabitants, who would become subject to his majesty, 
"that they should be protected by his majesty's laws and | 
justice, and peaceably enjoy whatever God's blessing, and 
their honest industry, had furnished them with, and all the 
other privileges with his majesty's English subjects." , 

"f lie Dutch The colonel, finding that the Dutch governor was deter- ! 
Amster- ^^'"^d, if possible, to keep his station, sent officers to Ja- 
dara, fort maica, Hampstead, and other towns, upon the island, to 
Oranc:e, beat up for volunteers. Captain Hugh Hyde, who com- 
andDela- landed the ships, had orders to proceed to the reduction 
mit tohis of the fort.f Troops were raised in New-England, and 
majesty's ready to march upon the first notice. Two thirds of the , 
arms, and inhabitants upon Long-Island were EJnglish subjects, and jjl 
En^dish wished for the success of his majesty's arms. They were 
subjects, ready, if necessary, to afford their immediate assistance. 
In such circumstances, opposition would have been mad- 
ness. The Dutch therefore, on the 27th of August, sub- 
mitted on terms of capitulation. The articles secured them 
in the enjoyment of liberty of conscience in divine wor- 
ship, and their own mode of discipline. The Dutch gov- 
ernor and people became English subjects, enjoyed their 
■estates, and all the privileges of Englishmen. Upon thf, 

* Smith's History of New-York, p. 12, 14. 
•f The same, p. 10; ^. 



Chap. XII. CONNECTICUT. 269 

surrender of the town of New- Amsterdam, it was named Book I, 
New- York, in honor to the duke of York. v-^-n^-^l^ 

Part of the armament immediately sailed up the river, 1664. 
under the command of Carteret, to fort Orange, or Aura- 
nia. This surrendered on the 24th of September. This 
was named Albany, in honor to the duke of York and Alba- 
ny. Sir Robert Carr proceeded with another division of 
the fleet to Delaware. He obliged the Dutch and Swedes 
to capitulate, and deliver up their respective garrisons, on 
the 1st of October. Upon this day, the whole of New- 
Netherlands became subject to the crown of England. 
The Dutch, who before had given so much trouble to the 
English colonists, from this time, commenced their loyal 
and peaceable fellow subjects. 

The short time the commissioners tarried at Boston, be- 
fore they proceeded upon their expedition against the 
Dutch, was sufficient to discover something of their extra- 
ordinary powers, and such a taste of the high and arbitra- 
ry manner in which they conducted, as spread a general 
alarm, and awakened, in the colonies, serious apprehen- 
sions for their liberties. Mr. Whiting, who was at Bos- News and 
ton, and learned much of their temper, was sent back, in ^'''''^?^ 
haste, to give information of the danger, in which, it was t^n, 
apprehended, the colonies all were ; to advise New-Haven 
to incorporate with Connecticut, without delay ; and to 
make a joint exertion for the preservation of their chart- 
ered rights. This was pressed, not only as absolutely ne- 
cessary for New-Haven, but for the general safety of the 
country. 

In consequence of this intelligence, a general court was ^ ^ , 
convened at New-Haven, on the 11th of August, 1664. court at 
Governor Leet communicated the intelligence which he New-Hav- 
had received from their friends at Boston. He acquainted ^"^ '^"S'^s* 
them that Mr. Whiting and Mr. Bull had made a visit to 
New-Haven, and in their own names, and in behalf of the 
magistrates of Connecticut, pressed their immediate sub- 
jection to their government. Further, the court was certi- 
fied, that after some treaty with those gentlemen, their 
committee had given an answer, purporting, that, if Con- 
necticut would, in his majesty's name, assert their claim to 
the colony of New-Haven, and secure them in the full en- 
joyment of all the immunities, which they had proposed, 
and engage to make a united exertion, for the preservation 
of their chartered rights, they would make their submis- 
sion. After a long debate the court resolved, that, if Con 
jiecticut should come and assert their claim, as had been 
agreed, they would submit until the meeting of the com 



270 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. Xil. 




Connecti- 
cut re- 
monstrate 
against the 
pitting of 
the com- 
missioners 
of New- 
Haven. 



Court of 
commis- 
sioners 
meets 
Sept. 1st. 
Advise to 
a speedy 
union of 
Connecti- 
cut and 
New-Ha- 
ven. 



missioners of the united colonies. The magistrates and 
principal gentlemen of the colony, seem to have been sen- 
sible, not only of the expediency, but necessity of an in- 
corporation with Connecticut. The opposition, however, 
was so general among the people, that nothing further 
could be effected. 

The court of commissioners was so near at hand, that 
governor Winthrop and his council judged it not expedi- 
ent to make any further demands upon New-Haven, until 
their advice could be known. However, when the gene- 
ral assembly met, early ii: SejHember, they passed a re- 
monstrance against the sitting of governor Leet and depu- 
ty governor Jones with the commissioners. In the re- 
monstrance they declared, that New-Haven was not a colo- 
ny, but a part of Connecticut, and avowed their claim to 
it as such. They insisted, that owning that as a colony, 
distinct from Connecticut, after his majesty had, by his 
letters patent, incorporated it with that colony, was incon- 
sistent with the king's pleasure ; would endanger the rights 
of all the colonies, and especially the charter-rights of 
Connecticut. The assembly, at the same time, declared, 
that they would have a tender regard to their honored 
friends and brethren, at New-Haven, and exert themselves 
to accommodate them, with all the immunities and privi- 
leges which were conveyed by their charter. 

On the 1st of September, the court of commissioners 
met at Hartford. The commissioners from New-Haveu 
were allowed their seats with the other confederates. The 
case of New-Haven and Connecticut was fully heard, and 
though the court did not approve of the manner, in which 
Connecticut had proceeded, yet they earnestly pressed a 
speedy and amicable union of the two colonies. They 
represented, that the divine honor, and the welfare of all 
the colonies, as well as their own, were greatly concernet| 
in the event. 

To remove all obstructions on their part, the commis- 
sioners recommended it to the general courts of Massachu- 
setts and Plynjouth, that, in case the colony of New-Ha- 
ven should incorporate with Connecticut, they might then 
be owned as one colony, and send two commissioners to 
each meeting ; and that the determinations of any four of 
the six, should be equally binding on the confederates, as 
the conclusions of six out of eight, had been before. It 
ivas also proposed to the court, that the meeting, which of 
course had been at New-Haven, should be at Hartford.* 

* Records of the united colonies. It was determined, at this courts 
' hat their meetings, for the future, should be triennial. 



f HAP. Xlf. CONNECTICUT. 271 

In compliance with the advice of the commissioners, gov- Book I. 
ernor Leet convened the general court at New-Haven, on^-^^v-%^ 
the 14th of September, and communicated the advice 16G4. 
which had been given, and papers from the committee of General 
Connecticut, advising and urging them to unite. They ^?"'"*^y _ 
referred it to their most serious consideration, whether, if yen. 
the king's commissioners should visit them, they would not 
be much better able to vindicate their liberty and just 
rights, in union with Connecticut, under a royal patent, 
than in their then present circumstances. Many insisted. No vote 
notwithstanding, " That to stand as God had kept them to^'''^'"^'^ 
that time was their best way." Others were entirely o(^f^^^^ 
the contrary opinion, and after the fullest discussion of the 
subject, no vote for union or treaty could be obtained. 

New-Haven and Branford were more fixed and obsti- Groundn 
Kate in their opposition to an incorporation with Connec- °.' ^^^^^^^ 
ticut, than any of the other towns in that colony. Mr. union with 
Davenport and Mr. Pierson seem to have been among itsConnecti- 
chief supporters. They, with many of the inhabitants of "^"^^ 
the colony, were more rigid, with respect to the terms of 
church communion, than the ministers and churches of 
Connecticut generally were. The ministers and churches 
in Connecticut were, a considerable number of them, in 
favor of the propositions of the general council, which met 
at Cambridge, in 1662, relative to the baptism of children^ 
whose parents were not in full communion. The minis- 
ters and churches of New-Haven were universally and ut- 
terly against them. Mr. Davenport, and others in this 
colony, were also strong in the opinion, that all govern- 
ment should be in the church. No person in this colony 
could be a freeman, unless he were a member in full com- 
munion. But in Connecticut, all orderly persons, possess- 
ing a freehold to a certain amount, might be made free of 
the corporation. Those gentlemen, who were so strong 
in the opposition, were, doubtless, jealous that an union 
would mar the purity, order, and beauty of their churches, 
and have an ill influence on the civil administrations. The 
removal of the seat of government ; the apprehension 
which some had of losing their places of trust and genera! 
influence ; with strong prejudices and passions against 
Connecticut, on account of the injuries, which it was con- 
ceived it had done the colony, all operated in forming the 
opposition. Besides, it was a painful reflection, that, af- 
ter they had been at so much pains and expense to form 
and support themselves as a distinct commonwealth, and 
Ixad been so many years owned as one, their existence must 
cease and their name be obliterated. 



Q'72 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. XII. 




Assembly 
meets 
Oct. 13th. 
Impor- 
tant crisis 
•with Con- 
necticut. 



Acts 01 
the assem- 
bly, res- 
pecting 
the com- 
missioners, 
Massa- 
chusetts 
&; Rhode- 
Island. 



Respect- 
ing Kew- 
Haven. 



This event, however, was hastening, and grew more and 
more urgent. Milford, at this time, broke off from them, 
and would no more send either magistrate or deputies to the 
general court. Mr. Richard Law, a principal gentleman 
at Stamford, also deserted them. 

In this state of affairs, the generalassembly of Connecti- 
cut convened, on the 13lh of Ociober. This was an im- 
portant crisis with the colony. In few instances, have so 
many important objects of consideration, at one time, pre- 
sented themselves to a legislature. Their liberties were 
not only in equal danger with those of their sister colonies, 
from the extraordinary powers, and arbitrary dispositions 
and measures of the king's commissioners, but the duke of 
York, a powerful antagonist, had received a patent, cover- 
ing Long-Island and all that part of the colony west of 
Connecticut river. The Massachusetts were encroaching 
upon them on their northern and eastern boundaries. 
William and Anne, the duke and dutchess of Hamilton, 
had petitioned his majesty to restore to them the tract of 
country granted to their father, James, marquis of Hamil- 
ton, in the year 1635 ; and his majesty had, on the 6th of 
May, 1664, referred the case to the determination of colo- 
nel Nichols and the other commissioners.* Besides, the 
state of affairs with New-Haven was neither comfortable 
nor safe. 

In these circumstances, the legislature viewed it as a point 
of capital importance to conciliate the commissioners, and 
obtain the good graces of his majesty. For this purpose, 
they ordered a present of five hundred bushels of corn, to 
be made to the king's commissioners. A large committee 
was appointed to settle the boundaries between Connecti- 
cut and the duke of York. A committee, consisting of Mr. 
Allen, Mr. Wyllys, Mr. Talcott, and Mr. Newbury, was 
also appointed to settle the boundary line between this 
colony and Massachusetts, and between Connecticut and 
Rhode-Island. They were instructed not to give away any 
part of the lands, included within the limits of the charter. 

Mr. Sherman, Mr. Allen, and the secretary, were author- 
ised to proceed to New-Haven, and, by order of the gen- 
eral assembly, " in his majesty's name, to require the in- 
habitants of New-Haven, Milford, Branford, Guilford, and 
Stamford, to submit to the government established by his 
majesty's gracious grant to this colony, and lo receive their 
ansv/er." They had instructions to declare all the free- 
nren, in those towns, free of the corporation of Connecti- 
cut; and to make all others, in the respective towns men- 
* JXo. XV, 



Chap. XII. CONNECTICUT. 273 

tioncd, qualified according to law, freemen of Connecticat. Book 'I. 
At the same time, they were directed to administer to them >s.^-v'^^t^ 
the freeman's oath. 16G4, 

Besides, they were authorised to make declaration, that 
the assembly did invest William Leet and William Jones, 
Esquires, Mr. Gilbert, Mr. Fenn, Mr. Crane, Mr. Treat, 
and Mr. Law, with the powers of magistracy ; to govern 
their respective plantations agreeably to the laws of Con- 
necticut, or such of their own laws, as were not inconsist- 
ent with the charter, until their session in May next. If; 
Avas proclaimed also, that all other officers, civil and mili- 
tary, were established in their respective places; and that, 
cognizance should not be taken of any case which had 
been prosecuted, to a final adjudication, in any of the 
courts of that colony.* 

The gentlemen appointed to this service, on the 19th of 
November, went to New-Haven, and proceeded according 
to their instructions. 

About the same time, Governor Winthrop, Mr. Allen, 
Mr. Gould, Mr. Richards, and John Winthrop, the com- 
mittee appointed to settle the boundaries between Con- 
necticut and New- York, waited on the commissioners up- 
on York Island. After they had been fully heard, in be- 
half of Connecticut, the commissioners determined, " That DeteririSw 
the southern bounds of his majesty's colony of Connect!- nation of 
cut, is the sea ; and that Long-Island is to be under the '"^^ ""^^.i^s- 
government of his royal highness, the duke of York, as is mis^sioners 
expressed by plain words in the said patents respectively. Nov. 30th> 
We also order and declare, that the creek or river called 
Mamaronock, which is reputed to be about twelve miles 
to the east of West-Chester, and a line drawn from the east 
point or side, where the fresh water falls into the salt, at 
high water mark, north-north-west, to the line of Massa- 
chusetts, be the western bounds of the said colony of Con- 
necticut ; and the plantations lying westward of that creek, 
and line so drawn, to be under his royal highness's govern- 
ment; and all plantations lying eastwai'd of that creek and 
line, to be under the government of Connecticut.! 

In consequence of the acts of Connecticut, and the de- General 
termination of the commissioners, relative to the bounda- ^"'■'^^ 
rics of the colony, a general court was called at New-Ha- ve^Tioecs 
ven, with the freemen, and as many of the' inhabitants of I3th. 
the colony as chose to attend, on the 13th of December, 
1664. The following resolutions were then unanimously 
passed. 

1. " That, by this act or vote, we be not understood to 
■" Rocords of Connecticut. + No. XVL 

K2 



ot tlic 
rourt. 



374 HISTORY OF Chap. XII 

Book 1. jusLify Connecticut's former actings, nbr any thing disor- 
v-^'^^'N-^ derly done by their own people, on such accounts." 

1664. 2. "That, by it, we be not apprehended to have' any 
Resolves hand in breaking or dissolving the confederation." 

3. "Yet, in loyalty to the king's majesty, when an au- 
theiilic copy of the deternaination of his majesty's commis- 
sioners is published, to be recorded with us, if thereby i^ 
shall appear to our committee, that we are, by his majes 
ly's authority, now put under Connecticut patent, we shall 
submit, by a necessity brought upon us, by the means oi 
Connecticut aforesaid ; but with a salvo jure of our formei 
rights and claims, as a people, who have not yet been 
heard in point of plea."* 

The members of the coui't, then present, the elders of 
the colony, with Mr. John Nash, Mr. James Bishop, Mr.. 
Francis Bell, IMr. Robert Treat, and Mr, Richard Bald- 
win, were appointed a committee to consummate an uniou- 
between the colonies. 

Several letters passed between the committees of thf 
I wo colonies, on the subject, in which the committee of 
New-Haven signified, that the oflicers in that colony would 
corttinue to act in their respective offices, and expressed 
their good designs and wishes towards Connecticut, and 
their loyalty to his majesty. They also represented their 
oxpectatiotis, that the governor and company, according 
to their engagements, would give I hem all the advantages 
and privileges which they could do, consistent with the 
patent, and their desires still to continue the confederation, i 
The committee of Connecticut, in answer to New-Ha- 
ven, assured them of their willingness to bestow on them 
all the privileges granted in their charter, prepared ready 
(o their hands. They acquainted them, that jjrovision had 
been made for the continuance of the confederation, ac- 
cording to their wishes. They pleaded the necessity and 
importance of their incorporation with Connecticut, as they 
were nearly in the centre of the colony, as an apology for 
ihe measures which they had taken. They expressed 
their strong desires that New-Haven would cordially unite 
with them, and, by no means, view it as a matter of con- 
straint: that mutual candour might be exercised; and that 
all rejections and past conduct, disagreeable to either of 
them, be entirely buried and for ever forgotten. J 
Sefif ion of The general assembly of Connecticut appointed no com- 
assembly, mittce to meet wiih that chosen by the general court of 
toS'."^^^'' ^t'^^'-Haven. Of this their committee complain, in their 

* Records of New-Havenj t No. XVIT, 

<!: Letter of Conuecticut to Kev,' -Haven, No. XVIII. 



' HAP. XII. CONNECTICUT. 275 

last letter.* However, at a session of theirs, the 20th of Book f. 
-Ipril, 16G5, they passed several resolves, for the further ^-<»^/^x^ 
:ompletion of the union. 1665. 

It was resolved, that William Lect and William Jones, R^esolu- 
j]squircs, Mr. Benjamin Fenn, Mr. Matthew Gilbert, Mr. ^''^'^f J*'" 
fnsper Crane, Mr. Alexander Bryan, Mr. Law, and Mr. ^J'^^v-'"" 
flobert Treat, shouW stand in the nomination for ma^is- Havon, 
•rates at the next election. 

The assembly, also, passed the following declaration : 
•' That all acts of the authority of New-Haven, which had 
been uncomfortable to Connecticut, should never be call- 
ed to an account, but be buried in perpetual oblivion."! 

The king's commissioners presented the following pro-nis majes- 
positions, or requisitions, from bis majesty, to this assem- ty's requi- 
bly. ^'tion.. 

1. "That all householders, inhabiting this colony, take 
the oath of allegiance, and that the administration of jus- 
lice be in his majesty's name." 

2. " That all men of competent estates and of civil con- 
versation, though of different judgments, may be admitted 
to be freemen, apd have liberty to choose, or to be chosen 
officers, both military and civil." 

•3. "That all persons, of civil lives, may freely enjoy 
the liberty of their consciences, and the worship of God in 
that way v/hich they think best; provided that this liberty 
tend not to the disturbance of the public, nor to the hin- 
drance of the maintenance of ministers, regularly chosen, 
in each respective parish or township." 

4. " That all laws, and expressions in laws, derogatory 
to his majesty, if any such have been made, in these trou- 
blesome times, may be repealed, altered, and taken off the 
file." 

The assembly answered in the manner following. 

1. " That according to his majesty's pleasure, expressed The au- 
in our charter, our governor formerly appointed meet per- ^^^''^'" *** 
sons to administer the oath of allegiance, who have, ac- 
cording to their order, administered the said oath to seve- 
ral persons already; and the administration of justice 
among us hath been, is, and shall be, in his majesty's 
name." 

2. " That our order for the admission of freemen Is con- 
sonant with that proposition." 

3. "We know not of any one that hath been troubled, 
by us, for attending his conscience, provided he hath not 
j^isturbed the public." 

4. " We know not of any law, or expressions of law^ 

■ No. XIX. t Records of Connecticut, 



276 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. XIL 



ton's pcti 
(ion. 



Book I. that are derogatory to his majesty among us ; but if any 
v^*^^/'-^/ such be found, we count it our duty to repeal, alter, and 
1G65. take them off the file ; and this we attended, upon the re- 
ceipt of our charter.'^ 
Answer to About this time, it seems, the council gave the follow- 
Hamil. '"g answer, tor substance, to the commissioners, relative to 
the claim and petition of the duke of Hamilton : That the 
grant of Connecticut to the nobles and gentlemen, of whom 
they purchased, was several years prior to the marquis of 
Hamilton's : That with great difficulty they had conquer- 
ed a potent and barbarous people, who spread over a great 
part of that tract of country, which he claimed ; and that it 
■was but a small compensation, for the blood and treasure 
which they had expended in conquering it, and defending 
it for his majesty's interest against the Dutch and other for- 
eigners : That they had peaceably enjoyed that tract for 
about thirty years : That they had with great labor and 
expense cultivated the lands, to their own and his majes- 
ty's interest; and that his majesty, of his grace, had been 
pleased to confirm it to them, by his royal charter, in which 
these reasons had been recognized.* 

They at the same time, solicited their honors, the com- 
missioners, to present their humble acknowledgments to 
his majesty for his abundant grace, in the granting of their 
charter, and for his gracious letter, sent them by his com- 
missioners, re-ratifying their privileges, civil and ecclesi- 
astical. 
Election, At the general election. May 11th, 1665, when the two 
.lay nth. colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven united in one, the 
following gentlemen were chosen into office. John Win- 
Colonies throp, Esq. was elected governor, John Mason, Esq. de- 

one assem-P"*y S^^*^^'^^''' ^"^ ^^^^^^^^^^ Alien, Samuel Wyllys, Na- 
■bly, than Gould, John Talcott, Henry Wolcott, John Allen, 

Samuel Sherman, James Richards, William Leet, William 
Jones, Benjamin Fenn, and Jasper Crane, Esquires, ma- 
gistrates. John Talcott, Esq. was treasurer, and Daniel 
Clark secretary. 

A proportionable number of the magistrates were of the 
former colony of New-Haven ; all the towns sent their de- 
puties ; and the assembly appears to have been entirely 
harmonious. 

This assembly enacted, that Hastings and Rye should be 

one plantation, by the name of Rye. 

County By this assembly county courts were first instituted, by 

SitutS* that name. It was enacted, that there should be two coun- 

-May nth. ty courts holden annually, in New-Haven ; one on the sec-? 



Chap. XH. CONNECTICUT. 277 

ond Thursday in June, the other on the third Thursday in Book I. 
November. The court was to consist of five judges, two ^-^-^/-^^ 
magistrates, and three justices of the quorum. A similar 1665. 
court was appointed at New-London ; and, the next Octo- 
ber, that was made a distinct county. 

At the session in OctoBer, a county court was appoint- 
ed, at Hartford, instead of the quarterly courts. This 
was to be holden annually in the months of March and 
September. The county courts had cognizance of all 
cases except those of life, limb, or banishment. In cases 
of more than twenty shillings, the law required that a jury 
should be impannelled. 

At the same time, a superior court was appointed to be Siiperior 
holden, at Hartford, the Tuesday before the session of the ^""'"J'"' 
general assembly in May and October. This was tocon-Qct. 12! 
sist of eight magistrates, at least, and always to be attend- 
ed with a jury. In this court were tried all appeals from 
the several county courts, arid all capital actions, of life, 
limb, and banishment. 

All the towns, formerly under the jurisdiction of New- Branford 
Haven, were satisfied with the union of the colonies, ex- ^'''P"^.". 
cept Branford. But Mr. Pierson and almost his whole ^^g uoirm. 
church and congregation were so displeased, that they soon 
removed into Newark, in New-Jersey. They carried oft" 
the records of the church and town, and after it had been 
settled about five and twenty years, left it almost without 
inhabitants. For more than twenty years from that time, 
there was not a church formed in the town. People, from 
various parts of the colony, gradually moved into it, and 
purchased the lands of the first planters, so that, in about 
twenty years, it became re-settled. In 1685, it was re-in- 
vested with town privileges. 

The union of the colonies was a happy event. It great- ^ph^ un- 
ly contributed to the convenience, strength, peace, andionahap- 
welfare of the inhabitants of both, and of their posterity, py event. 
Greater privileges New-Haven could not have enjoyed, 
had they been successful in their applications to his ma- (0^ ^^"^ 
j'esty. This must have been very expensive, and after 
much expense, they might have failed in their attempts and 
lost their liberties, or have been joined to Connecticut at 
jast. Had they remained a distinct colony, the charges of 
government would have been greater than in their state of 
incorporation. Their situation, in so central a part of the 
colony, would have been extremely inconvenient, espe- 
cially for Connecticut. It was, doubtless, his majesty's 
pleasure, and for his interest, that the colonies should be 
-Qr\e ; and ihci;* friends on both sides the water judged it 



278 HISTORY OF Chap. XII. 

Book I. most expedient. It was what their own and the general 

>s.^-v-N^ good demanded. All these circumstances, Connecticut 

J 665. could plead, as an apology for their conduct. But after 

all, it will be difficult, if not impossible, to reconcile some , 

parts of it, at least, with their pre-engagements, the rules 

of justice, and brotherly afleclion*. 

War was proclaimed, this year, in London, in the month 
of March, between England and Holland. His majesty 
had given intelligence to the colony, that De Ruyter, the 
Dutch admiral, had orders to visit New-York. The col- 
ony was alarmed, and put into a slate of defence. But 
the admiral was diverted from the enterprise, and the year 
passed in peace. 

In the proclamation for thanksgiving, in November, the 
people were excited to praiac the Supreme Benefactor^ 
for preventing the troubles which they had. feared, and ioi 
the blessings of liberty, health, peace, and plenty.* 



CHAPTER XIII. 

.^ view of the churches of Connecticut and J/eiv-Haven, front. 
their first settlement, until their union, in 1665, Tyieir 
ministers. The character of ther, minis I ers a rul first plan- 
ters. Their religious and political sentiments. Gather- 
ing of the churches of Neiu- Haven and Milford. Instal- 
lation of Mr. Davenport and Mr. Prudden. Church for- 
med at Guilford, Mvmber of ministers in Connecticut 
and Neiv-Haven, before the union. Proportion of minis- 
ters to the people, before and at the time of the union.. 
Harmony between the civil rulers and the clergy. Influ- 
ence of the clergy, ctnd the reasons of it. Their opposi- 
tion to Antinomianism, Assisted in the compilation of 
Cambridge Platform. Ecclesiastical laws. Care to dif- 
fuse general knowledge j its happy influence. Attempts 
to found a college at New-Haven. No sectaries in Con- 
necticut nor New-Haven, until after the union. Deaths 
and characters of several of the first ministers. Great 
dissensions in the church at Hartford, soon after Mr. 
Hooker'' s death ; dissensions and controversies in the colo- 
ny, and churches in general, relative to baptism, church- 

* It was now thirty years since (he settlement of the colony commenced, 
yet, after the defalcation of Long-Island, it consisted of nineteen towns 
only, which paid taxes. The grand hst was no more than jSl53,6;:(J : 16 : 5. 



^HAP. 



XIIL CONNECTICUt. 279 



membership, and the rights of the brethren. A new gen- Book I. 
eration arises, who hr.'d not all imbibed the spirit of their ^..^^s^ ^>»^ 

■ fathers. Grievances presented to the general court of 
' Cojinecticul, on the account of the strictness of the church- 

■ es, and that sober people 7vere denied communion with 

• them, and baptism for their children. The court ofCon- 

• necticut send to the other general courts for advice. Laws 
against the Quakers. Massachuselts and Connecticut 

■ agree in appointing a synodal Boston. General court at 
" New-Haven oppose the meeting of a synod, and decline 

' sending their elders. Q2icstions proposed for discussion. 
The synod meets and atiswcrs them ; but it had no good 
effect on the churches. They joovld not comply with their 
decisions. Dissensions continued at Hartford ," acts of 
the general court respecting them. Councils from Mas- 
sachusetts. Difficulties in some measure composed. Di- 
visions aiid animosities at IVeathcrsfcld. Act of the gen- 
eral court respecting the church there. Mr. Russel and 
numbers remove from Weuthersfield and Hartford, and 
settle Hadley. Mr. Stozo dismissed from the ministry at 
Middletoion, by a cornmittee of the general court. Synod 
at Boston. Its determination relative to baptism and the 
consociation of churches. Division in the synod, and in 
the churches, relative to these points. The court at Con- 
necticut sent no elders to the council, nor took any part in 
the controversy, until some time afterwards. 

CONNECTICUT, no less than other parts of New-Eng- 
land, was settled with a particular view to religion. 
It was the design of the first planters, to erect churches in 
the strictest conformity to scripture example ; and to trans- 
mit evangelical purity, in doctrine, v/orship, and disci- 
pline, with civil and religious liberty, to their posterity. 
The attention which they paid to these interesting points, 
will be the principal subject of this chapter. 

The first churches, though their numbers were small, T""''^"^'"' 
and they had to combat all the hardships, dangers, and ex- connecti- 
pensc, of new settlements, commonly supported two able, cut and 
experienced ministers. With the first three churches, set- New-Ha- 
tled in Connecticut, there were, at Hartford, the Rev. Mr. ^"^"^ 
Hooker and Mr. Stone, at \Vindsor, Mr. Warham and Mv. 
Hewet, and at Weathersfield, Mr. Pi-uddenjin 1638, while 
his people were making preparations to remove from New- 
Haven to Milford. To the garrison, at Saybrook fort, Mr. 
John Higginson, son of the Rev. Mr. Higginson, of Salem, 
preached three or four of the first years. At New-Haven, 
at first were Mr. Davenport find Mr. Samuel Eaton, lirof.h' 



280 HISTORY OV Cha'p. XIII^ 

Book I. cr to gdvcinor Eaton. At Milfoid, Mr. Prudden was pas- 
^-^^vx^ tor, and the church invited Mr. Join Sherman, afterwards 
minister of Watcrtown, in Massachusetts, to be their teach- 
er ; but he declined their invitation, and that church never' 
had but one settled minister at the same time. The Rev. 
Mr. Whitfield was pastor of the church at Guilford, and 
about the year 1641, Mr. Higginson removed from Say- 
brook, and became teacher, as an assistant to Mr. Whit- 
field, in that church. After Mr. Prudden left Weathers- 
field, Mr. Henry Smith was elected, and ordained pastor of 
the church and congregation in that town. About the 
time that Mr. Higginson left Saybrook, the Rev. Mr. 
Thomas Peters became chaplain to colonel Fenwick, and 
the people there. Upon the removal of Mr. Eaton, front 
New-Haven, Mr. William Hook was installed teacher, as 
v.n asssistant of Mr. Davenport. The six first towns in 
Connecticut and New-Haven, enjoyed the constant labor 
of ten able ministers. This was as much as one minister 
to about fifty families, or to two hundred and sixty or seven- 
ty souls. As other towns settled, churches were gathered, 
and ministers installed or ordained. Mr. Jones was chos- 
en pastor at Fairfield, Mr. Adam Blackman, at Stratford, 
and Mr. Richard Denton, at Stamford. Mr. Abraham 
Pierson was pastor of the church at Branford, and it seems 
one Mr. Brucy assisted him as a teacher for some time^ 
Fourteen or fifteen of these ministers had been episcopally 
ordained in England, before they came into America. 

The Rev. Mr. Richard Blynman, first pastor of the 
church at New-London, was also ordained in England, 
After he came into this country, hs settled first, pastor of 
the church at Gloucester, in Massachusetts* From thence 
he removed to New-London in 1648. 

From these reverend fathers, the ministers of Connecti- 
cut trace their ordinations ; especially, from Mr. Hooker, 
Mr. Warham, Mr. Davenport, and Mr. Stone. Some cr 
other of these assisted in gathering the churches, and or- 
daining the ministers settled in their day. 
Their reli- W^ith respect to their religious sentiments, and those of 
gioussenti- their followers, they were puritans. This was a name 
which first obtained in the reign of queen Elizabeth, in 
1564. , It was given as a name of reproach, to distinguish 
and stigmatize those who did not conform to the liturgy, 
ceremonies, and discipline, of the church of iMigland. Ful- 
ler says, "■ it was improved to abuse pious people, who 
eiKleavourcd to follow the minister with a pure heart, anfl 
labored for a life pure and holy."* When arminiani§m be- 
* Fuller's ecclesiastical history, b. IX,, p. 7G. 



^MAP. XIII. CONNECTICUT. 281 

gan to prevail, in the latter part of the reign of James the Book I. 
first, those who were calvinistic, wCre termed doctrinal pu- v.^~v/"x^ 
ritans.t It was used finally, as a stigma for all christians, 
who were strict in morals, calvinistic in sentiment, and un- 
conformed to the liturgy, ceremonies, and discipline of the 
established church. J 

This was truly the character of the first ministers and 
churches in this colony. They were strictly calvinistic, 
agreeing in doctrine with their brethren of the established 
church, and with all the protestant reformed churches. 
In discipline, they were congregationalists, and dissented 
from the national establishment.- They firmly believed, 
that it was the sole prerogative of Christ, as king in Zion, 
to direct the mode of worship and discipline, in his owa 
house. They were persuaded, that the scriptures were a 
perfect rule, not only of faith and manners, but of worship 
and discipline : and that all churches ought to be formed 
entirely after the pattern exhibited in the New Testament. 

Some of the ministers of Connecticut were distinguished Literature 
for literature, piety, and ministerial gifts. Mr. Hooker, ^^ °**^'^^^ 
Mr. Davenport, Mr. Stone, and some others, were men of 
great learning and abilities. They were all men of the 
strictest morals, serious, experimental preachers. Mr. 
Ncal, after giving a catalogue of the ministers, who first il- 
luminated the churches of New-England, bears this testi- 
mony concerning them. " I will not say that all the min- 
isters mentioned, were men of the first rate for learning, 
but I can assure the reader, they had a better share of it, 
than most of their neighbouring clergy, at that time : they 
were men of great sobriety and virtue, plain, serious, af- 
fectionate preachers, exactly conformable to the doctrine 
of the church of England, and took a great deal of pains to 
promote a reformation of manners in their several parish- 
es." They were mighty, and abundant in prayer. They 
not only fasted and prayed frequently with their people, in J V*t 
public, but kept many days of secret fasting, prayer, and injvs'and 
self-examination, in their studies. Some of them, it seems, prayers, 
fasted and prayed, in this private manner, every week. 
Besides the exercises on the Lord's day, they preached 
lectures, not only in public, but from house to house. 
Thcy were diligent and laborious in catechising and in- 
structing the children, and young people, both in public 
and private. 

They paid a constant attention to the religion of their 

1 Fuller, b. X, p. 100. 

% Neal's history of the puritans, preface to vol, I, p. 7, ^d vol. 1, p. 72, 
Second ecfitiou, quarto^ London, 1754. 

L 2 



2i?2 HISTORY OF Chap. Xin , 

Book I. families. They read the scriptures, and prayed in them 
^^.^-N^^^fc^ daily, morning and evening, and instructed all their domes- 
tics constantly to atterid the secret,- as well as private and 
public duties of religion. They were attentive to the reli- 
gious state of all the families atid individuals of their res- 
j)ective flocks.* As they had taken up the cross, forsakei 
their pleasant seats and enjoyments in their native coun- 
try, and followed their Saviour into a land not sown, for tht 
sake of his holy religion, and the advaticement of liis king- 
dom, they sacrificed all worldly interests to- these glorious 
purposes. 

The people who follorwed them into the wilderness, wcrr- 
their spiritual children, who imbibed the same spirit anc! 
sentiments, and esteemed them as their fathers in Christ. 
General jvjany of them were men of figure, as Haynes, Hopkins, 
and morals ^Vyllys, Ludlow, Wolcott, Eaton, Gregson, Desborough. 
of the LeeS, and others, who were governors and magistrates i.i 
people. their respective colonies. Many of them, especially thciv 
governors, magisti-ates, and leading men, were not less pi- 
ous and exemplary than their ministers. The people in 
general were pioiis, and strictly moral. Instances of in- 
temperance, wantonness, sabbath-breaking, fraud, or any 
other gross immorality, tor many years, were rarely found 
among them. If anj^ there were, they v/ere commonly 
found among servants, or some of the lowest of the people. 
Their sen- j|- ^^gg the oj^nion of the principal divines, who- first se'- 
lative to^" t's^ New-England and Connecticut, that in every church, 
churches, completely organized, there was a pastor, teacher, ruling 
church of- elder, and deacons. 1 These distinct offices, they imagin- 
dSpltne. ^'~^- ^^"^'"^ clearly taught in those passages, Romans, xii, 7, 
1 Corinth, xii, 28, 1 Timothy, v, 17, and Ephesians, iv, 
11. From these they argued the duty of all churches, 
which were able, to be thus furnished.]: In this manner 
were the churches of Hartford, AVindsor, New-Haven, and 
other towns organized. The churches which were notable 
to support a pastor and teacher, had their ruling elders and 
deacons. Their ruling elders were ordained with no less 
solemity, than their pastors and teachers. Where no teach- 
er could be obtained, the pastor performed the duties, both 
of pastor and teacher. It was the general opinion, that the 
pastor's work consisted pjrincipally in exhortation, in 
working upon the will and affections. To this the whole 
force of his studies was to be directed ; that, by his judi- 

*"See an account of the hves of many of them, in the Magnalia, b, HI. 
Particular tracts and manuscripts characterize them in tlic same manner.. 
t Hooker's Survey, part II, p. 4 to 20. 
t FbiJeui, and Cambridge rjatforoa, chap, vi, and viJ. 



Chap. XIIL CONNECTICUT. £33 

cious, powerful, and affectionate addresses, he might win Book L 
his hearers to the love and practice of the truth. But the ^.-^-^/-''w/ 
teacher was doctor in ecclesia, whose business it was to 
teach, explain, and defend, the doctrines of Christianity. 
He was to inform the judgment, aiid advance the work of 
illumination.* 

The business of the ruling elder was to assist the pastor 
in the government of the church. He was particularly set 
apart to watch over all its members ; to prepare and bring 
forward all cases of discipline ; to visit and pray with the 
sick ; and, in the absence of the pastor and teacher, to pray 
with the coaigregation, and expound the scriptures.] 

The pastors and churches of New-England maintained, 
with the reformed churches in general, that bishops and 
presbyters were only different nam,es for {i\e same of- 
fice ; and, that all pastors, regularly separated to the gos- 
pel ministry, v/ere scripture bishops. J They also insist- 
ed, agreeably to the primitive practice, that the work of 
every pastor, was confined, principally, to one particular 
church and congregation, who could all assemble at one 
place, whom he could inspect, and who could all unite to- 
gether in acts of worship and discipline. § Indeed, the 
first ministers of Connecticut and New-England, at first 
maintained, that all the pastor's office power was confined 
to his own church and congregation ; and that the adminis- 
tering of baptism and the Lord's supper in other churches, 
was irregular.TF 

With respect to ordination, they held, that it did not con- CaJIinsr 
stitute the essentials of the ministerial oflice ; but the qual- and onh 
ifications for offxe, the ejection of the church, guided by )|j^;^,\'^"pys 
the rule of Christ, and the acceptance of the pastor elect.** 
Says Mr. Hooker, " ordination is an approbation of the of- 
ficer, and solemn setting and confirmation of him in his of- 
fice, by prayer, and laying on of hands." It was viewed, 
by the ministers of New-England, as no more than putting 
the pastor elect into office, or a solemn recommending of 
him and his labors to the blessing of God. It was the gen- 
eral opinion, that elders ought to lay on hands in ordina- 
tion, if there were a presbytery in the church, but if there 
were not, the church might appoint some other elders, or 
a number of the brethren to that service.tt 

* Survey, part II, p. 19, 20, 21, and Cambridge Platform, chap. vi. 
tHooker''s Survey, part II, p. 13, 19, C. Pkit. chap. vii. 
I Hooker's Survey, and Cambridge Platform. 
^ Cambridge Platform, chap, iii, and chap. ix. 
1 Hooker's Survey, part II, p. 62, 68, 

'^Tiie same, part II, p. 75, 78, Cam. Platform, chap. ix. 

t The.-e ?eu(imfiils were not peculiar to the lirst ministers and chur^hps 



^84 HISTORY OF Chap. XIIL 

Book f. It Tvas acknowledged that synods or general councils, 
v-^'^/'^N^/ were an ordinance of Christ, and in some cases, expedient 
Power of and necessary: That their business was to give light and 
ijnods, counsel in weighty concerns, and bear testimony against 
corruption in doctrines and morals. While it was granted, 
that their determinations ought to be received with reve- 
rence, and not lobe counteracted, unless apparently re- 
pugnant to the scriptures, it was insisted, that they had no 
juridical power.! The churches of Connecticut originally 
maintained, that the right of choosing and settling their 
ministers, of exercising discipline and performing all juri- 
dical acts was in the church, when properly organized ; 
and they denied all external or foreign power of presbyte- 
ries, synods, general councils, or assemblies. Hence they 
were termed congregational churches. 
A&topol- The fathers of Connecticut, as to politics, were repubr 
itics, the licans. They rejected with abborrence the doctrines of 
first set- ^|-^g (Jivine right of kings, passive obedience, and non-re- 
republi- sistance. Wjth Sidney, Hampden, and other great wri- 
cans. ters, they believed that all civil power and government was 

originally in the people. Upon these principles they 
formed their civil constitutions. 
Confession The churches of New-Haven, Milford, and Guilford, 
° d^^^i^ were formed first, by the choice of seven persons, from a- 
manncr of mong the brethren, who were termed the pillars. A con- 
vcovenant- fcssion of faith was drawn up, to which they all assented, as 
^Po- preparatory to their covenanting together in church estate. 

They then entered into covenant, first with God, to be his 
people in Christ, and then with each other, to walk togeth- 
er in the strict and conscientious practice of all christian 
duties, and in the enjoyment of all the ordinances and privi- 
leges of a church of Christ. The confessions of faith con- 
tained a summary of christian doctrine, and were strictly 
calvinistic. The covenants were full, solemn, and im- 
pressive, importing, that they avouched the Lord Jehovah, 
Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, to be their sovereign Lord 
and supreme Good ; and that they gave themselves up to 
him, through Jesus Christ, in the way and on the terms of 
the covenant of grace. They covenanted Avith each other 
to uphold the divine worship and ordinances, in the church- 
es of which they were members ; to watch over each other 
as brethren ; to bear testimony against all sin ; and to 
teach all under their care to fear and serve the Lord. The 
other brethren joined themselves to the seven pillars, by 

, of New-England. Augustine, Chrjsostom, Zanch, Bucer, Melancthon, 

Dr. Ames, Dr. Owen, and many other divines of great fame, were of thq 
same opinion. 
+ Hooker's Survey, part IV. p. 45—48, C. Plat. chap. XVI. 



Chap. XFII. CONNECTICUT. 285 

making the same profession of faith, and covenanting in the Book I. 
same manner. The members, previously to their cove- s-^-v^/ 
nanting \yith each other, gave one another satisfaction 
with respect to their repentance, faith, and purposes of 
holy living. 

Jt appears, that the churclies of New-Haven and Mil- Churches 
ford were gathered to the seven pillars, on the 22d of Au-?[^^"'" 
gust, 1639.* The tradition is, that soon after, Mr. Da- MStbrd, 
venport was chosen pastor of the church, at New-Haven 5 gathered 
and that Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone came and assisted in Aug. 22d, 
his installation. ^ '^^' 

Mr. Prudden was installed pastor of the church, at Mil- installa- 
ford, April 8th, 1640, upon a day of solemn fasting andtionofMr. 
prayer. Imposition of hands was performed by Zechari- ^"^"^i^fo/L 
ah Whitman, William Fowler, and Edmond Tapp. They le^. ' 
were appointed to this service by the other brethren of the 
church. t The installation was at New-Haven, and it seems 
that the hands of the brethren were imposed in the pres- 
ence of Mr. Davenport and Mr. Eaton. 

Though the members of Mr. Whitfield's church were in Guilford 
the original agreement, at New-Haven, and engaged to'^'^"^'^'" 
embody into church estate, in the same manner as New- Apri^*^ ' 
Haven and Milford churches did, yet they delayed the com- 1643, 
pletion of the work for a considerable time. Probably, it 
was because their company were not yet all arrived. But 
in April, 1643, Mr. Whitfield, Mr. Higginson, Mr. Samuel 
Desborough, Mr. William Leet, Mr. Jacob Sheaf, Mr. 
John Mipham, and Mr. John Hoadly, were elected the 
seven pillars. On the 1 9th of June, all the other church 
members were gathered unto these seven persons. Mr. 
Higginson, who had been preaching about two years at 
Guilford, with Mr. Whitfield, was, at this time, elected 
teacher in that church. Mr. Whitfield had not separated 
from the episcopal church, when he came into New-Eng- 
Jand. As he came over in orders, and his church came 
generally with him, there are no intimations of his instal- 
lation. 

The circumstance of the seven pillars in these three 
churches appears to have been peculiar to them. There 
are no intimations of it in the formation of any other church- 
es. The churches in the other towns were gathered, by 
subscribing similar confessions of faith, and covenanting 
together in the same solemn manner, upon days of fasting 
and prayer. Neighbouring elders and churches were 
present on those occasions, assisted in the public solemni^ 
tics, and gave their consent. When new members were 
■ Milford church recQjds. t Ibidem. 



28C 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. Xlll. 



Book I. 



Mr. Den- 
ton re- 
moves 
fiom 

Stamforil. 
Mr. Bish- 
op suc- 
ceeds him. 



Church 
gat hf red 
and Mr. 
Fiich or- 
dained at 
Say- 
brook, 
1646. 



admitted to full communion, in any of the first churches ot" 
Connecticut, they gave satisfaction to the brethren of their 
sincere repentance towards God, and faith in the Lord 
-Jesus Christ. They commonly made a relation of their re- 
ligious experiences. They were then admitted to full 
communion, by a public profession of their faith, and by 
covenanting in the manner which has been represented. 

Mr. Eaton continued but a short time at New-Haven, 
and then returned to England. Mr. William Hook suc- 
ceeded him as teacher in the church. 

Mr. Denton, after spending three or four years at Stam- 
ford, removed to Hampstead on Long-Island. 

Upon his removal, the church sent two of their members 
to seek them a minister. They travelled on foot, through 
the wilderness, to the eastward of Boston, where they found 
Mr. John Bishop, who left England before he had finished 
his academical studies, and had completed his education in 
this country. They engaged him to go with them to Stam- 
ford. He travelled with them, on foot, so great a distance. 
The people were united in him, and he labored with them, 
in the ministry, nearly fifty years. 

Mr. Peters, after preaching three or four years, at Say- 
brook, returned to England. In 1646, a church was form- 
ed in that town, by the direction and assistance of the Rev. 
Mr. Hooker and some ot:ier ministers. At the same time, 
Mr. James Filch, who had perfected his theological stu- 
dies, under the direction of Mr. Hooker, was ordained 
their pastor. The tradition is, that though Mr. Hooker 
was present, yet that hands were imposed by two or three 
of the principal brethren, whom the church had appointed 
to that service. 

On the 13th of October, 1652, a church was gathered at 
Farmington, and Mr. Roger Newton was ordained pastor. 

The same year, Mr. Thomas Hanford began to preach 
at Norwalk, and some time after a church was formed in the 
town, and Mr. Hanford ordained pastor. 

In 1660, Mr. Fitch and the greatest part of his church 
removed to Norwich. Mr. Thomas Buckingham succeed- 
ed him in the ministry at Saybrook. A council of minist 
ters and churches assisted at his ordination, but the imposi- 
tion of hands was performed by the brethren, as it had 
been before in the ordination of Mr. Fitch. The council 
considered it as an irregular proceeding, but the brethren 
were so tenacious of what they esteemed their right, that it 
could not be prevented without much inconvenience.* 

These fifteen churches v/ere the whole number, formed 
* Manuscripts from Saybrook. 



Chap. XHI. CONNECTICUT. 287 

in the colony, and in which ministers had been installed, Book I. 
or ordained, at the time of the union. The settlements N,^~Nr-x^ 
and churches upon Long-Island had been adjudged to the 
jurisdiction of New-York. There were several other towns 
which paid taxes, where churches were not formed nor 
pastors ordained. This was the case with Stonington, 
Middletown, Greenwich, and Rye. Nevertheless, at the 
two former, there was constant preaching. The general 
court would not suffer any plantation to be made which 
Avould not sup[)ort an able, orthodox preacher. 

At Stonington, Mr. Zechariah Brigden officiated about 
three years, until his death in 1663. To him succeeded 
•VIr. James Noyes, the same year, who preached more 
than fifty-five years in the town, but he was not ordained 
until more than ten years after his first preaching to the 
people. 

At Middletown, Mr. Nathaniel Collins was preaching, 
but not. ordained. Mr. Stow also preached there, before, 
or with, Mr. Collins. Greenwich and Rye were but just 
come under the jurisdiction of Connecticut, and not in cir- 
cumstances for the support of ministers. They had occa- 
sional preaching only, for a considerable time. 

From this view, it appears, that the first towns and Proportion 

churches in Connecticut were remarkably instructed. °^ minis- 

Scarcelv in any part of the christian church, have so many t,"^!^ 
/• I 1- • -111 1 • II union. 

Stars, 01 such distinguished lustre, shone m so small a 

firmament. At the time of the union, the colony contained 
about 1700 families, eight or nine thousand inhabitants, 
and tliey constantly enjoyed the instructions of about twen- 
ty ministers. Upon an average, there was as much as 
one minister to every eighty-five families, or to about four 
Jiundred and thirty souls. In some of the new plantations, 
thirty families supported a minister, and commonly there 
were not more than forty when they called and settled a 
pastor. In several of the first churches, thore were not 
more than eight, nine, and ten male members. Exclusive 
of Hartford, Windsor, New-Haven, and Guilford, there 
appears to have been none, in which there were more than 
sixteen or seventeen male communicants, at their forma- 
tion. 

That the first churches and congregations, notwithstand- Word and 
ing their poverty, hardships, dangers, and expense in set- ^'■'^'"^"ces 
tling in a wilderness, and in defending themselves against ^'^^'^''^"^" 
the savages and other enemies, should maintain such a 
number of ministers, strongly marks their character as 
christians, who desired the sincere milk of the word. It 
affords a ^.triking evidence of their zeal for religion, and 



288 HISTORY OF CriAP. Xfll. 

Book 1. thai the word and ordinances were indeed precious in those 

Harmony The most perfect harmony subsisted between the legis- 
between latuFC and the clergy. Like Moses and Aaron, they walic- 
ture and^" ^^ together in the most endearing friendship. The gover- 
ritr^'y. nors, magistrates, and leading men, were their spiritual 
children, and esteemed and venerated them, as their fa- 
thers in Christ. As they had loved and followed them into 
the wilderness, they zealously supported their influence. 
The clergy had the highest veneration for them, and spared 
no pains to maintain their authority and government. Thus 
they grew in each other's esteem and brotherly aftbction, 
and mutually supported and increased each other's influ- 
ence and usefulness. 
Influence Many of the clergy who first came into the country, had 
of the cler- gQQj estates, and assisted their poor brethren and parish- 
ioners in their straits, in making new settlements. The 
^ people were then far more dependent on their ministers, 

j^^^^°°^ °^ than they have been since. The proportion of learned 
men was much less then, than at the present time. The 
clergy possessed a very great proportion of the literature 
of the colony. They were the principal instructors of the 
young gentlemen, who were liberally educated, before they 
commenced members of college, and they assisted them in 
their studies afterwards. Tliey instructed and furnished 
others for public usefulness, who had not a public educa- 
tion. They had given a striking evidence of their integri- 
ty and self denial, in emigrating into this rough and distant 
country, for the sake of religion, and were faithful and 
abundant in their labours. By their example, counsels, 
exhortations, and money, they assisted and encouraged the 
people. Besides, the people who came into the country 
with them, had a high relish for the word and ordinances. 
They were exiles and fellow sufferers in a strange land. 
All these circumstances combined to give them an uncom- 
mon influence over their hearers, of all ranks and charac- 
ters. For many years, they were consulted by the legisla- 
ture, in all aflairs of importance, civil or religious. They 
were appointed committees, with the governors and magis- 
trates, to advise, make drafts, and assist them in the most 
delicate and interesting concerns of the commonwealth. 
In no government have the clergy had more influence, or 
Alimsiers ]^^^j^ treated v/iih more generosity and respect, by the civil 
neciicut rulcrs and people in general, than in Connecticut, 
condemn The ministers and churches of Connecticut abhorred the 
Antinomi- Anlinomian heresy, which so distracted the church at Bos- 
i(j3j> ' '" ton, and some others in the Massachusetts. In the first 



Chap. Xlll. CONNECTICUT. 28^ 

general council in New-England, Mr. Hooker and Mr. Da- Book I. 
venport bore a noble testimony against the prevailing -^««<-%/'-*».' 
errors and spirit of that time. 

In the next general council in New-Englr>.nd, ten years 1648. 
after, the ministers and churches of Connecticut and New- J'^^"" ^' 
Haven were present, and united in the form of discipline q.^^^ 
which it recommended. By this platform of discipline, bridge 
the churches of New-England, in general, walked for more platform, 
than thirty years. This, with the ecclesiastical laws, form- 
ed the religious constitution of the colonies. 

In the platform, it is declared to be evident, " That ne- Opinion re^ 
cessary and sufficient maintenance is due to ministers of ^f"^^^'"? 
the word, from the law of nature and nations, the lawoftenance 
Moses, the equity thereof, and also the rule of common of miniT;^- 
reason:" that it is matter of indispensable duty, a debt ^^^^' 
due, and not an affair of alms or free gift. " That not only 
members of churches, but all who are taught in the word, 
are to contribute unto him that teacheth in all good things : 
and that the magistrate is to see that the ministry be duly 
provided for."* 

An early provision was therefore made, by law, in Mas- Ecdesias* 
sachusetts and Connecticut, for the support of the minis- ^^^^^ ^^^" 
try. In Connecticut, all persons were obliged, by law, to 
contribute to the support of the church, as well as of the 
commonwealth. All rates respecting the support of min- 
isters, or any ecclesiastical affairs, were to be made and 
collected in the same manner as the rates of the respective 
towns. t Special care was taken, that all persons should 
attend the means of public instruction. The law obliged 
them to be present at the public worship on the Lord's 
day, and upon all days of public fasting and prayer, and of 
thanksgiving, appointed by civil authority, on penalty of 
a fine of five shillings for every instance of neglect. J The 
congregational churches were adopted and established by 
law ; but provision was made that all sober, orthodox per- 
sons, dissenting from them, should, upon the manifestatioti 
of it to the general court, be allowed peaceably to v/orship 
in their own way.§ It was enacted, " That no persons 
within this colony, shall in any wise embody themselves 
into church estate, without consent of the general court, 
and approbation of neighbouring elders." The laws, also, 
prohibited that any ministry, or church administration, 
should be entertained, or attended, by the inhabitants of 
any plantation in the colony, distinct and separate from^ 

'■ Cambridge Platform, chap. xi. 

i The first code of Connecticut, p. 52 and 59. 

;t Ibid. p. «">. Ubid.p. 21. 

M 2 



^m flirSTORY OF Chap. XIH. 

Book I. aiiU in op})osition to, that which was ojDenly and publicly 

^■-<-^,^-x-^ observed and dispensed, by the approved minister of thfr 

place ; excejit it was by the approbatiofi of the court and 

neighbouring churches.* The penalty for every breach 

of I his act, was fwc pounds. 

The court declared, that the civil audiority established 
In the colony, " Had power and liberty to see the peace, 
ordinances, and rules of Christ, observed in every church, 
according to his word; and, also, to deal with any churcii 
ujeinber in a way of civil justice, notwithstanding any 
church relation, office, or interest." The law also pro- 
-V ided, that no church censure should degrade or depose 
any man from any civil dignity, oflice, or authority, which 
he should sustain in the colony. t 

In the grant of all new townships, special care was ta 

Careio j.^j j^^ j^j^g legislature, that the planters should not be 

propajratc . / " . . " , ', , J, . . . , 

]:iiov/led<'-e ^^'^^'^f*"^ a mniistcr, and the stated administration oi gospc* 
and good ordinances. 

nioraig. Every town, consisting of fifty families, was obliged, by 

liie laws, to maintain a good school, in which reading and 
writing should be well taught; and in every county town 
a good grammar school was instituted. Large tracts of 
land were given and appropriated, by the legislature, to 
afford them a permanent sup{)orf. 

The select men of every town were obliged, by law, to- 
keep a vigilant eye upon all the inhabitants, and to take 
care Uiat all the heads of families should instruct their chil- 
dren and servants to read the English tongue well, and 
that once every v,'eek they should catechise them in the 
principles of religion. The penally for every instance of 
neglect, in this respect, was twenty shillings, for any fam- 
ily so neglecting. The select men were also authorised, 
to take care that all families should be well furnished with 
bibles, orthodox catechisms, and books on practical godli- 
ness. It was provided by the legislature, that the capital 
laws should be taught weekly in every family.]:' 

The colony of New-Haven, from the beginning, made 
provision for the interests of religion, learning, and the 
good conduct of the inhabitants, with no less zeal than 
Connecticut. 

The care and piety of the first planters did not rest here ; 
but they were careful, as soon as jiossiblc, in their circum- 
stances, to found public seminaries, in which young men 
might be instructed in the liberal arts, ])repared for the 

* The first code of Connecticut, p. 2L 

T Ibid. p. 22. 

\ Q\d code of Connecljcuf, p. 13. 



Chap. Xin. CONNECTICUT. 291 

ministry, and ail piaccs of importance, in civil or religious Book T, 
Jife. v-^--.'-*^/ 

As Connecticut and New-Haven were not able, of them- 
selves, at first, to erect a college, they united with Massa- 
chusetts, and contributed to the support of that nt Cam- 
bridge. Fre(|uent contributions weix' made, both in Con- 
necticut and New-Haven, for that purpose, and money was 
paid from the public treasury. For a course of years, the 
inhabitants educated their sons at that university. 
( By these means, knowledge, at an early period, was gox\- jjappy cf- 
erally diffused among people of all ranks. This abundant Ceots \,{ 
public and private instruction, and constant attention to*'"'"' 
the morals, industry, and good conduct of the inhabitants, 
has been the means of that general illumination, which has 
always been observable among the people of this colony ; 
and of that high degree of civil, ecclesiastical, and domes- 
tic peace and order, which, for so long a period, have ren- 
dered them eminent, among their neighbors. This has 
made it feasible to govern them by that free constitution 
and mild system of laws, by which they have ever been 
distinguished. I'o this, are owing the wisdom and stead- 
iness of their elections, and tlie integrity and firmness of 
their public administrations. In this way they have been 
formed not only to virtue, but to industry, economy, and 
enterprise. Indeed, they have been rendered one of the 
happiest people upon the earth. 

Cambridge platibrm, in connection with the ecclesiasti- 
cal laws, was the religious constitution of Connecticut, for 
about sixty years, until the compilation of the Saybrook 
agreement. 

The colony of New-Haven, sensible of the importance 
of public seminaries, and of the inconvenience of sending Grrxromflr 
their sons to so great a distance as Cambridge for an edu- ^^iJu^pj"' 
cation, at an early period, attempted the founding of a col- andcollep,e 
lege. A proposal, for this purpose, was made to the gen- founded at 
eral court, in 1654. The next year, at the session in May, ^'<"^-li^- 
it appeared, that New-Haven had made a donation of 3001. 
and that Milford proposed to give lOOl. more, for the en- 
couragement of the design. The court proposed it to the 
deputies of the other towns to enquire, and make report, 
■what they would give. Mr. Davenport, who was the prin- 
cipal promoter of the affair, about the same time, wrote to 
governor Hopkins, who was then in England, upon the sub- 
ject ; and it seems, solicited his assistance. Soon after, 
some lands were given, by the people of New-Haven, for 
the further encouragement of so laudable an undertaking, 
JJpon these favorable prospects, the legislature, in \^b%^ 



292 HISTORY OF Chap. XIII. 

Book I. proceeded to institute a grammar school at New-Haven. It 
^^.^-v-^w was ordered, that 401. annually, should be paid out of the 
public treasury, lor its support. lOOl. were also appro- 
priated for the purchase of books for the school. In 1660, 
the donation of governor Hopkins having come into the 
possession, and being at the disposal of Mr. Davenport, 
he, on the 30th of May, surrendered it into the hands of the 
general court, for the purpose of founding a college. He 
proposed, that this donation should be united with the lands 
which had been already given, and with such other dona- 
tions as might be made by the legislature, for the same 
purpose. The elders of the several churches in the colo- 
jiy, were nominated as trustees. As Mr. Davenport was 
the only surviving legatee of governor Hopkins, with res- 
pect to that part of the donation which had fallen to the 
share of New-Haven, he desired, that, for the better dis- 
charge of the trust, which had been reposed in him, he 
might have a negative upon the corporation, with respect 
to the disposal of that, whenever he could exhibit substan- 
•^ tial reasons, that it was about to be applied to any pur- 
pose contrary to the design of the donor. The resigna- 
tion was made in writing, in a formal manner, containing 
valuable sketches of history, and a complete plan of the 
college and grammar school, which it was designed to in- 
stitute.* 

The general court thankfully accepted the donation, 
upon the terms on which it had been surrendered. They 
appropriated the lands, which had been given, at New-Ha- 
ven, to the support of the college ; agreed to collect the 
money given by governor Hopkins ; and besides all other 
grants previously made, enacted, that a hundred pounds 
Stock should be pa id in from the treasury of the colony, in 
such time and manner as the court should order. The 
court also ordained, that both the grammar school and col- 
lege should be at New-Haven. One Mr. Feck was ap- 
pointed master of the school ; but this and the college were 
of short continuance. The troubles in which the colony 
was involved by the claims of Connecticut, and the defec- 
tion of such numbers of their inhabitants, so impoverished, 
and weakened it, that a support could not be obtained for 
the instructor. He became discouraged, and the court 
gave up the school. By the same means, the design of a 
college also miscarrried. After the union, the colony 
made further provision for a grammar school, and all the 
lands and money, which had been given for that and the 
college, were appropriated to its support. The school re,: 
vived and has continued unto the present time. 
" /.ppendU No. xii. 



Chap. XIII. CONNECTICUT. 293 

For a long course of years, there were no sectaries in Book I. 
Connecticut. The churches, in general, enjoyed great v,^~n/-^/ 
peace and harmony, during the continuance of the lirst 
ministers and principal members of whom ihey were com- 
posed. But many of these were considerably advanced in 
life when they came into the country, and in about four or 
five and twenty years after the first settlements, a consid- 
erable proportion of them were in their graves, some had 
returned to England, and others were far advanced in years. 
Before the union of the colonies, in 1665, almost all the 
first ministers were either dead, or removed. 

Mr. Ilewet, teacher in the church at Windsor, died Sep- 
tember 4th, 1644. 

The Rev. Thomas Hooker, the father and pillar ofDeaih and 
the churches in Connecticut, died July 7th, 1647, in the ):[!"^'^'^^^" 
61st year of his age.* He was born at Marshfield, in the pioolier. 
county of Leicester, 1586. He appears to have been ed- 
ijcated at Emmanuel college, Cambridge, in England. Af- 
terwards he was promoted to a fellowship in the same col- 
lege, where he acquitted himself with such ability and faith- 
fulness, as commanded universal approbation and ap- 
plause. While at college, in his youth, he was arrested 
with strong convictions of his sin and misery, and of the 
dreadfulness of the divine displeasure. His heart was af- 
terwards humbled, and submitting to the terms of mercy, he 
received the spirit of adoption ; and was enabled to ex- 
hibit a life of the most exemplary piety, self-denial, pa- 
tience, and goodness. He was naturally a man of strong 
and lively passions ; but obtained a happy government of 
himself. In his day, he was one of the most animated and 
powerful preachers in New-England. In his sermons, he 
insisted much on the application of redemption ; was 
searching, experimental, and practical. Another circum- 
stance, which rendered his public performances still more 
engaging and profitable, was his excellency in prayer. 
A spirit of adoption seemed to rest upon him. In conver- 
sation he was pleasant and entertaining, but always grave. 
He was exceedingly prudent in the management of church 
discipline. He esteemed it a necessary and important, 
but an extremely difficult, part of duty. He rarely suffer- 
ed church affairs to be publicly controverted. Before ho 
broughtany difficult matter before the church, special care 
was taken to converse with the leading men, to fix them 
right, and to prepare the minds of the membei's ; so that 
they might be harmonious, and that there might be no con- 

* He possessed considerable property. Ilis estate was appraised at 
^':i336 : 15 : 0. His library only, at £300.. 



294 HISTORY OF (Shap. Xllf. 

Book I. trovcrsy with respect to any point, which he judged expe- 
N.^r-v-^^ dient for the church to adopt. He was affable, condescend- 
ing, and charitable ; yet his appearance and conduct were 
with such becoming majesty, authority, and prudence, that 
he could do more with a word, or a look, than other men 
could with severe discipline. It Avas not an uncpmmon 
instance, with him, to give aAvay five or ten pounds at a 
time to poor widows, orphans, and necessitous people. 
At a certain time, when there Avas a great scarcity, at 
Southampton, upon Long-Island, Mr. Hooker, with some 
friends who joined with him, sent the people a small vessel, 
freighted with several hundred bushels of corn, for their 
relief. In family religion and government, he was strict 
and prudent. In his family was exhibited a lively and 
sincere devotion, and the very power of godliness. Not 
only his own children and domestics, but students, and oth- 
er persons, who occasionally resided in his family, were 
instructed and edified, so that their acquaintance with it, 
was matter of their joy and devout thanksgivmg. He died 
of an epidemical fever, which prevailed that year in the 
countiy. He had, for many years, enjoyed a comfortable 
assurance of his renewed estate, and when dying said, " I 
am going to receive mercy." He closed his own eyes,. 
and appeared to die with a smile in his countenance.* 

Mr. Henry Smith, first pastor of the church at Weath^ 
crsfield, died in 1648, and was succeeded by the Rev, 
Jonathan Russell. 

The Rev. Mr. Prudden departed this life in 1656, in the 
character ^^*-^ y^^^' '^^ ^''^ ^S^' Refore he came into New-England, 
of Mr. Pe- he was [^preacher in Herefordshire, and in the parts bor- 
ter Prud- dering upon Wales. His ministry was attended with un- 
^^' common success ; and when he came into this country, it 

seems, that many good people followed him, that they 
might enjoy his pious and fervent ministrations. He had 
the character of a most zealous preacher, and of a man of 
an excellent spirit. He had a singular talent for reconcil- 
ing contending parties, and maintaining peace among brethe 
rcn and neighbors. His ministry v/as conducted with pru-^ 
dence, and his church enjoyed great harmony during his, 
life, and rejoiced in his light.! 

* His character may be seen more Q,t lar^e in the Magnalia, B. iii. p. 
58—68. 

t His estate in this country was appraised at £92^1: 18 : 6. He left a 
landed interest in England, at Edgton, in Yorkshire, valued at j£ 1300 
sterling, whicii is still enjoyed by some of his heirs. He had two sons. 
One of them, John Prudden, was educated after his decease, and graduat- 
ed at Cambridge, 1668. He settled in the ministry, at Newark, in New- 
Jersey. The other inherited the paternal estate ; and their descendants 
are numerous, both in Connecticut and New-Jersey. 



Chap. XIIL CONNECTICUT. ^95 

He was succeeded by Mr. Roger Newton, who removed Book I. 
from Farmington, and was installed at Milford, August ^-^^'■^^t^ 
22d, 1G60. Hands were imposed at his installation, by SucrecdeJ 
Zechariah Whitman, ruling elder, deacon John Fletcher, j^^^^^^Qn 
and Robert Treat, who were appointed to that service by 166O. 
the brotherhood. 

Mr. Samuel Hooker, son of the famous Mr. Hooker, of '^''- ^°<'^' 
Hartford, succeeded Mr. Newton at Farmington. He was ^^°'i^P^"' 
ordained in July, 1661. mingtoa. 

These deaths were all before the charter. There were 
also a number of removals of some of the principal minis- 
ters. The Rev. Mr. Whitfield, after he had labored elev- 
en years, with the people at Guilford, returned again to 
England. Some time in the year 1650, he took leave of Removal 
his flock and congregation, and embarked for his native of Mr. 
country. He was exceedingly beloved by his flock, and ]^'^q*^^^^ 
they accompanied him to the water's side v/ith many tears. 
He had a large family of nine children, whom he support- 
ed principally out of his own estate, as most of his people 
were poor. He found that his estate was much exhausted, 
and that he must still labor under many and great incon- 
veniences, if he continued in this country ; and he had 
numerous and pressing invitations to return to England. 
A combination of these circumstances, at length, prevail- 
ed with him to leave his flock. He was one of the weal- 
thiest clergymen, who came into Connecticut. Before he ^'s char- 
came into this country, he enjoyed one of the best church 
livings at Okely, in the county of Surrey, and had a fine 
interest of his own. His charity was happily proportion- 
ed to his opulence. While he was at Okely, he procured 
another pious and able preacher, that he might go abroad 
and give assistance unto other churches and poor people. 
While he was in England, his house was a place of resort: 
for the distressed. Though he v>'as, for twenty years, a 
conformist, yet his house was a place of refreshment for Mr. 
Cotton, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Goodwin, and other pious non- 
conformists. After he came into New-England, he ex- 
pended much of his interest in assisting his poor people. 
He was a capital preacher, delivering himself with a pecu- 
liar dignity, beauty, and solemnity. After his return to 
England, he appears to have finished his life, in the minis- 
try, at Uie city of AVinchester.* 

* In consequence of Mr. Whitfield's estate and expenses, in purchasing 
and settling the plantation, and of Mr, Fenwick's gilt of the eastern part 
of the township to him, a large portion of the best land in the town was 
allotted to him. On his return to England, he offered, upon very low 
terms, to sell all his lands to the town. But the people were poor, and 
• nnajined they should soon foMo^r fhr-ir o-js'-"'-. ritrl nfjlected to purcliasr. 



29G HISTORY OF tiiAr. XIIL 

Book I. Several of the principal men rcturnecl to England with 

\,^-x'>,^ Mr. Whitfield ; particularly Mr. Samuel Desborough, Mr. 

Jordan, and others. Mr. Desborough, after his return, 

was made lord keeper of the great seal, and one of the 

seven counsellors of the kingdom of Scotland. 

I\Ir. Iligginson continued his ministry, as teacher in the 
church at Guilford, until about the year 1G59, when, upon 
the death of his father, he returned to Salem, and succeed- 
ed him in the pastoral office, over the church in that town. 
Mr. Hook Mr. William Hook, who, for about fourteen years, had 
removes, been teachcr in the church at NeW-Haven, a1)out the year 
^^"^- 1655 returned to England. Mr. Eaton and Mr. Hook have 

been represented as men of great learning and piety, and 
as possessing excellent pulpit talents. A writer of Mr« 
Eaton's character, says, " He was a very holy man, a per- 
son of great learning and judgment, and a most incompar- 
able preacher." He dissented from Mr. Davenport, with 
respect to his strict terms and form of civil government. 
His brother, governor Eaton, therefore, advised him to a 
removal. After his return, he became pastor of a church 
at Duckenfield, in the parish of Stockport, in Cheshire. 
Mr. Hook, after his return, was some time minister at Ex- 
mouth, in Devonshire ; and then master of the Savoy, on 
the Strand, near London, and chaplain to the greatest ma« 
then in? the nation. After the restoration, iSc was silenced 
for non-conformity. May 24th, 1662. On the 21st of 
March, 1667, he died in the vicinity of London. Mr. 
Eaton was a companion v/ith him in tribulation; for soon 
after the restoration of king Charles the second, he waS' 
silenced, and ,'3uflered persecution for conscience sake. 
3Ir. Blyn^ The Rev. Mr. Blynman, after he had labored about ten 
™^",^,^" yeai's in the ministry at JNevv-London, in 1658, removed to 
1633. ' New-Haven. After a short stay in that town, he took 
shipping and returned to England. He lived to a good old 
age ; and, at the city of Bristol, happily concluded a long 
life, spent in doing good. 

Mr. Nicholas Street succeeded Mr. Hook, as teacher in 
the church, at New-Haven, about the year 1659. And Mr. 
Blynman was succeeded in office at New-London, by Mr. 
Gershom Bulkley, from Concord, in Massachusetts. 
DiviHous The first ministers in the colonies being thus dead, or re- 
in the moved, and a new generation risen up, who had not all 
HarTfyid i^ibibed the sentiments and spirit of their pious fathers, al- 
terations were insisted on with respect to church member- 
Mr. Whitfield, therefore, sold them to major Robert Thompson, in Eng- 
land, by whose heirs they have been holden, to the great damage of the 
town, to this time. 



Chap. XIII. CONNECTICUT. 297 

ship, discipline, and baptism ; and great dissensions arose Book I. 
in the churches. They began first in the church at Hart- ^^^-v-^' 
ford, not many years after Mr. Hooker's decease. The 
origin of them appears to have been a ditierence between 
the Rev. Mr. Stone and Mr. Goodwin, the ruling elder in 
the church, upon some nice points of Congregationalism, 
It seems, that some member had been admitted, or baptism 
administered, which elder Goodwin conceived to be incon- 
sistent with the rights of the brotherhood, and the strict 
principles of the congregational churches. Perhaps he 
imagined himself not to have been properly consulted and 
regarded. Not only this church became divided and in- 
flamed with the controversy, but it spread into almost all 
the neighboiu'ing churches. They interested themselves 
in the controversy, some taking one side, and some an- 
other, as their connections, prejudices, and particular sen- 
timents led them. The whole colony became affected with 
the dispute, and the general court particularly interested 
themselves in the affair. The brethren in the church at 
Hartford, became so inflamed, and imbibed such prejudices 
and uncharitable feelings one towards another, that it was 
with great difficulty they could be persuaded to walk to- 
gether. To prevent an entire division of the church, it 
appears, that about the years 1654 and 1655, several coun- 
cils of the neighbouring elders and churches were called, 
to compose the differences between the parties. They la- 
boured to satisfy them, with respect to the points in con- 
troversy. But the brethren at Hartford imagined, that all 
the elders and churches in Connecticut and New-Haven, 
■were prejudiced in favour of one party or the other, and, 
therefore, they would not hear their advice. For this rea- 
son, it was judged expedient to call a council from the 
other colonies. Some time in the year 1656, it seems, a 
number of elders and churches from Massachusetts came 
to Hartford, and gave their opinion and advice to the 
church and the aggrieved brethren. But it appears, that, 
in the apprehension of the aggrieved, the church did not 
comply with the result. The state of the church, there- 
fore, was no better than it was before, but the parties be- 
came more alienated and embittered. Elder Goodwin was 
joined by governor Webster, Mr. Whiting, Mr. Cullick, 
and other principal gentlemen at Hartford, who were lead- 
■ ers in what they imagined to be a defence of the true prin- 
ciples of Congregationalism. 

Meanwhile, there was a strong party in the colony of 
Connecticut, who were for admitting all persons of a re- 
gular life to a full communion in the churcheSj upon thejc 

N 2 



398 HISTORY OF Chap. XIIL 

Book I. making a j)rofession of the christian religion, without any 
N-<''-x/-'w inquiry with respect to a change of heart ; and for treating 
all baptized persons as members of the church. Sonie 
carried the affair still further, and insisted, that all persons, 
who had been members of churches in England, or had 
been members of regular ecclesiastical parishes there, and 
supported the public worship, should be allowed to enjoy 
the privileges of members in full communion in the church- 
es of Connecticut. They also insisted, that all baptized 
persons, upon owning the covenant, as it was called, should 
have their children baptized, though they came not to the 
Lord's table. 

Numbers oi^ them took this opportunity to introduce into 
the assembly a list of grievances, on account of their being 
denied their just rights and privileges by the ministers and 
churches. A dispute had arisen in the churches and con- ' 
gregations, relative to the choice of a pastor. It was 
urged, that it did not belong to the churches solely to 
choose the pastor for themselves and the congregation ; 
but, as the inhabitants in general had an equal concern for 
themselves and their children, with the members of the 
church, in the qualifications of their pastor, and as they 
were obliged to contribute their proportion to his support, 
they had a just right to give their voice in his election. 
The denying them this right was considered as a great 
grievance. Many of the churches, and some or other of 
the members in all of them, it seems, maintained, that the 
choice of a pastor belonged to them solely, exclusive of the 
congregation : that there was no scripture example of any 
person's ever giving a suffrage, in the choice of a pastor, 
but members of the church : that pastors were ordained 
over the churches only, and were termed the elders, pas- 
tors, and angels of the churches. It appears, by the acts 
of the assembly, and the questions proposed, that these, 
and a number of other points, were now warmly agitated 
in the colony. 
Different The general state of the country was greatly altered 
state ofthe fj-Qm ^^ly^i it was at its first settlement. The people then 
coun ly. ^gj.g generally church members, and eminently pious. 
Reason of "^^^Y ^o^ed Strict religion, and followed their ministers in- 
the dissen- to the wilderness, for its sake. But with many of their 
sions. children, and with others who had since emigrated into this 
country, it was not so. They had made no open profes- 
sion of religion, and their children were not baptized. 
This created uneasiness in them, in their ministers, and 
others. They wished for the honours and privileges of 
church members for themselves, and baptism for their chil - 



ifiAP. XIII. CONNECTICUT. 299 

dren ; but they were not persuaded that they were rcgene- Book L 
rated, and knew not how to comply with the rigid terms of ^^^^^y^s^ 
the congregational churches. A considerable number of 
the clergy, and the churches in general, zealously op|)Osed 
all innovations, and exerted themselves to maintain the first 
practice and purity of the churches. Hence the dissensions 
arose. 

The general court, it seems, with a view to reconcile The court 
the church at Hartford, and to compose diflkulties, v.-hich °'^^.°"" 
were generally rising in the colony, at their session in ggi^j ^^ ^1,^ 
May, 1656, took the affair into their serious consideration, other gen- 
They appointed a committee, consisting of governor Web- ^^' courts 
ster, deputy governor Wells, Mr. Cullick, and Mr. Talcott, l^ i^^j,' 
all of Hartford, to consult with the elders of the colony, 1656. 
respecting the grievances complained of; and to desire 
their assistance, in making a draft of the heads of them, 
that they might be presented to the general courts of the 
united colonies, for their advice. The general courts were 
desired to give their answers with as much expedition as 
possible. 

While the churches were thus divided, they were alarm- 
ed by the appearance of the Quakers. A number of them 
arrived at Boston, in July and August, and had been com- 
mitted to the common gaol. A great number of their books 
had been seized with a view to burn them. In conse- 
quence of their arrival, and the disturbance they had made, 
at Boston, the commissioners of the united colonies, at 
their court in September, recommended it to the several tjon^of the 
general courts, " That all quakers, ranters, and other no- commis- 
torious heretics, should be prohibited coming into the uni- sioners re- 
ted colonies ; and that, if any should come, or arise a- JU^ q^J. 
mongst them, they should be forthwith secured, and re- jjers. 
moved out of all the jurisdictions."* 

In conformity to this recommendation, the general court Law of 
of Connecticut, in October, passed the following act : — ^".""i^^-^'j. 
" That no town within this jurisdiction, shall entertain any l^^ ^^"^^ 
Quakers, Ranters, Adamites, or such like notorious here- Uers, Oc- 
tics; nor sufTer them to continue in them above the space tober, 
of fourteen days, upon the penalty of five pounds per week, ^ ^ ' 
for any town entertaining any such person : but the towns- 
men shall give notice to the two next magistrates, or as- 
sistants, who shall have power to send them to prison, for 
securing them, until they can conveniendy be sent out of 
the jurisdiction. It is also ordered, that no master of a 
vessel shall land any such heretics ; but if they do, they 
shall be compelled to transport them again out of the colo- 
* Records of the united colonies. 



30© HISTORY OF Chap. XIII, 

Book I. ny, by any two magistrates or assistants, at their first set- 
v,<-v-x-/ ting sail from the port where they landed them ; during 
which time, the assistant or magistrate shall see them se- 
cured, upon penalty of twenty pounds for any master of any 
vessel, that shall not transport them as aforesaid."* 

The court at New-Haven passed a similar law. In 
1658, both courts made an addition to this law, increasing 
the penalties and prohibiting all conversation of the com-, 
mon people with any of those heretics, and all persons from 
giving them any entertainment, upon the penalty of five 
pounds. The law however was of short continuance, and 
nothing of importance appears to have been transacted' 
upon it. in either of the colonies. 
Massa- Upon the representations made of the heads of griev- 

chusetts ance, which had been matter of complaint, to the general 
and Con- let ri i- i r nr ^ i 

necticut courts 01 the conlederate colonies, the court oi Massachu- 

appoint a setts advised to a general council, and sent letters to the 

general other courts, signifying their Opinion. The general court 
of New-Haven wrote an answer to the grievances, and tq 
the questions proposed respecting them. They supposed 
it sufficient. The general court of Connecticut, neverthe- 

feb. 1657, less, on the 26th of February, 1657, determined to have a 
general council. They appointed Mr. Warham, Mr. Stone, 
Mr. Blynman, and Mr. Russell, to meet the elders, who should 
be delegated from the other colonies, at Boston, the next 
June ; and to assist in debating the questions proposed by 
the general court of Connecticut, or any of the other courts, 
and report the determination of the council to the general 
court. 

The church at Hartford continuing their contentions, 
the court directed the elders, who were going to Boston, 
to confer with the several ministers in the Massachusetts, 
who had been of the council, relative to the circumstances 
of that church, and to desire them to come to Connecticut, 
and give their assistance in council at Hartford. The 
court also directed the church there to send for the former 
council ; and with the letters missive, to state the particu- 
lars, in the advice of the council, with which they were 
not satisfied. If this council should not be so happy as to 
give them satisfaction, then they were directed to invite 
Mr. Sherman of Watertown, and several other ministers 
from the Massachusetts, to make a visit at Hartford, and 
attempt the healing of the breach made in the church 
there. 
V^bs't"^ Governor Webster, Mr. CuUick, and Mr. Steel dissent- 

and others ^^ from the resolution of the assembly, and declared, in 

jlissect. * Records of Connecticut. 



Chap. XIII. CONNECTICUT. 301 

open court, that it did not appear to them, that the mea- Book I. 
sures, adopted by the court, were any where directed by v-^~v-%-/ 
the divine word, or calculated to restore peace to the 
churches. They appear to have been of the aggrieved 
brethren at Hartford, and satisfied with the result of the 
former council, to which the church, in their apprehen- 
sions, did not submit. They doubdess judged it more a- 
greeable to scripture and reason, and especially to the 
principles of congregational churches, to choose a coun- 
cil for themselves, when they should judge it expedient, 
than to have one imposed upon them, by legislative au- 
thority. 

The general court, at New-Haven, were^ utterly opposed I^""""*^^ 
to a general council ; and upon receiving a letter from the ^en^^Jp. ' 
Massachusetts, inviting them to send a number of their el- pose a 
ders to assist in the council, they, in a long letter, remonstra- council, 
ted against it, and excused themselves from sending any of 
their ministers. They represented, that the petition and 
questions, exhibited to the general court of Connecticut, 
were unwarrantably procured, and of dangerous tendency : 
That they heard the petitioners were confident that they 
should obtain great alterations both in civil government and 
church discipline : That they had engaged an agent to 
prove, " That parishes, in England, consenting to and con- 
tinuing meetings to worship God, were true churches," 
and that the members of those parishes, coming into New- 
England, had a right to all church privileges ; though 
they made no profession of a work of faith and holiness 
upon their hearts. They expressed their apprehensions, 
that a general council at that time, would endanger the 
peace and purity of the churches. They acquainted the 
general court of Massachusetts, that they had sent an an- 
swer to all the questions, proposed to the court of ConneC" 
ticut ; and that it was their opinion, that the legislature and 
elders of that colony were sufficient to determine all those 
points without any assistance from abroad. They ob- 
served that, on account of the removal of Mr. Whitfield 
and Mr. Hook, and the late death of Mr. Prudden, their 
elders could not be spared. With their letter, they sent 
the answers, which they had given to the questions to be 
debated, and they intreated the court and their elders se- 
riously to consider them. They desired, that, as the court 
had formed their civil polity and laws upon the divine 
word, and as the elders and churches had gathered and 
received their discipline from the same, they would exert 
themselves to preserve ihem inviolable. They observed, 



302 HISTORY OF Ghap. Xlll. 

Book I. that, considering the state of affairs, in Connecticut, un- 

v-^~>^Nii^ less the general court of Massachusetts should firmly ad- 
here to their then constitution, and the council should 
have the divine presence with them, their meeting might 
be of the most unhappy consequence to the churches. Con- 
sidering how soon the church at Ephesus, though famous 
for her first love, declined and was forsaken of her Sav- 
iour, they insisted, that there was great occasion of watch- 
fulness and prayer, lest the churches of New-England 
should decline after her example.* 

The colonies of Connecticut and Massachusetts persist- 
ed in calling a general council. 

The questions proposed for discussion, as they stand up- 
on the records, are the following. 

Questions 1. Whether federal holiness, or covenant interest, be not 

tothe"^^*^ the proper ground of baptism ? 

general 2. Whether communion of churches, as such, be not 

council, warrantable by the word of God ? 

„Tune,i657. 3^ Whether the adult seed of visible believers, not cast 
out, be not true members, and subjects of church watch '! 

4. Whether ministerial officers are not as truly bound to 
baptize the visible disciples of Christ, providentially set- 
tled among them, as officially to preach the word ? 

5. Whether the settled inhabitants of the country, being 
members of other churches, should have their childi-en 
baptized amongst us, without themselves first orderly join- 
ing in churches here ? 

6. Whether membership, in a particular instituted 
church, be not essentially requisite, under the gospel, to 
entitle to baptism ? 

7. Whether adopted children and such as are bought 
with money are covenant seed ? 

8. Whether things new and weighty may be managed, 
in a church, without concurrence of officers, and consent 
of the fraternity of the same church ? And if things of 
common concernment, then how far the consent of neigh- 
bouring churches is to be sought ? 

9. Whether it doth not belong to the body of a town, 
collectively taken, jointly to call him to be their minister, 
whom the church shall choose to be their officer ? 

10. Whether the political and external administration of 
Abraham's covenant be not obligatory to gospel churches ? 

11. Unto whom shall such persons repair, that are 
grieved at any church process or censure; or whether they 
must acquiesce in the church's censure to which they be- 



long? 



R'-cord? of Ne\v-Hav<»n. 



CirXp. XIII. CONNECTICUT. 303 

12. Whether the laying on of hands in ordination, be- Book I. 
iong to presbyters or brethren ? v,rf»-N/-x./ 

\3. Whether the church, her invitation and election of 
nn officer, or preaching elder, necessitates the whole con- 
gregation to sit down satisfied, as bound thereby to accept 
him as their minister, though invited and settled without 
the town's consent? 

14. What is the gospel way to gather and settle 
churches '! 

1 fi. From whom do ministers receive their commission 
to baptize ? 

IG. Whether a synod hath a decisive power? 

17. Whether it be not justifiable, by the word of God, 
that civil authority indulge congregational and presbyterian 
churches, and their discipline in the churches ?* 

It appears, by the records, that several other questions 
were proposed, but these are all which are to be found upon 
them. They stand in the same order in which they are here 
inserted. 

The council convened at Boston, June 4th, 1657, and. Council at 
after a session of a little more than a fortnight, gave an ela- Boston, 
borate answer to twenty-one questions. The elders from^g"^'* • 
Connecticut brought back an authentic copy of the result of 
the council, and presented it to the general court, at a ses- 
sion on the 1 2th of August. The court ordered, that copies 
should be sent forthwith to all the churches in the colony ; 
and if any of them should have objections against the an- 
swers which had been given, they were directed to transmit 
them to the general court, at the session in October. 

The answers were, afterwards, printed in London, under • ' 
the title of "A disputation concerning church members and 
their children." Several of ihe questions involve each oth- 
er. The principal one was that respecting baptism and 
church membership. An answer to this, in efiect, answer- 
ed a considerable part of the other questions. With respect 
to this, they asserted, and learned pains were taken to prove, 
"That it was the duty of infants, who confederated in their Answer (o 
parents, when grown up unto years of discretion, though tlie ques- 
.not fit for the Lord's supper, to own the covenant they t'°" ^'^- 
made with their parents, by entering thereinto, in their own [3ap*t|s^^ 
persons ; and it is the duty of the churches to call upon and church 
them for the performance thereof; and if, being called up- 'uember- 
on, they shall refuse the performance of this great duty, or **^"P* 
otherwise continue scandalous, they are liable to be cen- 
sured for the same by the church. And in case they un- 
derstand the ground of religion, and are not scandalous, and 
* Records of Gonnecticuf, 



304 HISTORY OF Chap. XIIL 

Book I, solemnly own their covenant in their own persons, wherein 
v^'N/'-^^ they give up themselves and their children unto the Lord, 
and desire baptism for them, we see not sufficient cause to 
deny baptism unto their children."! 

The answer to this question was, in effect, an answer to 
the other respecting the right of towns to vote in the elec- 
tion of ministers ; for if they were all members of the 
church by baptism, and under its discipline, they, doubt- 
less, had aright to vote with the church in the election of 
their pastor. Indeed, there was no proper ground of dis- 
tinction between them and the church. Hence, it seems, 
the answer to that question was to this effect, " That though 
it was the right of the brotherhood to choose their pastor, 
and though it was among the arts of antichrist to deprive 
them of this power, yet they ought to have a special re- 
gard to the baptized, by the covenant of God, under their 
watch." 

The decisions of the council do not appear to have had 
any influence to reconcile, but rather to inflame the church- 
es. 

A number of ministers, and the churches pretty gene- 
.. rally, viewed this as a great innovation, and entirely incon- 

sistent with the principles on which the churches of New- 
England were originally founded, and with the principles 
of Congregationalism. 

The church at Hartford, and the aggrieved brethren, in- 
stead of being satisfied and reconciled, appeared to be 
thrown into a state of greater alienation and animosity. 
The aggrieved soon after withdrew from Mr. Stone and 
the church, and were about forming an union with the 
church at Weathersfield. Among the aggrieved were gov- 
ernor Webster, Mr. Goodwin, ruling elder in the church, 
Mr. Cullick, and Mr. Bacon, principal men both in the 
church and town. Mr. Stone and the church were pro- 
1658. ceeding with them in a course of discipline. 

In this state of their affairs, the general court, interpo- 
sed, and passed an act, prohibiting the church at Hartford, 
to proceed any further in a course of discipline of the 
members, who had withdrawn from their communion, and 
those members to join with the church at Weathersfield, or 
any other church, until further attempts should be made, 
for their reconciliation with their brethren. By the act it 
appears, that the churches in the colony were generally af- 
fected with the dispute at Hartford, and viewed it as a 
common cause, with respect to all the congregational 
churches. It exhibits, in so strong a point of light, the' 
•tMagnalia, C. V.p. 63. 



Chap. XIII. CONNECTICUT. 305 

authority, which the general court, imagined they had a Book I. 
right to exercise over the churches, and the spirit of those ^^^'-w^'*^ 
times, as to merit a place in this history. It is in the fol- 
lowing words. 

" This court orders, in reference to the sad difficulties Act of the 
that are broken out in the several churches in this colony, general 
and in special, betwixt the church at Hartford and the ^"""^^ ^,- 
withdrawers ; and to prevent lurther troubles and sad cut, 
consequences, that may ensue from the premises to the ^I'lrch li, 
whole commonwealth, that there be, from henceforth, an ^^^^' 
utter cessation of all furtlier prosecution, either on the 
church's part at Hartford, towards the withdrawers from 
them ; and, on the other part, that those, that have with- 
drawn from the church, at Hartford, shall make a cessa- 
tion in prosecuting their former propositions to the church 
at Weathersfield, or any other church, in reference to their 
joining there, in church relation, until the matters, in con- 
troversy betwixt the church at Hartford and the withdrawn 
members, be brought to an issue, iji that way the court shall 
determine." 

The court, having desired the elders of the colony to 
meet them, and assist in adopting some measures by which 
the divisions in the churches, and especially in that at Hart- 
ford, might be healed, adjourned about a fortnight. 

It met again on the 24th of March. Whether the el- Advice of 
ders met with them, or not, does not appear; but the ^^-^^^^T^a 
vice of the assemby, at this time, was that Mr. Stone, with 
the church and brethren who had withdrawn, should meet 
together ; and, in a private conference, if possible, agree 
upon some terms by which they might be reconciled. 
Governor Wells and deputy governor Winthrop were ap- 
pointed to meet with them, and employ their wisdom and 
inlluence to make peace. 

It seems, that the church did not comply with this ad- 
vice ; or if there were any meeting of the parties, nothing 
%vas done to effect an accommodation. It appears, that ''*^^y 20th, 
Mr. Stone viewed the withdrawn brethren as in the hands ^ * 
of the church at Hartford, and the matters to be determin- 
ed as not lying before ^ny council or the general court. 
And he would not admit, that he, or the church, had coun- 
teracted the advice of the former council. He therefore, 
at the session in May, petitioned, that the subsequent pro^ 
positions might be entered upon the records of the colony, 
and that the withdrawn brethren, or some person whom 
they should appoint, would dispute them with hiro in the 
presence of the court- 

9 2 



'M HISTORY OF Chap. XIII. 

Book I. 1. "The former council, at Hartford, June 26, is utter- 
.^^^-v'-x^ \y cancelled and of no force. 

2. " There is no violation of the last agreement, (made 
uhen the j-everend elders of the Massachusetts were here,) 
either bv the church of Christ at Hartibrd, or their teacher. 

3. "■ The withdrawn brethren have offered great violence 
to the forcmentioned agreement, 

4. " The withdrawn brethren are members of the church 
of Christ at Hartford. 

5. " Their Avithdrawing from the church is a sin exceed- 
ing scandalous and dreadful, and of its own nakirc destruc- 
tive to this and other churches. 

6. " The controversy between the church of Christ at 
Hartford, and the withdrawn jiersons, is not in the hand& 
of the churches, to be determined by them.* 

" Samuel Stone." 
It does not appear that the court gave their consent, that 
the propositions should be disputed before them, or that 
tliey enacted any thing, at this court, respecting the affairs 
of the church, or the brethren who had withdrawn. 
August ^^^ ^^ ^ session, in August, they insisted, that the church 

i8Ui. and aggrieved brethren should meet together, according to 

their former advice, and debate their difficulties among 
themselves, and that the points in controversy should be 
clearly stated. 

At this time, a complaint was exhibited against govern- 
or Webster, Mr. Cullick, elder Goodwin and others, who 
had withdrawn from their brethren. But the court would 
not hear it at that time. It ordered, that, if the church and 
brethren would not agree to meet together and debate their 
differences among themselves, each {^arty should choose 
three as inditlerent elders as could be found ; who should 
afford all the light and assistance in their power, towards 
settling the differences according to the divine oracles ; and 
that both j)arties should peaceably submit to their advice. 
If either of the parties should refuse to make choice of 
three gentlemen, for the design proposed, the court deter- 
mined to choose for them. The church rejected the pro- 
posal, and the court chose Mr. Cobbett, Mr. Mitchel, and 
/ Mr. Danforth, for them. For a reserve, if either should 
fail, Mr. Brown was chosen. The aggrieved brethren 
chose Mr. Davenport, Mr. Norton, and Mr. Fitch ; and as 
a reserve, Mr. Street, The council were to meet on the 
] 7th of September. 

The church, it seems, wpuld not send for the council, and 
30 it did not convene. 
* Records of CoiinecUcut. 



€hap. XIII.i CONNECTICUT. 307 

At a session of tlie general court, the next year, March Book I. 
*Jth, 1659, it was determined, that, as its past labors, to s.^'-v^k-/ 
promote unanimity, at Hartford, had been frustrated, by Resoiu- 
ihe non-compliance of the parties, the secretary, in the *'*^" ^* ^'^^ 
jiame of the court, should desire the elders, who hgrd been pectin-^ a" 
formerly appointed, to meet at Hartford on the 3d of JunecouncU, 
isucceeding;, and afford their assistance in healing the ^'^'■'^^' ^» 
breach, which had been made there, it v/as also enacted, "^ 
that the church, at Hartford, and the brethren who had 
withdrawn, shouvJ jointly bear the expenses of the former 
council, and of making provision for that which had been 
then appointed. 

. The council consisted of the elders and churches of June 3, 
Boston, Cambridge, Charlestown, Ipswich, Dedham, and ^^^'^- 
Sudbury. They convened according to appointment, and Hartford^ 
were abundant in their labors to soften the minds and con- 
ciliate the atiections of the parties ; and though they did 
not effect a reconciliation, yet they brought the brethren 
much nearer together than they had been, and left the 
church and town in a better state than they had enjoyed 
for years before. 

On the loth of June, the court convened, and perceiv- 
ing the good effects of this council, desired the same gen- 
ilemen to meet again, at Hartford, on the 19th of Au- 
gust. Upon the choice and desire of the brethren who 
had withdrawn, the Rev. John Sherman, and the church 
at Watertown, and the elder and church at Dorchester, 
were also invited to come with them. 

The general court, in this state of the controversy, order- 
ed the heads of the complaint, which had been exhibited 
against the withdrawn brethren, to be drawn up and sent 
to them, and they were required to appear before the 
court, in October, and answej- to them. The church a- 
greed to the whole council, and the brethren aggrieved, 
to seven of them. The general court ordered, that both 
parties should submit to the judgment of the council, and 
jhat it should be a final issue. 

The council convened again, at Hartford, and so far 
composed the difficulties which had so long subsisted, as 
to prevent a separation at that time. Some of the capital, 
characters were soon removed into the land of silence, 
where all animosities are forgotten^ Mr. Cullick removed 
to Boston, and a considerable numoer removed to Hadley. 
By these means, the church was restored to a tolerable 
state of peace and brotherly affection ; but it was viewed, 
by some of its own members, and others, as having, in 
tOme degree, departed from the strict principles of the 



308 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. XIIL 



Book I. 

Nature of 
the con- 
troversy. 



Contro- 
Tersy at 
Hartford 
remarka- 
ble in its 
day. 



i-elter 
from the 
commis- 

gioners of 
the united 
cplonies. 



first congregational churches in New-England ; and seems, 
afterwards, to have divided nearly on the same grounds. 

Doctor Mather, in his Magnalia, represents, that it was 
difficult, even at the time of the controversy, to find what 
were the precise points in dispute. Indeed, v/hat tlie par' 
ticular act or sentiment in Mr. Stone or the church was, 
which gave elder Goodwin disgust, and began the dissen- 
sion, does not fully appear. Nothing however is more 
evident, from the questions propounded, which it appears 
were drawn by the very heads of the parties, and by the 
gentlemen chosen by the disatlected brethren, and rejected 
by the church, than that the whole controversy respected 
the qualiticaiions for baptism, church membership, and tha 
rights of the brotherhood. Mr. Stone's ideas of Congrega- 
tionalism appear to have bordered more on presbyterian- 
ism^and lesson independence, than those of the first min- 
isters in the country in general. Ilis definition of Congre- 
gationalism, was, " That it was a speaking Aristocracy in 
the face of a silent Democracy." 

The Hartford controversy was, for its circumstances/, 
duration, and obstinacy, the most remarkable of any in its 
day. It afiected all the churches, and insinuated itself into 
all the affairs of societies, towns, and the whole common- 
wealth. Doctor Mather, in his figurative manner of des- 
cription, says, " From the fire of the altar, there issued 
thunderings, and lightnings, and earthquakes, through the 
colony." This was considered as much more remarkable, 
as the church, at Flartford, had been famous for its instruc- 
tion, light, gifts, peace, and brotherly love. It had been 
viewed as one of the principal churches in New-England, 
Its dissensions were a ground of great sorrow to all the good 
people in the country. Extraordinary were the pains ta- 
ken, by the principal characters in New-England, to heal 
them. 

The commissioners of the united colonies, in September 
1656, wrote them a friendly and pacific letter on the sub-^ 
ject. They say, " We have, with much sorrow of heart, 
heard of your differences, and that the means attended hi- 
therto, for composing them, have proved ineffectual. We 
cannot but be deeply sensible of the sad effects and dread- 
ful consecjuences of dissensions, heightened and increased 
in a church of such eminence for light and love." They 
represented to them, tnat though all the churches sympa- 
thized with them, yet they themselves would be sure, in the 
the first place, to feel the smart. They most earnestly ex-- 
horted them not only to be exceedingly cautious of all fur- 
ther provocations, but to employ all their wisdom and ex-5 



Chap. XIIL CONNECTICUT. 309 

Rrtions for a reconciliation. They intreated them, not to Book I. 
sufler any discouragements to prevail with them, to make s-^-v-^^- 
a separation and scatter abroad.* 

The churches in Connecticut and New-Haven laboured 
to harmonize their views and affections, and to make peace. 
The ministers in Massachusetts were so affected with their 
circumstances, that they offered to make a journey to Con- 
necticut, to attempt their reconciliation. The long and 
repeated journeys they made, and the indefatigable labours 
they employed to compose their ditficulties, exhibited a 
nob^e spirit of benevolence, and a zeal for the peace and 
prosperity of Zion. They not only merited the grateful 
acknowledgments of the people at Hartford, but of the 
colony in general. 

The proclamation for a public thanksgiving in Novem- 
ber, recognized the success of the council, in composing the 
difficulties at Hartford, as an event demanding public joy 
and praise. 

The church at Weathersfield interested themselves in 
the dispute at Hartford, and became divided and conten- 
tious. Some of the brethren exhibited a complaint to the 
.qourt against Mr. Russell, for joining with the church in 
excommunicating one of the brethren, as it was alledged, 
without giving him a copy of the complaint exhibited 
against him, and without acquainting him with his crime. 
The general court ordered, that Mr. Russell should be re- 
proved, for acting contrary to the usage of the churches. 
The brethren were divided with respect to their church 
i^tate. Some insisted, that they were no church, because 
they had never been gathered according to gospel order ; 
or if they had been a church, that the members of it had 
moved away in such a manner, as had destroyed its very 
existence. Many were inviolably attached to Mr. Russell, 
while others strenuously opposed him. 

In this state of affairs, the general court appointed the 1660, 
elders and churches of Hartford and Windsor, a council to 
hear the difficulties which had arisen in the church and 
town. But the parties could not be reconciled. Mr. Rus- Mr. Rus- 
sell removed to Hadlcy, where he and a number of his *^" ^^' 
warm friends from Hartford and Weathersfield, planted a uadley. 
new town and church. The general court resolved, that a 
church had been regularly gathered at Weathersfield, by 
the consent of the general court, and approbation of neigh- 
bouring ciders ; and that, though divers of the members 
had removed to other places, yet the brethren there were 
;he true and undoubted church of Weathersfield, and so to 
* Records of the united colonies. 



310 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. Xilf, 



Book I 



Mr. Sam- 
uel Stow 
dismissed 
from Mid- 
dletowa. 



Synod, 
1662. 



Its resolu- 
tions. 



Thny are 
opposed. 



, be accounted, notwithstanding any ihiu^^ wJiich did appear. 
'Thus terminated the controvei-sy; and Mr. Bulkley, in 
1666, removed from New-London, and succeeded Mr. 
Russell in the pastoral office. The same year, Mr. Simon 
Bradstreet, from Charlestown, came to New-London, and 
took the pastoral char?;eof the church there. 

About the time of Mr. Russell's removal from Weathers- 
field, the minds of the people at Middletown became alien- 
ated from Mr. Stow, who appears to have been the firs; 
minister in that town. A committee of ministers and ci- 
vilians, appointed by the general court, dismissed him, oa 
account of the evil temper of the people towards him. 

Many of the ministers and of the people, in the country, 
were for extending baptism, according to the determination 
of the general council, in 1657; but the churches were so 
generally and warmly opposed to it, that it could not be 
effected without a synod. As this and the consociation of 
chiu-ches were favourite points, which a large number of 
the clergy and principal civilians in Massachusetts and 
Connecticut, wished to carry, the general court of Massa- 
chusetts appointed a synod of all the ministers in that colo- 
ny, to deliberate and decide on those points. The ques- 
tions proposed, were, 

1. Who are the subjects of baptism ? 

2. Whether, according to the word of God, there ought 
to be a consociation of churches? 

The council met at Boston, in September, 1662. Their 
answer to the first question, was substantially the same with 
that given by the council, in 1657. 

They declared, " That church members, who were ad- 
mitted in minority, understanding the doctrine of faith, and 
publicly professing their assent thereunto, not scandalous 
in life, and solemnly owning the covenant before the church, 
wherein they give up themselves and children to the Lord, 
and subject themselves to the government of Christ in his 
church, their children are to be baptized." They further 
resolved, " That the members of orthodox churches, being 
sound in the faith, and not scandalous in life, and present- 
ing due testimony thereof, these occasionally coming from 
one church to another, may have their children baptized 
in the church whither they came, by virtue of communion 
of churches." They, also, gave their opinion in favour of 
the consociation of churches. 

However, the council were not unanimous ; several 
learned and pious men protested against the determination 
relative to baptism. The Rev. Charles Chauncey, presi- 
dent of Ilarvanl college; Mr. Incrca'^e Mather, .afierwarcj- 



Ciur. XIIL CONNECTICUT. 311 

doctor in divinity ; Mr. Mather, of Northampton; and oth- Book f. 
ers, were warmly in the opposition. President Chauncey v-^-n,— v..^ 
wrote a tract against the resolution respecting baptism, cn- 
litled Antisynodalia. Mr. Increase Mather, also, wrote in 
opposition to the council. Mr. Davenport, and all the 
ministers in the colony of New-Haven, and numbers iii 
Connecticut, were against the resolutions. Mr. Daven- 
port wrote against them. The churches were more gene- 
rally opposed to them than the clergy. 

The general court of Connecticut took no notice of the 
synod, nor of the dispute, but left the elders and churches 
at liberty to act their own sentiments. They were attempt- 
ing to form an union with New-Haven; and, as the minis- 
ters and churches of that colony were unanimous in their 
opposition to the synod, they, probably, judged it impolitic, 
at that time, to act any thing relative to these ecclesiastical 
])oints. 

While the churches were agitated with these disputes, Death of 
another of their original lights was extinguished. Mr. ^\' omT^ 
htone expired July 20ih, 1663. He had his education at i663. 
Emmanuel college, in the university of Cambridge. He 
was eminently pious and exemplary; abounded in fastings ^^'^''^^^'"" 
and prayer, and was a most strict observer of the christian ' ' 
sabbath. Preparatory to this, he laboured to compose / 

himself on Saturday evening, to the most heavenly views 
and exercises, and was careful not to speak a word which 
was not grave, serious, and adapted to the solemnity. He 
spent much time, on this evening, in the instruction of his 
family, commonly delivering to them the sermon which he 
designed to preach on the morrow, or some other, which 
might be best calculated for their instruction and edifica- 
tion. His sermons were doctrinal, replete with sentiment, 
roncisely and closely applied. He was esteemed one of 
the most accurate and acute disputants of his day. He 
was celebrated for his great wit, pleasantry, and good hu- 
mour. His company was courted by all gentlemen of learn- 
ing and ingenuity, who had the happiness of an acquaint- 
ance with him. 

AH the ministers who illuminated the first churches in 
Connecticut and New-Haven, except Mr. Warham and 
Mr. Davenport, had now finished their course, or returned 
to England ; and most of their brethren, who composed the 
lirst churches, slept with them in the dust. The first gov- 
ernors and magistrates were no more. 

The next year, the general court of Connecticut came 
to a resolve, with a view to enforce the resolution of the 
synod, upon the churches in Connecticut, It was in the 
words follnwin.fr. 



312 HISTORY OF Chaf. XUL 

Book I. " This court understanding, by a writing presented to- 
v,^-N^-^^ them, from several persons of this colony, that they are 
Resolve of aggrieved, (hat they are not entertained in church fellow- 
the genera! g[jj|p^ jj^jg court, having duly considered the same, desiring, 
pecUnr*" ^^^^ the rules of Christ may be attended, do commend it 
baptism to ihe ministers and churches in this colony, to consider, 
and church ^vhether it be not their duty to entertain all such persons, 
ship" Oct ^^^^ ^^^ °^ ^" honest and godly conversation, having a 
13, 1664. competency of knowledge in the principles of religion, 
and shall desire to join 'with them in church fellowship, by 
an explicit covenant ; and that they have their children 
baptized : and that all the children of the church be ac- 
cepted and accounted real members of the church; and 
that the church exercise a due christian care and watch 
over them *. and that when they are grown up, being ex- 
amined by the officer, in the face of the church, it appear 
in the judgment of charity, that they be duly qualified to 
participate in that great ordinance of the Lord's supper, 
by their being able to examine themselves and discern the 
Lord's body, such persons be admitted to full communion, 
" The court desireth the several officers of the respec- 
tive churches would be pleased to consider, whether it be 
not the duty of the court to order the churches to practice 
according to the premises, if they do not practice without 
such order. If any dissent from the contents of this writ- 
ing, they are desired to help the court, with such light as is 
with them, the next session of this assembly." 

The secretary was directed to send a copy of this reso- 
lution to all the ministers and churches in the colony. 

The elders and churches, who would not comply with 
the proposed innovation, had not only to combat the argu- 
ments and influence of the synod, but the influence of the 
uneasy people in the congregations, and of the- general 
court ; but it was but slowly, and with great difficulty, that 
the practice of owning the covenant, and baptizing the 
children of parents who did not enter into full communion, 
and attend both the sacraments, was introduced. But few 
churches, for many years, admitted the practice, and some 
never did. It appears that, notwithstanding the influence 
of the general court, and the resolutions of the synods, or 
general councils, a majority of the churches in Connecti- 
cut were against it. They imagined, that such a latitude 
in baptism, and admission of members to communion, 
would subvert the very design for which the churches of 
Discipline New-England were planted. 

continues The discipline and usages of the Connecticut churches 
"amef ^^'^ continued yet, for some time, nearly in the same situatioR 



Chap. XIH. CONNECTICUT, 313 

in which they had been from the beginning. The clergy Book I. 
and churches were strict in the admission of members to v,^-v<->fc,' 
full communion. Those who were admitted, generally 
made a public relation of their christian experiences, by 
which they gave satisfaction to the church of their repen- 
tance, faith, and sincere friendship to the Redeemer. 

The elders and churches were exceedingly strict, with 
respect to those whom they ordained ; examining them not. 
only in the three learned languages and doctrinal points of* 
theology, with respect to cases of conscience, and their 
ability to defend Christianity and its doctrines against infi- 
dels and gainsayers, but with respect to their own experi- 
mental, heart religion. All those, who were to be or- 
dained over any church, previously to their separation to 
the sacred office, satisfied the brotherhood of their spiritu- 
al birth, and were admitted to their communion and fellow- 
ship. None were ordained, or installed over any church, 
until after they had been admitted to its full communion 
and fellowship. 

They were also strict in the formation of churches ; 
none could be formed, nor any minister ordained, without 
liberty from the general court, and the approbation of the 
neighboring elders and churches. 

From the preceding view, it appears, that before the 
union there were fifteen churches in Connecticut, exclu- 
sive of those which had been formed upon Long-Island. 
There had been thirty-one ministers in the colony; of whom 
about twenty-five or six had been installed or ordained. 
Twenty-one were ministering to the people at the time of 
the union ; nineteen of whom had been installed or or- 
dained. The other two, Mr. Noyes and Mr. Collins, were 
afterwards settled in the ministry, in the towns where, for 
«ome years, they had hrpn laboring. 



V 2 




HISTORY OF Chap. XIV. 



1665. • CHAPTER XIV. 

Conduct of the khig''s commissioners. Counties and counfu 
courts regulated. Governor Winthrop^s estate freed from 
taxation. Towns settled. Controversy 7oith Rhode-Isl- 
and. The grounds of it. Courts appointed in the JVh?-- 
ragansct countrij. Lazvs revised and printed. War with - 
the Dutch. Claims and conduct of major Edmund An- 
dross, governor of Mew-York. Prof est against him. Con- 
duct of captain Thomas Bull. Proclamation respecting 
the insidt received from major Andross. Philip'' s rvar^ 
Captains Hutchinson and Lothrop surprised and slain. 
Treachery of the Springfield Indians. Hadley attacked 
by the enemy. The assembly make provision for the de- 
fence of Connecticut. Exped)ition against the Narragansel 
Indians. The reasons of it. The great swamp fight. 
Loss \}f men. Courage exhibited, cmd hardships endured. 
Captain Pierce and his party cut off. Manunttenoo tak- 
em Success of captains Denisou and Avery. Captain 
Wadsworth and his party slain. Death and character of 
governor Winthrop. Success of major Talcott. Attack 
upon Hadley. The enemy beaten and begin to scatter. 
They are pursued to Housalonick. Sachem of Quabavg 
and Philip killed. Mumber of the enemy before the war. 
Their destruction. Loss of the colonies. Connecticut 
happy in preserving its own tozuns and assisting its neigh- 
bors. 



A' 



FTER the reduction of the Dutch settlements, colonel 
Nichols fixed his residence at New- York, to manage 
the affairs of government. Sir Robert Carr, Cartwrith. 
tie"kn '' '^'^""^ Maverick, the other commissioners, soon went to Bos- 
eommis- ^o"? 'I'^c^ proceeded upon the business of their commission, 
sioners. After they had communicated their instructions to the gen- 
eral court, and made a number of requisitions inconsistent 
with the chartered rights of the colony, and some inconsis- 
tent with the rights of conscience and of the churches, they 
went from Boston to Narraganset. They held courts at 
Warwick and Southerton, and spent a considerable time in 
hearing the complaints of the Indians, in determining the 
titles of the English to their lands ; and, without any color 
of authority from their commission, undertook to make a 
)iew province. They determined, that the deed of the 
Rhode-Islanders, from the Indians, was of no force. Cap- 
lain Athcrton, and others, had made a large purchase o£ 



Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 315 

the Indians, in Narraganset, east of Pavvcatuck river, and Book I. 
the planters had put themselves under the <^overnment of v.^^.^-'x-- 
Connecticut. The commissioners determined, that cap- l(H't5. 
tain Atherton's deed was not lej^al, because there was no 
mention of the sum which he had paid. However, as it 
appeared that considerable had been paid the Indians for 
the lands, the commissioners ordered the natives to pay 
to the purchasers a certain quantity of wampum, and or- 
dered the planters to move off from the Jands. As the 
Narraganset sachems had, in 1644, made their subjection 
to the king of England, acknowledging themselves to be 
his subjects, they declared that the country belonged to 
his majesty, and that, in future, it should be called the 
king's province. They determined, that no person, of 
what colony soever, should presume to exercise any au- 
thority within that tract, except those v/ho should be au- 
thorised by them, until his majesty's pleasure should be 
known. Tliey further decreed, that the king's province 
should extend westward to the middle of Pa wcatuck river, 
^nd northward as far as the south line of Massachusetts. 
In the plenitude of their power, they also ordered, that 
the Pequots, to whom the General Assembly of Connecti- 
cut had, agreeable to a resolution of the commissioners of 
the united colonies, assig^icd a tract of land on the east of 
Pawcatuck, should be removed and settled in some other 
.place, which the assembly should apj)oint, west of that riv- 
er.* It appears that they came to these important decis- 
ions, without giving Connecticut notice, or ever hearing 
\vhat reasons the colony had to offer against them. 

When they had finished their business in Narraganset, 
they returned to Boston. There they proceeded in the 
most arbitrary manner, giving the general court of Massa- 
chusetts and the whole colony unspeakable trouble. They 
undertook the protection of criminals against the common- 
wealth ; and summoned the members of the general court 
before them to answer for judgments which they had given 
in their legislative and executive capacity. They receiv- 
ed complaints against the colony, from Indians and other 
disaffected persons ; and undertook to judge in cases which 
liad been previously prosecuted to a final adjudication, ac- 
cording to law. Indeed, they did not content themselves 
with determining civil matters only, they made requisi- 
tions respecting the church. They demanded, that all 
persons of orthodox opinions, competent knowledge, and 

* Records of Connecticut, ia their book of patents, letters, determina.' 
'•ons, &c. 



J 16 HISTORY OF Chap. XIV. 

Book I. civil lives, should be admitted to the Lord^s supper, and 

v-^-v"^ their children to baptism.! 
1665, AVhile the general court of Massachusetts expressed en- 
tire loyalty to his majesty, they firmly maintained their 
charter rights, and remonstrated against the proceedings 
of the commissioners. At this firm conduct, they were 
highly disgusted, and made a very unfavorable representa- 
tion of the colony to his majesty, much to its disadvan- 

*^g^- ... 

They came to no determination with respect to the claim 

of duke Hamilton, but returned the answer of Connecticut 
to the king, and made a very friendly report to him of the 
manner in which they had been received by the colony of 
Connecticut, and of the loyalty and attachment of the peo- 
ple to his royal person. In consequence of it, the king 
sent a most gracious letter to the colony. In tins, he 
says, " We cannot but let you know how much we are 
pleased. Although your carriage doth of itself most justly 
deserve our praise and approbation, yet it seems to be set 
off with more lustre, by the contrary deportment of the 
colony of Massachusetts. We shall never be unmindful 
of this your loyal and dutiful behaviour."| 
|:iecticn ^j (^[^g general election. May 1 1th, 1666, the former ffov- 

Mayllth, ,» ., i . i 

1666. ernor and council were re-elected. 

Counties The general assembly, at this session, proceeded to as- 
inade and certain the limit-s of the counties and the business of the 
courts"" ^ *^o""^y ^0"''^^* It was enacted, that the towns upon the 
segu/ated. river, from the north bounds of Windsor, with Farmington, 
to thirty miles island, should be one county, to be called 
the county of Hartford. That from Pa wcatuck river, with 
Norwich, to the west bounds of Hammonasset, should be 
one county, by the name of the county of New-London ; 
and that from the east bounds of Stratford to the western 
boundary of the colony, be another county, to be known 
by the name of the county of Fairfield. The county courts 
were to consist of one magistrate, at least, and of two jus- 
tices of the quorum. If three magistrates were present 
they were authorised to proceed to business, though the 
justices w.ere absent. The probation of wills and all tes- 
tamentary matters, which before had been transacted in the 
court of magistrates, were referred to the county courts, 
with the liberty of appeal to the superior court. 
May 1667. In 1667, no alteration was made with respect to the gov- 
ernor and council, but governor Winthrop, at first, declin- 
ed his office. The assembly appointed a committee, and 

r Hutchinson's Hist, vol, i, p. 230—25? 

+ No. xxir. 



Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 317 

desired to know the reasons of his desire to leave the chair. Book J. 
They reported the reasons to the assembly. It seems that s-^^^-^si^ 
the expense of his ofiice was such, in his opinion, that he 16G7. 
coiild not, consistently with his duty to himself and family, 
continue in it, without some further allowance from the colo- 
ny. The assembly continued their earnest desire, that he 
would accept the t^ust to wliich he had been chosen. To 
enable him to support his ofiice with dignity, the legisla- 
ture freed all his estate, in the colony, from taxation, and 
granted him a hundred and ten pounds out of the public, 
treasury. Upon these encouragements, in connection with 
the desire and unanimity of the freemen, he consented to 
accept his appointment. 

About the year 1664, setdements commenced on the east Lyme 
side of Connecticut river, upon the tract, on that side, which '^^^^ ^ 
originally belonged to the town of Saybrook. In May, May,'i667. 
1667, the inhabitants were so increased, that the assembly 
made them a distinct town by the name of Lyme. The 
Indian name for the eastern part of the town was Nehan- 
lick. 

At the election in 1668, the freemen elected Mr. Alex- May llih;, 
ander Bryan, Mr. James Bishop, Mr. Anthony Hawkins, ^^^^^• 
and Mr. Thomas Wells, magistrates, instead of Mr. Mat- 
thew Allen, Mr. Sherman, Mr. Crane, and Mr. Clark. 

In this and the next year, several new settlements were 
made and new towns incorporated. 

On the 20th of May, 1662, a purchase was made of the 
Indians, of a township of land termed thirty miles island. 
The Indian name of the tract, east of the river, since call- 
ed East-Haddam, was Machemoodus. The original pro- 
prietors were twenty eight. They began their settlements 
on the west side of the river, and the inhabitants were so Ifaddam 
increased that, in the session in October, 1668, the planta-™^^^* 
lion was vested with town privileges, and named Haddam. o^"'i668 
The extent of the town was six miles east and west of the 
river. 

About the same time a settlement was made at Massa- Massacoe 
coe. In April, 1644, the general court of Connecticut •'"'j^^'^^''/^' 
gave liberty to governors Hopkins and Haynes to dispose aiown, by 
of the lands upon Tunxis river, called Massacoe, to such of the name 
the inhabitants of Windsor as they should judge expedient. ^' %ui3- 
In 1647, the court resolved, that Massacoe should be pur- "'^^' 
chased by the country, and a committee was appointed to 
dispose of it to such of the inhabitants of Windsor as they 
should choose. A purchase of the lands was made of the 
Indians, and setdements began under the town of Wind- 
sor, The plantation, at, first, was considered as an ap» 



318 HISTORY OF Chap. XIV. 

Book I. pendix, or part oflhat tov/n. In the session in May, 1670, 
v^^^/-^w^ il was enacLcd, tiiat, Massacoe should be a distinct lomi, 
1670. by the name of Symsbury. I'he limits granted were ten 
miles northward from the nortli l)ounds of Farmingfon, and" 
ten miles westward from the western bounds of Windsor. 
Wallina;- ^^ the same time, New-Haven Village was incorporated 
ford incor- and made a town, by the name of Wallingford. The pur- 
porated. chase of the town was made by governor Eaton, Mr. Da- 
venport, and other planters of New-Haven, in December, 
1638. The settlement was projected in 1669. A com- 
mittee was appointed, by the town of New-Haven, vested 
with powers to manage the whole aftkir of the settlement. 
This committee held the lands in trust, and acted in all the 
affairs of the town, as trustees, until May, 1672, when they 
resigned their trust to the town. 
May 12th, At the general election, May, 1670, William Leet, Esq. 
io7U. ^jjg chosen deputy governor, and major Mason, who for 
many years had been deputy governor, was chosen the first 
magistrate, 
Alferation Until this time, the great body of the freemen had annu- 
"^^ ^*'^ . ally convened at Hartford, upon the day of election, to 
election, niakc choice of the governor, magistrates, and civil officers, 
appointed by charter, to be elected on that day. But the 
freemen were now become so numerous, and it had been 
found to be so expensive and inconvenient, that it was 
judged necessary to alter the mode of election. The as- 
sembly resolved, " That henceforth all the freemen of this 
jurisdiction, without any fui'ther summons, from year to 
year, shall or may upon the second Thursday in May year- 
ly, in person or in jiroxy, at Hartford, attend and consum- 
mate the election of governor, deputy governor, and as- 
sistants, and such other public olhcers as his majesty hath 
appointed, by our charter, then yearly to be chosen." A 
law was then made regulating the freemen's meetings and 
the mode of election, for substance nearly the same with 
the law respecting the election at the present time. 

W'hile the colony was thus extending its settlements, 
and regulating its internal police, great troubles arose res- 
pecting the boundaries between Connecticut and Rhode- 
Island. From year to year Connecticut had appointed 
committees to settle the boundary line between the colo- 
nies, but all their attempts had been unsuccessful. 
J^ijJ''*^ In 1668, the assembly appointed Mr. Wyllys, and Mr. 

Rhode- Robert Thom|)son, of London, by petition or otherwise, to 
Island res- represent the aftair to his majesty, and obtain a resolution 
pe^uiig respecting the boundary line. Nothing decisive, iiowever, 
IJe""'^''" was effected. Meanwhile, the conduct of Rhode-Island 



Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 319 

»vas such, that the General Assembly of Connecticut cle- Book I. 
claret! it to be intolerable, and contrary to the settlement v^^-n^'-^s^ 
made by his majesty's commissioners. The assembly, 1G70. 
therefore, in May, 1G70, appointed IVIr. Leet, the deputy- 
governor, John Allen, and James Richards, Esquires, cap- 
tain John Winthrop, and captain Benjnmin Newbury, a 
committee to meet at New-London, the June following, to 
treat with such gentlemen, from Rhode-island, as should 
be sent, properly authorised to act in the affair; and con- 
cerning the injuries which the inhabitants of that colony 
had done to the people of Connecticut. They were not 
only vested with plenary powers to compromise these dif- 
ficulties, but, in case the commissioners from Rhode-Isl- 
and would'not agree to some ecjuitable mode of settlement, 
to reduce the people of Squamacuck and Narraganset to 
obedience to this- colony. They were also authorised to 
hold courts in the Pequot and Narraganset country, and to 
hear and determine all cases of injury, which had been 
done to the inhabitants of Connecticut, according to law. 
Instructions were also given them to appoint all officers, 
necessary for the peaceable government of that part of the 
colony. , 

The commissioners of the two colonies met at New-Lon- 
don, but could effect no settlement of the controversy. 
The commissioners from Rhode-Island, insisted that Paw- 
catuck river was their boundary, according to the express 
<tvords of their charter. Those from Connecticut, insisted 
that their charter, which was prior to that of Rhode-Island, 
bounded them easterly upon Narraganset bay and river, 
and that the Pequot country, which they had conquered, 
extended ten miles east of Pawcatuck ; tiiat, therefore, 
they had a right to that part, both by charter and con- 
quest. 

As no agreement could be effected, the committee from 
Connecticut, went into the Narraganset country, and read 
the charter at Wickford, and the plantations east of Pawca- 
tuck river, and, in the name of the General Assembly of 
Connecticut, demanded the submission and obedience of 
the people to its authority and laws. They also appointed 
officers for the good government of the people.* 

Both colonies had something plausible to plead. The 
rase, truly stated, Is this. The old patent of Connecticut, 
to lord Say and Seal, lord Brook, and their associates, 
bounded the tract conveyed eastward, by Narraganset bay 
and river. The charter granted in April, 1662, gave the 
same boundaries as the old patent in 1631. fawcatuck 
* Records of Cnoniclirst. 



320 HISTORY OF Chap. XIV. 

Book I. river was never known by the name of Narraganset river, 
\-*-v">te^ and it made no bay ; consequendy the mouth of it, and the , 
1670. sea there, could not be called Narraganset bay. But when 
Mr. John Clark was in England, as agent for the colony of 
Mr. AVin- Rhode-lsland, in 1663, there arose much difficulty between 
throp and [-^[j^ ,^f^f] ]\|p^ Winthrop, respecting the boundaries between 
submit ^^^ ^^^'O colonies. They were advised, by their friends, to 
iheir diffe- submit the controverted points to arbitrators, in England, 
rences to to which they consented. William Breereton, Esq. ma- 
'"'■^"^'■^^^"jor Robert Thompson, capt. Richard Deane, capt. John 
Brookhavcn, and doctor Benjamin Worseley, were mutu- 
ally chosen to hear and determine the differences between 
them. They came to the following determination : 

" First, That a river there commonly called and known 
termin- ' by Pawcatuck river, shall be the certain bounds between 
lion, April, those two colonies, which said river shall, for the future, 
1663. be also called alias Narragance or Narraganset river." 

" Secondly, If any part of that purchase at Quinebaug 
doth lie along upon the cast side of the river, that goeth 
down by New-London, within six miles of the said river, 
that then it shall wholly belong to Connecticut colony, as 
"well as the rest which lieth on the western side of the afore- 
said river." 

" Thirdly, That the projirietors and inhabitants of that 
land al)out Mr. Smith's trading house, claimed or purchas- 
ed by major Atherton, capt. Hutchinson, lieut. Hudson, 
and others, or given unto them by Indians, shall have free 
liberty to choose to which of those colonies they will be- 
long." 

'' Fourthly, That propriety shall not be altered nor 
destroyed, but carefully maintained through the said colo- 
nies." 

To this the two agents, John Winthrop and John Clark, 
Esquires, interchangeably set their hands and seals, as an 
agreement finally terminating the controversy between 
them. This was signed on the 7th of March, 1663. 

In consequence of this agreement, the charter of Rhode- 
Island, granted July 8th, 1663, bounded that colony west- 
ward by Pawcatuci-c river, and ordained, with particular 
reference to the agreement, which is recognized in the 
charter, that this river should be called alias Narragance 
or Narraganset river ; and that the same shall be holden 
by the colony of Rhode-Island, " any grant, or clause in a 
late grant, to the governor and company of Connecticut 
colony in America, to the contrary thereof, in any wise 
notwithstanding. 

The proprietors, mentioned in the agreement, made 



Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. S2i 

choice of the government of Connecticut, July 3d, 1663, Book I. 
and were taken under the jurisdiction and protection of ^^^^^y-^m/ 
this colony. 1671. 

Connecticut insisted, that Mr. Winthrop's apjency was 
finished before the agreement with Mr. Clark, and that he 
had never received any instructions from the colony au- 
thorizing him to enter into any such compact. It was al- 
so pleaded, that his Majesty could not re-grant that which 
he had previously granted to Connecticut. Rhode-Island 
insisted on the agreement between Mr. Winthrop and Mr. 
Clark, and on the limits granted in the charter of that co- 
lony. Hence arose a controversy between the colonies, 
which continued more than sixty years. 

Governor Winthrop, at the session in October, again 
proposed a resignation of his office, and desired the con- 
sent and approbation of the general assembly. The as- 
sembly were utterly opposed to it, and could, by no means, 
be persuaded to give their consent. Through the influ- 
ence of the houses, he was persuaded to keep the chair, 
and means were adopted to give him satisfaction. The 
assembly, at the next session, granted a hundred and fifty 
pounds salary. Grants were several times made him of 
valuable tracts of land. These considerations, with the 
great unanimity and esteem of the freemen, prevailed with 
him to continue in office until his death. 

In 1671 the former officers were all re-chosen. May 1671 

During the term of eighteen f-.* twenty years, attempts 
had been making to settle a township at Paugasset. About Settlement 
the year 1663, it appears that governor Goodyear, and se- of Derby, 
veral other gentlemen in New-Haven, made a purchase of 
a considerable tract there. About the year 1 654, it seems 
that some few settlements were made. The next year, at 
the session in October, the planters presented a petition 
to the general court, at New-Haven, to be made a distinct 
town, and to order their affairs independently of the other 
towns. The court granted their petition ; gave them lib- 
erty to purchase a tract sufficient for a township ; released 
them from taxes; and appoitited Richard Baldwin mode- 
rator to call meetings, and conduct the affairs of the plan- 
tation. At the next court, however, Mr. Prudden, and the 
people of Milford, made such strong remonstrances against 
the act, that the court determined the people at Paugasset 
should continue, as they had been, under the town of Mil- 
ford, unless the parties should come to an agreement, res- 
pecting the incorporation of the inhabitants there into a 
distinct township. In 1 657 and 1 659 a purchase was made 
of the landsof the chief sagamores, Wetanamow and Ras- 

Q 2 



:in HISTORY OF Chap. XIV. 

Book I. kenute. The purchase appears to have been confirmed I 
'-.^"s/^-s^ afterwards by Okenuck, the chief sachem. Some of the : 
1671. ln'st planters were Ed. Wooster, Ed. Riggs, Richard Bald- 
win, Samuel Hopkins, Thomas Langdon, and Francis i 
French. They preferred a petition to the general assem- 
bly of Connecticut, praying for town privileges, in 1671. 
The assembly determined that their south bounds should be 
the north line of Milford, and that they should extend theii* 
limits twelve miles northward, to a place called the notch. 
For their encouragement, it was promised, that, as soon as 
there should be thirty families in the plantation, they 
should be vested with town privileges. About four years 
after, Oct. 1675, they renewed their application. They 
represented that they then consisted of twelve families, and 
that eleven more were about moving directly into the plan- 
tation : that ihey had procured a minister, built him a 
house, and made provision for the enjoyment of divine or- 
tlinances. Upon these representations, the assembly made 
them a town, by the name of Derby. 

Major John Mason, who, for many yeai-s, had been de- 
puty governor, and rendered many important services to 
the colony, being far advanced in years, and visited with 
many infirmities, about this time, excused himself from the 
Election service of the commonwealth. At the next election, May 
iviayOth, 9th, 1672, Mr. John Nash was chosen magistrate, to fill 
^^^^' the vacancy made by his resignation.* 

Until this time, the colony had kept their laws inmanu- 
Lavvsprin- script, and had promulgated them, by sending copies to be 
ted. publicly read in the respective towns. This year, the first 

code of Connecticut was published. It was printed at- 
Cambridge, in Massachusetts. It consisted of between.' 
seventy and eighty pages, in small folio, printed, and of 
nearly the same number of blank pages. It is a great cu- 
riosity. The preface is written in the most religious man- 
ner, sufficiently solemn for an introduction to a body of 
sermons. It is thus introduced, " To our beloved breth- 
ren and neighbours, the inhabitants of Connecticut, the 

* John Mason, Esq. wa? bicd to arms in the Dutch Netherlands, under 
Sir Tlioinas Fairfax. He came into New-England with Mr. Warham and 
his company, in 16^0. Five years after, he removed to Connecticut, and 
was one of the rirst planters of Windsor. In 1642 he was chosen magis- 
trate : in whicli olBce he continued until May, 1660, when he was chosea 
deputy governor. In this office he continued tea years. At the desire of 
the inhabitants of Saybrook, and for the defence of the colony, he remov- 
td to that town in 1047. From thence he removed to Norwch, in 1659, 
where he died, iu 1672 or '73, in the 73d year of his age. He was tall and 
portly, full of martial fire, and shunned no hardships or dangers in the de- 
fence and service of the colony. He was a gentleman not only of distin-' 
.gui&hsd heroifin, but of strict morals and great prudeucC) 



Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 323 

f 

\ general court of that colony wish grace and peace in our Book L 

i Lord Jesus." It recognizes the design ol' the first plan- v-^-v^/ 

ters, "who," as the court express it, " settled these foun- 1G72, 
' dations," for the maintaining of " religion according to the 
gospel of our Lord Jesus ;" which it declares " ought to 
he the endeavour of all those, that shall succeed, to up- 
hold and encourage unto all generations." The assembly 
f^nacted, that every family should have a law book. In the 
' blank pages, all the laws enacted after 1672 were insert- 
j ed, in writing, until the year 1699, when the book was fill- 
ed up. 

At the election. May 8th, 1673, Robert Treat, Esq. v\^s 
chosen into the magistracy. 

At this court, Richard Smith was appointed a commis- Court o( 
"Sioner at Narraganset, and vested with the powers of ma- ^^^^y'sti') 
•gistracy through that country. A court of commissioners i673. 
was instituted there, and Mr. Smith was appointed the 
chief judge. This court had cognizance of all cases not 
exceeding twenty pounds, provided that all such as ex- 
ceeded forty shillings should be tried by a jury. A com- 
missioner* was appointed at Pettyquamscot. 
• As war had been declared in England, the last year, a- War with 
gainst the Dutch, the colony was put into a state of de- ^^ Dutch, 
fence. It was ordered that a troop of horse should be rais- 
ed in each county. This year, the colony was more tho- 
roughly alarmed, and experienced the benefit of being in a 
good state of preparation. On the 30th of July, a small 
Dutch fleet, under the command of commodores Cornelius 
Everste and Jacob Benkes, arrived at New- York. One 
John Manning, who commanded the fort and island there, 
treacherously delivered them up to the enemy, without fir- 
ing a gun, or attempting the least resistance. The inhabi- 
tants of New- York and New-Jersey generally submitted to 
the Dutch without opposition. About the same time, the 
Dutch captured a vessel of Mr. Sillick's of this colony, near 
one of the harbours of the western towns. 

Upon this emergency, a special assembly was convo- rp|^^ ^^ 
ked, at Hartford, on the 7th of August. Orders were iin- scmblv 
mediately issued, that the respective troops, in the colony, meet, an(2 
with five hundred dragoons, should forthwith be ready foi- ^^nd mes- 
service ; and that all the trainbands should be complete in the^Dutch 
their arms. The same day, Mr. James Richards and Mr. commo 
William Roswell, were dispatched, with a letter from the '''''■''" 
assembly, to the Dutch commodores, to know their further 
intentions. The assembly remonstrated against their con- 
duct in capturing Mr. Sillick's vessel, and in demanding 
" Cofnmissioner was a name for a jii»tice of thepearp. 



324 , HISTORY OF Chap. XIV. 

Book h t^c submission of his majesty's English subjects, upon' 
v-^-vN^ Long-Island, and that they should take the oath of alle-' 
1673, giance to the States General. They acquainted the Dutcl^l 
commanders, that the united colonies were, by his majes 
ty, constituted the defenders of the lives and liberties of hi§^ 
subjects, in these parts of his dominions, and assured thcmi 
that they would be faithful to their trust. 

The assembly appointed the governor, deputy govern- 
or, and a number of the council, a committee of war, to act 
as emergencies should require. 

The Dutch commanders returned a soldier-like answer 
to the messengers and letter from Connecticut, purporting, 
that they had a commission to do all damages, in their pow-^ 
er, to their enemies, by land and sea : that they had sum- 
moned the towns upon Long-Island to submit to them ; and 
that, unless they should comply, they would reduce them 
to their subjection by force of arms : that as the vessel they 
had taken was their enemy's it was strange to them that 
any questions were proposed concerning it : and that while 
?hey doubted not of the faithfulness of the united colonies 
in defending their majesty's subjects, they should not be 
less zealous and faithful in the service of the States Gene-v 
ral.* 

On the 1 1th of August, the committee of war met at 
Hartford. They appear to have apprehended an imme- 
diate invasion. They gave orders, that the whole militia 
of the colony should he ready to march at an hour's warn- 
ing, to any place which might be attacked. They made 
such arrangement of the dragoons, and sent such assistance 
to their friends upon Long-Island, as prevented an inva- 
sion of any part of the colony, and the plunder and des- 
truction of the English upon the island. 
Assembly On the meeting of the assembly, in October, letters were 
HQeetOct. sent to Massachusetts and Plymouth, to solicit their united 
^'^' assistance against the Dutch, and to know their opinion 

relative to proclaiming war, and engaging in offensive ope- 
rations against them. Mr. John Banks was sent express 
to the Dutch commanders, with a spirited remonstrance a- 
gainst the conduct of the Dutch, who had threatened the 
towns on the Island with destruction, by fire and sword, 
unless they would submit and swear allegiance to the 
States General. They had sent ships and an armed force 
towards the east end of the island, to subdue the people j 
but had been prevented. The assembly assured them, that 
they knew how to avenge themselves upon their planta- 
tions, and not only so, but upon their head quarters, if the 
* Letter on file. 



Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 325 

colonies should rise, and warned them of the consequences Book I. 
of injuring the English towns upon the island. >^^->/-^/ 

Connecticut, upon consulting their confederates, found 1674, 
it to be the general opinion to act offensively against the 
Dutch. A special assembly was called on the 26th of No- 
vember, and war was immediately proclaimed against 
ihem. It was determined, that an expedition should be 
undertaken against New- York. This, it seems, was in 
conjunction with the other confederates. Major Treat 
was appointed to command the troops from Connecticut. 

The Dutch not only threatened the English towns on the 
island with destruction, but, it seems, made several de- 
scents upon it, with a view to attack them : however, by 
the assistance of the troops from Connecticut, they were, 
in all instances, repulsed, and driven from the island.* Be- 
fore suitable preparations could be made for an attack up- 
on the Dutch, at their head quarters, the season was too 
far advanced for military operations. Early in the spring, 
the news of a general pacification between England and 
Holland, prevented all further proceedings of this kind. 
The whole militia of the colony, at this time, amounted to 
no more than 2,070 men. One quarter, it seems, were 
mounted as dragoons, and employed for the defence of the 
colony, and of his majesty's English subjects upon Long- 
Island. 

The only alteration made by the election in 1674, was 
the choice of Thomas Topping, Esq. instead of Mr. Haw- 
kins. 

As the inhabitants of Long-Island had been protected 
and governed, the latter part of the last year, by Connecti- 
cut, they made application, at this assembly, for the fur- 
ther enjoyment of its protection and government. The 
legislature accepted them, and appointed officers in the 
several English towns, as they had done at their session 
the preceding October. 

Upon the application of the town of Wickford, and other 
plantations in Narraganset, the legislature took them un- 
der the government of this colony. A court was instituted 
£it Stonington, for the government of the people in Narra- 
ganset, that they rnight not live in dissolute practices, to 
the dishonour of God, of the king and nation, and to the 
scandalizing of the very heathens. Pompe- 

The legislature, in 1672, granted liberty to Mr. Sher- raug set- 
man, Mr. William Curtiss, and their associates, to make a t'«'<J and 
plantation at Pomperaug. Such a number of settlements w^od- 
fiad been made there, in about two years, that the assembly, bury. 
Records of Connecticut, and letters on file. 



32G HISTORY OF Chap. XIV. 

Book I. in May, 1674, enacted that it should be a town, by the 
N-«*-v"x-' name of Woodbury. 
1675. Scarcely had the colonies recovered from one calamity 
and danger, before new and more terrible scenes of alarm 
and destruction presented themselves. Not only Connecti- 
cut, but all the New-England colonies, were now verging 
upon a most distressful and important period, in which 
their very existence was endangered. 
Major An- Upon the pacification with the Dutch, the duke of York, 
dross ap- {q remove all doubt and controversy respecting his proper- 
coveroor ^^ ^^ America, took out a new patent from the king, June 
of New- 29th, 1674, granting the same territory described in the 
¥ork. former patent. Two days after, he commissioned major, 
afterwards Sir Edmund Andross, to be governor of New- 
York, and all his territories in these parts. The major 
was a mere tool of the duke, and a tyrant over the people. 
Mr. Smith, in his history of New- York, observes, " That 
ho knew no law but the will of his master; and that Kirk 
and Jeffcries were not fitter instruments than he to execute 
the despotic projects of James the second." 
His claims Notwithstanding the priority of the patent of Connecticut 
upon' Con- iq ilje Juke of York's, and the determination of his majes- 
1675?" ' ^y'"' commissioners about ten years before, he set up the 
duke's claim to all that part of the colony which lies to thov 
westward of Connecticut river, and he threatened the colov 
iiy with an invasion. 
War with At the same time, Philip, sachem of the Wampanoags, 
FhiUp. commenced hostilities against the colonies, and involved 
The rea- them in a most bloody and destructive war. It had been 
sons of it. supposed, that the Indians, for several years, had been 
concerting a general conspiracy against the plantations in 
New-England, with a view of extirpating the English from 
the country. They viewed themselves as a free and inde- 
pendent people. Their sachems were men of high and 
independent spirits. They considered themselves as sove- 
reign princes, and claimed to be the original proprietors 
and lords of the land. They viewed the English as intru- 
ders and usurpers. While, therefore, they saw them, in 
almost every quarter, extending their settlements over t!i 3 
dominions of their ancestors, they could not but kindle into 
resentment, and adopt counsels to prevent the loss of their 
liberties and country. Though they had entered into trea- 
ties with the colonies, and acknowledged themselves to be 
subjects of the king of England, yet it is by no means pro- 
bable, that, by these treaties and acknowledgments, they 
designed to give up their independence, or any of their 
natural rights. They viewed themselves rather as allies. 



Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 3T7 

llian as subjects of England. To be called to an account Book I. 
lor their conduct, and to be thwarted in their designs, by v^^-v-^w' 
the colonics, or to be holden as amenable to them for their 1675. 
actions, was a treatment which their haughty spirits could 
not brook. These were general reasons for which they 
might wish for the destruction of their English neighbors. 
But beside these, there were others, which had more imme- 
diate influence upon Philip. John Sausaman, a christian 
Indian, who had once been a subject of Philip, made a dis- 
covery of his plots against the English. Philip, fired with 
resentment, procured the murder of Suasaman. The mur- 
derers were discovered, tried by the English laws, and ex- 
ecuted. Philip, enraged at the execution of his subjects, 
conscious of his own guilt, and probably apprehensive for 
his personal safety, armed his own warriors, the Wampa- 
noags, and such strange Indians as he could engage to em- 
bark in his measures, and, with the most hostile appearan- 
ces, began to march up and down the country. 

As the colonies, for some time, had been apprised, that 
the Indians were forming designs against them, they, by 
treaties, and such other means as appeared to be wise and 
politic, had been attempting to prevent the storm. Not- 
withstanding, it now burst upon them with uncommon fury. 
Its destruction was wide and dreadful. 

Philip's numbers daily increasing, gave him fresh cour- The In- 
age, and increased his insolence. On the 20th of June, ^^"^6^^^' 
1675, his Indians commenced hostilities upon Swanzey, tiiities, 
one of the frontier towns of New-Plymouth, bordering on June 20lh, 
the territories of Philip, whose chief seat was at Mount 
Hope.* They insulted the English, rifled their houses, 
and killed their cattle. Four days after, they killed nine, 
and wounded seven of the inhabitants. The troops of that 
colony marched immediately to the defence of the town. 
In four days, they were reinforced with several companies 
from Boston. On the 29th, the troops were drawn forth 
against the enemy. They instantly fled before them, for a 
mile or two, and took refuge in a swamp. The next day, 
major Savage arrived with more troops and a general com- 
mand from Boston. He marched the army into the In- 
dian towns, to surprise their head quarters, and give them 
battle upon their own grounds. The troops found the en- 
emy's towns, and even the seat of Philip, deserted with 
marks of the utmost precipitation. As the Indians fled, 
they marked their route with the burning of buildings, the 
scalps, hands, and heads of the English, which they hadi' 

* Mount Hope is an eminence in the eastern part of the town of Bristol', 
in Rhodc-I-land. 



328 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. XlV. 



Book I. 



1675, 

Troops 
dispatched 
to Stoning- 
ton and the 
seaport 
towns. 



Major An- 
dross ap- 
pears with 
an armed 
force at 
Saj brook. 



Demands 
the fort. 



As!<erably 
meet, 
July 9th. 



taken off and fixed upon poles by the way side. As they 
could not come up with the enemy, tiiey returned to their 
headquarters, at Swanzey. • 

In consequence of the war with Philip, the commission- 
ers of the united colonies met at Boston, and governor 
VVinthrop, who was one of the commissioners for Connect- 
icut, was gone there, to attend the business of the country. 
Deputy-governor Leetand the council, upon receiving in- 
telligence of the war, dispatched troops to Stonington, to 
defend that part of the colony against the enemy. 

At the same time, it was discovered that major Andross 
was about to make a hostile invasion of the colony, and to 
demand a surrender of its most important posts to the gov- 
ernment of the duke of York. Detachments from the mi- 
litia were, therefore, sent, with the utmost expedition, to 
New-London and Saybrook. Captain Thomas Bull, of 
Hartford, commanded the party sent to Saybrook. 

About the 8th or 9th of July, the people of that town 
were surprised by the appearance of major Andross, with 
an armed force, in the sound, making direcUy for the fort» 
They had received no intelligence of the affair, nor instruc- 
tions from the governor and council, how to conduct them- 
selves upon such an emergency. They were, at first, un- 
determined whether to make any resistance or not ; but 
they did not hesitate long. As the danger approached, 
and their surprise abated, the martial spirit began to en- 
kindle ; the fort was manned, and the militia of the town 
drawn out for its defence.* At this critical juncture, cap- 
tain Bull with his company arrived, and the most vigorous 
exertions were made, for the defence of the fort and town. 
On the 11th, major Andross, with several armed sloops, 
drew up before the fort, hoisted the king's flag on board, 
and demanded a surrender of the fortress and town. Cap- 
tain Bull raised his majesty's colors in the fort, and arrang- 
ed his men in the best manner. They appeared with a 
good countenance, determined and eager for action. The 
major did not like to fire on the king's colors, and perceiv- 
ing that, should he attempt to reduce the town by force, it 
would be a bloody affair, judged it expedient not to fire up- 
on the troops. He, nevertheless, lay all that day, and part 
of the next, off against the fort. 

The critical state of the colony had occasioned the meet- 
ing of the assembly, at Hartford, on the 9th of July. They 
immediately proceeded to draw up a declaration, or pro- 
test, against the major, in the words following. 

* Letter from the Rev. Mr, Buckinghaott to tlie governor and council 
on the subject. 



Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 329 

" Whereas, we are informed that major Edmund Andross Book I. 
is come with some considerable force into this his majes- v-^-^v-^^ 
ty's colony of Connecticut, which might be construed to 1675. 
be in pursuance of his letter to us, to invade or intrude up- Protect a- 
on the same, or upon some part of oui* charter limits and ?**"*^ ^"' 
privileges, and so to molest his majesty's good subjects, in juiy loth, 
this juncture, when the heathen rage against the English, 
and by fire and sword have destroyed many of his majesty's 
good subjects, our neighbors of Plymouth colony, and still 
are carrying their heads about the country, as trophies of 
their good success ; and yet are proceeding further in their 
cruel designs against the English ; in faithfulness to our 
royal sovereign, and in obedience to his majesty's com- 
mands, in his gracious charter to this colony, we can do 
210 less than publicly declare and protest against the said 
major Edmund Andross, and these his illegal proceedings, 
as also against all his aiders and abettors, as disturbers of 
the peace of his majesty's good subjects in this colony ; 
and that his and their actions, in this juncture, tend to the 
encouragement of the heathen to proceed in the effusion of ' 
christian blood, which may be very like to be the conse- 
quence of his actions, and which we shall unavoidably lay 
at his door, and use our utmost power and endeavour, (ex- 
})ecting therein the assistance of Almighty God) to defend 
the good people of this colony from the said major An- 
dross his attempts ; not doubting but his majesty will coun- 
tenance and approve our just proceedings therein, they 
being according to the commission we have received from 
jiis majesty, in his gracious charter to this colony; by 
which power and trust, so committed unto us, we do again 
forewarn and advise the said major Andross, and all his 
aiders and abettors, to forbear and desist such forenamed 
unjust and unwarrantable practices, as they expect to an- 
swer the same, with all such just damages and costs as may 
arise or accrue thereby. And we do further, in his majes^ 
ty's name, require and command all the good people, his 
majesty's subjects, of this colony of Connecticut, under 
our present government, utterly to refuse to attend, coun- 
tenance or obey the said major Edmund Andross, or any 
under him, in any order, instruction, or command, diverse 
from or contrary to the laws and orders of this colony hero 
established, by virtue of his majesty's gracious charter, 
granted to this colony of Connecticut, as they will answer 
the contrary at their peril." 

" God save the Iving." 

This was voted unanimously. It was sent by an ex- 
press to Saybrook. with instructions to captain Bull to pro- 

R ? 



3.30 



lllSTOllY OF 



Chap. XIV 




Major All' 
dross 
("oincs on 
shore. 



Js forbid- 
den to 
read his 
foramis- 

sion. 



Sails for 
J^ong-Isi- 
aad. 



Declara- 
tion of the 
general as- 
sembly. 



pose to miijor Andross the reference of the affair in dispute 
to commissioners, to meet in any place in this colony 
which he should choose. Early in the morning of the 12th 
of July, the major desired that he might have admittance 
on shore, and an interview with the ministers and chief 
officers. He probably imagined, that if he could read the 
duke's patent and his own commission, it would make an 
impression upon the people, and that he should gain by 
art that which he could not by force of arms. He was al- 
lowed to come on shore with his suit. Meanwhile, the ex- 
press arrived with the protest, and instructions from the 
assembly. Captain Bull and his officers, with the officers 
and gentlemen of the town, met the major, at his landing, 
and acquainted him that they had, at that instant, received 
instructions to tender him a treaty, and to refer the whole 
matter in controversy to commissioners, caj)able of deter- 
mining it according to law and justice. The major rejcct- 
f d the proposal, and forthwith commanded, in his majes- 
ly's name, that the duke's patent, and the commission 
wdiich he had received from his royal highness, should be 
read. Captain Bull commanded him, in his majesty'.? 
name, to forbear reading.* When his clerk attempted to 
pei-sist in reading, the captain repeated his command, with 
such energy of voice and manner, as convinced the major 
it was not safe to proceed. The cap>tain then acquainted 
him that he had an address from the assembly to him, and 
read the protest. Governor Andross, pleased with his 
bold and soldier-like appearance, said, "What is your 
name ?" He replied, " My name is Bull, Sir." " Bull !" 
said the governor, " It is a pity that your horns are not 
tipped with silver." Finding he could make no impres- 
sion upon the officers or people, and that the legislature of 
the colony were determined to defend themselves, in the 
possession of their chartered rights, he gave up his design 
of seizing the fort. He represefited the protest as a slen- 
der affair, and an ill requital of his kindness. He said, 
however, he should do no more. The militia of the towsi 
guarded him to his boat, and going on board he soon sail- 
ed for Long-Island. 

The general assembly considered this as -a great abuse 
and insult of the colony, and, upon receiving an account 
of the major's conduct, came to the following resolution. 

" This court orders, that this declaration shall forthwith 
be sent forth to the several plantations, sealed with the 
seal of the colony, and signed by the secretary, to be there 
published." 

* Captnin Hull's loiter to the assembly. 



GiiAp. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 331 

" Forasmuch as the good people of his majesty's cole- Book I. 
■iiy of Connecticut have met with much trouble and moles- v-^-n/"^^ 
tatioa from major Edmund Andross, his challenge and at- 1675. 
tempts to surprise the main part of said colony, which they 
liave so rightfully obtained, so long possessed, and defend- 
ed against all invasions of Dutch and Indians, to the great 
grievance of his majesty's good subjects in their settle- 
ments, and to despoil the happy government, by charter 
from his majesty granted to themselves, and under which 
they have enjoyed many halcyon days of peace and tran- 
(juillity, to their great satisfaction, and to the content of 
his majesty, graciously expressed by letters to them, so 
greatly engaging their loyalty and thankfulness, as makes 
it intolerable to be put otFfrom so long and just settlement 
under his majesty's government by charter. Hereupon, 
for the prevention of misrepresentations into England, by 
the said major Andross against us, forour refusal, and with- 
standing his attempts, made with hostile appearances to 
surprise us at Saybrook, while we were approaching to- 
wards a savage Indian enemy that had committed much 
outrage and murder, by fire and sword, upon our neigh- 
Jjours about Plymouth ; this court have desired the hon- 
orable John Winthrop and James Richards, Esquires, or 
either of them, (intending a voyage to England upon their 
own occasions,) to take with them the narrative and co- 
pies of all the transactions betwixt us, and to give a right 
understanding for clearing our innocence, and better secur- 
ing our enjoyments as occasion shall offer." 

As the Narragansct Indians were considered as abettors '^^^ ^'■"'y 
of Philip, harbouring the old men and women whom he^^J!^^f^ " 
had sent off to them, and as the colonies feared that theyganset. 
would proceed to open hostilities, unless it could be pre- 
vented by some vigorous measures, it was determined to 
march the army, which had been rendezvoused at Swan- 
/.ey, immediately into their country, and to treat with them 
s\vord in hand. Captain Hutchinson was dispatched com- 
missioner, from the general court of Massachusetts, to con- 
duct the treaty.* On the 15th of July, a treaty was con- '^f^/^^-' 
eluded between the united colonies and the six Narragan- j^-j^rra-*^ 
set sachems, and the sunk sOjUaw or old queen of Narra- ganset*. 
ganset. Perpetual peace was stipulated between the par- 
lies. It was also agreed, that all stolen goods should be re- 
liu-ned : that neither Philip nor any of his subjects should 
be harboured by the Nairagansets ; but if any of them 
should enter upon their lands they should kill and destroy 

* Major Wait Winthrop and Mr. Richard Smith were commissioners 
from Connecticut, 



332 HISTORY OF Chap. XIV. 

Book L them, until a cessation of hostilities should be concluded 
s.^'^s/^s^ between Philip and the united colonies : that the comrnis- 
1675. sioners should give to any of the Narraganset Indians, who 
should bring in Philip alive, forty coats, and twenty for his 
head : that two coats should be given for every subject of 
Philip delivered alive to the English, and one for his head. 
On the part of the Narragansets, hostages were delivered, 
as a security, for the faithful performance of the treaty. 
This, at best, was a forced business, rather calculated to 
irritate, than to reconcile a free and haughty people. The 
conditions were imposed by the array. 
Fisthtat On the 17th of July, the troops returned to Taunton. 
IVcck July ^P*^" intelligence, that Philip and his warriors were in a 
icih. ' swamp at Pocasset, the Massachusetts and Plymouth for- 
ces formed a junction, and on the 18th, attacked them with 
firnmess and resolution. The enemy had chosen an ad- 
vantageous retreat. As the army entered the swamp, they 
retired dee j:)er and deeper into it, until the troops were led 
into such an hideous thicket, that it was impossible for 
them to keep their order. It was so thick and dark, as the 
night approached, that the men were in danger, not only 
from the enemy, but from one another. They fired at ev- 
ery bush which appeared to shake. The action was con- 
tinued until night, when the English retreated. The at- 
tempt was unhappy. Sixteen brave men were killed, and 
Philip and his men, after they had been reduced to the 
greatest distress, and were upon the point of surrendering 
themselves, made" their escape. A fine array was collect- 
ed. Philip was enclosed in a swamp and neck of land, 
and could not at that time have made his escape, by any 
other means than by defeating, or fighting his way through 
the army, had the English conducted with prudence and 
foititude. They might have renewed the attack upon him 
next morning, and had the day before them to finish their 
work, and put an end to the war ; but, instead of this, they 
left a few companies to guard the swamp, v.hich was upon 
Pocasset neck, and starve out the enemy. Philip, about 
six or eight days after, found means to rid himself from the 
danger. He either waded across an arm of the sea, at low 
water, or passed over it with his wari'iors upon rafts. Ho 
and his warriors triumphed, and were blown up with still 
greater courage and insolence. The Indians in general 
were encouraged, so that soon after there was a general 
rising of them against the English throughout New-Eng- 
land, for an extent of nearly three hundred miles. 

As the Indians had lived promiscuously with the Eng- 
lish, in all parts of the country, they were generally as well 



Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 333 

acquainted with their dwellings, fields, and places of wor- Book I. 
shi-p, as themselves. They were perfectly acquainted with ^^^'-v^^v,/ 
their roads, times^ and places of resort. They were at 1675. 
hand, to watch all their motions, to attack them at every Advanta- 
diilicult pass, and in every unguarded moment. Except ^^^.°^^ 
some of the thickest settlements, and the centre of the 
towns, the country was a vast wilderness. This enabled 
the enemy, not only in small skulking parties, but in great 
bodies, to make their approaches undiscovered, almost ir)to 
the very midst of them ; and under covert of the night, to 
creep into their barns, gardens, and out houses ; to con- 
<;eal themselves behind their fences, and lie in wait for them 
on the roads and in their fields. Sometimes they conceal- 
ed themselves before their very doors. No sooner did 
tliey open them, in the morning, than they were instantly 
shot dead. From almost every quarter, they were ready 
to rise upon them. At midnight, in the morning, or when- 
ever they could obtain an advantage, they were ready to 
attack them. While the English were hunting them in one. 
place, they would be slaying the inhabitants, and plunder- 
ing and burning in another. In a short time, they would 
.plunder and burn a town, kill and captivate the inhabitants, 
and retire into swamps and fastness(;s, where it was dan- 
gerous to pursue, difficult to discover, and impossible to 
attack them, but at the greatest disadvantage. 

Notwithstanding every precaution and exertion of the Dansjer 
colonies, they continued plundering, burning, killing, and and du- 
captivating, in one place and another, and kept the whole *''Y*?'^^^* 
country in continual fear and alarm. There was no safety 
to man, woman, nor child ; to him who went out, nor to 
him who came in. Whether they were asleep or awake — 
whether they journeyed, laboured, or worshipped, they 
were in continual jeopardy. The inhabitants of Massa- 
chusetts, Plymouth, and Rhode-Island, especially, wen; 
killed, plundered, and their towns and buildings burned, 
in a most distressing and terrible manner. 

Beside other damages, not so considerable, captain Captain 
Hutchinson, who had been sent with a party of horse, to H"^'-"'^'"-. 
treat with the Nipmuck Indians, was drawn into an am- ^"^ !j"„'J"' 
bush, near Brookfield, and mortally wounded. Sixteen ofBrookfield 
his company were killed. The enemy then rushed in uj^on burnt, 
the town, and burnt all the dwelling-houses, except one, ^^^' 
which was defended by the garrison, until it was reinfoi- 
ced, two days after, by major Willard. The enemy then 
drew off, having burned twenty dwelling-houses, with all 
the barns and out houses, and killed all the cattle and 
horses which they could find. In September, Hadley, 



334 HISTORY OF Chap. XIV. 

Book I. Deerfield, and Northfield, on Connecticut river, were al^ 
^i^^v^i^ tacked, and numbers of the inhabitants killed and wound- 

1675. ed. Most of the buildings in Deerfield were burnt, and 
Hadley, Northfield was soon after abandoned to the enemy. There 

d \ th- ^^''^ ^ number of skirmishes, about the same time, in that 
field at- P^J't of the country, in which the English, on the whole, 
tacked, were losers. 
Captain Captain Beers was surprised near Northfield, by a large: 

Beers and body of the enemy, and he and twenty of his party were 
^"s party ^-u^. J l J 

killed, Kiiiea. 

Sept. 12th. The officers who commanded in that quarter, finding 
that, by sending out parties, they sustained continual losa 
and disappointment, and effected nothing of importance, 
determined to collect a magazine at Hadley, and garrison 
tlie town. At Deerfield, there were about three thousand 
bushels of wheat in stack. It was resolved to thresh this 
out, and bring it down to Hadley. While captain Lothrop, 
with a chosen corps of young men, the flower of the coun? ' 
ty of Essex, was guarding the teams employed in this ser- 
vice, seven or eight" hundred Indians suddenly attacked 
Captain him. Though he fought with great bravery, yet he fell, 
Lothrop Yvilh nearly his whole party. Many of the teamsters were 
partv'kill- ^^^^ ^^^ ^^' Ninety or an hundred men were killed on 
ed, Sept. the spot. Captain Mosely, who was stationed at Deer- 
18th. field, marched to reinforce captain Lothrop, but he arrived 
too late for his assistance. Captain Mosely was then 
obliged to fight the whole body of the enemy, for several 
liours, until the brave major Treat, of Connecticut, with 
about a hundred and sixty Englishmen and Moheagan In- 
dians, marched up to his assistance, and put the enemy to 
flight.* The fall of captain Lothrop, and such a fine body, 
of nien, was a heavy loss to the country ; especially to the 
county of Essex, filling it with great and universal lamenta- 
tion. 

During the term of about forty years, the Indians in the 
vicinity of Springfield had lived in the greatest harmony 
with the English, and still made the strongest professions' 
Indian of friendship ; yet, about this time, they consjiircd with 
treachery, Philip's warriors for the destruction of that town. At the 
distance of about a mile from it they had a fort. Thci 
evening before they made their assault, they received in- 
to it about three hundred of Philip's warriors. The same 

* The commissioners, about the middle of September, ordered 1000 
men to be raised for the general defence. Of these 500 were to be dra- 
goons, with long arms. Connecticut was required to raise .315 men, for 
her proportion. A considerable part of this force was employed by Con- 
necticut, under major Treat, for the defence of the upper towns. Captain 
AVatts had been sent with a comnanv to Deerfield. some time before. 



Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. ^35 

evening, one Toto, a Windsor Indian, discovered the plot, Book I. 
and dispatches were immediately sent off, from Windsor v,x-n/-'x^ 
to Springfield, and to major Treat, who lay at Westfield, 167.5. 
with the Connecticut troops, to apprise them of the danger. 
But the people at Springfield were so strongly persuaded 
of the friendship of those Indians, that they would not cre- 
dit the report. One lieutenant Cooper, who commanded 
there, was so infatuated, that, as soon as the morning ap- 
peared, instead of collecting his men and preparing for the 
defence of the town, he, with another bold man, rode out, 
with a design to go to the fort, and discover how the mat- 
ter was. He soon met the enemy, who killed his compan- 
ion, by his side, and shot several balls through his body. 
As he was a man of great strength and courage, he kept his 
horse, though mortally wounded, until he reached the first 
garrisoned house, and gave the alarm. The enemy imme- 
diately commenced a furious attack upon the town, and g iT^," 
began to set fire to the buildings. The inhabitants were tacked 
in the utmost consternation. They had none to command and partly 
them, and must soon have all fallen a bloody sacrifice to a ^"''"'^''• 
merciless foe, had not major Treat appeared for their re- 
lief. Upon receiving intelligence 6f the designs of the 
enemy, he marched, without loss of time; but meeting with 
considerable hindrance in crossing the river, for want of 
boats, his arrival was not in such season as to prevent the 
attack. He soon drove off the enemy, saved the inhabit- 
ants, and a considerable part of the town. Great damage, 
however, was done in a very short time. Thirty dwelling 
houses, besides barns and out houses, were burned. Ma- 
jor Pyncheon* and Mr. Purchas sustained each the loss of 
a thousand pouncls.* Mr. Pelatiah Glover, minister of the 
town, lost his house, with a large and excellent library. 

In this stage of the war, the General Assembly of Con- 
necticut convened, October 14th. The court, sensible of 
the good conduct of major Treat, in defending the colony, 
and the towns on Long-Island against the Dutch, and in re- 
lieving captain Mosely and Springfield, returned him pub- 
lic thanks, appointed him to the command o.f all the troops 
to be raised in the colony, to act against the enemy, and 
desired his acceptance of the service. 

Upon intelligence from the Rev. Mr. Fitch, that a large 
body of the enemy wei-e approaching the town of Norwich, 
major Treat was directed to march forthwith, for the de- 
fence of that part of the colony. But soon after, his or- 
*= Major Pjncheon was at Hadley, hut did not come down, with the 
troops there, in season to prerent this great damage. He had, until this 
time, the chief command in that part of the country, l)ut he soon alter re- 
signed it, (hat lie might take care of his own affairs. 



336 HISTORY OF Chap. XIV. 

Book I. ders were countermanded, and he marched for Northamp- 
^-^-N/'-x^ ton. Here he arrived in season to render his country an- 
16 5. other piece of important service. The enemy had been 
Assault so elated with their various successes, that, having collec- 
lev°"ok;^*^' ted about eight hundred of their warriors, they made a fu- 
39t]i. rious attack upon Hadley. Almost every part of the town 

was assaulted at the same instant. But the town was de- 
fended by officers and men of vigilance and spirit, so that 
the enemy every where met with a warm reception. Sev- 
eral parties of the Massachusetts troops, who were in the 
neighboring garrisons, flew to their assistance, and major 
Treat, advancing with his usual dispatch from Northamp- 
mv^routed ^®"' ^""" attacked them, with his whole force, and they 
* were put to a total flight. They sustained such loss, and 
Rendez- WP^ SO disheartened, that, from this time, the main body 
vous in of them left that part of the country, and held their general 
Narragan- rendezvous in Narraganset. Small numbers, however, re- 
*® * mained, doing damage as they had opportunity, and keep- 

ing the people in constant fear and alarm. 

From the intelligence communicated to the general as- 
sembly of Connecticut, during the October session, it ap- 
peared that the enemy had designs upon almost all the 
•embrv'a- ^^^^^^^^ towns in the colony. Each county was therefore 
dopt mea- required to raise sixty dragoons, complete in arms, hors- 
sures for es, and ammunition, for the immediate defence of the colo- 
*^^ *^°^" ny, wherever their services might be necessary. Captain 
Avery was appointed to the command of forty Englishmen 
from the towns of New-London, Stonington, and Lyme, 
with such a number of Pcquots as he should judge expedi 
ent, for the defence of that part of the counti^-, and the an- 
noyance of the enemy, as occasion should present. Cap- 
tain John BTason was appointed fo command another party 
of twenty Englishmen, and the Moheagan Indians. These 
parties were ordered to post themselves in the best manner- 
to guard the eastern towns, and to act conjointly or sepa- 
rately, as emergencies should require. An army of one 
hundred and twenty dragoons was appointed to act against 
the enemy, under the command of major Treat. It was 
ordered that all the towns should be fortified, and that ev- 
ery town should provide the best places f)f defence of which! 
it was capable, for the security of the women and children, 
who were directed to repair to them upon the first intima- 
tions c>f danger. The inhabitants of the towns on the 
frontiers, who were few in number, and most exposed, 
were advised to remove their best effects, and people una- 
ble to defend themselves, to retire into the more populous 
parts of the colony, where they would bo in a more pro- 
bable state of safety. 



CHAf. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 337 

The Narragansets, in direct violation of the treaty, which Book I. 
they had made with the colonies, gave a friendly recep- v-^^v-^*^/ 
tion to Philip's men and other hostile Indians. The com- 1675. 
missioners of the united colonies were satisfied, that some Tlie Nar- 
of them had been in actual service, in the assaults which ''^^^"^^*^ 
had been made upon the English. Their young men had rous. 
returned wounded to Narraganset. It was supposed, that Reasons of 
the Narraganset sachems could muster two thousand war- ^'?^. ^^P*^" 
riors, and that they had a thousand muskets. It was judg- o-ainst'** 
ed that, if they should all engage, in the spring, in open them, 
hostilities, and scatter, as they might, into all parts of the 
country, all the force, which the colonies could bring into 
the field, would not be sufficient to defend the plantations 
against the united exertions of the enemy. In the summer 
and fall past, one company of brave men after another had 
been cut off, and future prospects were not more favora- 
ble. The commissioners of the united colonies therefore 
resolved, that an army of a thousand men should be rais-^f"™n^^ 

1 /• • • II 1 • men. 

ed, lor a winter campaign, (o attack the enemy at their 
head quarters, in the Narraganset country. The colony 
of Massachusetts furnished a corps of five hundred and 
twenty seven men, consisting of six companies of foot and 
a troop of horse, commanded by major Appleton. Plym- 
outh furnished one hundred and fifty-eight men, consisting 
of two companies, under the command of major Bradford 
and captain Gorham. The proportion of Connecticut was 
three hundred and fifteen men, but they sent into the field 
three hundred English men and 150 Moheagan and Pequot 
Indians. These were divided into five companies, com- 
manded by captains Seely, Gallup, Mason, Watts, and 
Marshall. This corps was commanded by major Treat. 
The honorable Josiah Winslow, Esq. governor of New- 
Plymouth, was appointed commander in chief. The or- 
ders of the commissioners to Connecticut were issued at 
Boston, the 12th of November. They required, that the 
best officers and firmest men should be appointed, and 
armed and clothed in the best manner. It was required, 
that the troops should rendezvous at New-London, Nor- 
wich, and Stonington, by the 10th of December, ready to 
receive orders from the commander in chief. 

The commissioners were sensible, that an expedition, at Dangeiiof 
this season, would be most distressful and hazardous. Such the exper 
is the extremity of the weather, in this climate, that they ^^tton, 
were not without apprehensions ; the whole army might per- 
ish, should the troops be obliged to lie uncovered a single 
night in the open field. It did not escape their delibera- 
tions, that the snow often fell so deep, that it would be ex~ 

S 2 



33g HISTORY OF Chap. XIV. 

Bo(3k I. iremely difticult, if not impossible, to send any succours to 
v^^'v-Si^ the arm), in case of any misfortune ; but they considered 
1675. this as the only probable expedient of defeating the ene- 
my, and preventing the desolating of the country. They 
observed, '' It was a humbling providence of God, that put 
his poor people to be meditating a matter of war at such a 
season." They appointed the :i-econd of December to be 
observed as a solemn fast, to seek the divine aid.* 

The Connecticut troops arrived at Pettyquamscot, on the 
17th of December. Here had been a namber of buildings^ 
in which the troops expected to have been covered and 
kindly entertained ; but the enemy, a day or two before^ 
had killed ten men and five women and children, and burn- 
ed all the houses and barns. The next day, they formed 
T)^*'."^']f.^' ^ junction with the Massachusetts and Plymouth forces. 
Though the evening was cold and stormy, the troops were 
line of obliged to remain uncovered in the open field. The next' 
march, ' morning, at the dawning of the day, they commenced their 
Lord's march towards the enemy, who were in a swamp at about 
39th' '^' fift^^"^ miles distance. The troops from Massachusetts, 
headed by cafHains Mosely and Davenport, led the van ; 
their rear was brought up by major Appleton and captairi 
Oliver. General Winslow, with the Plymouth companies^ 
formed in the centre ; and tiie troops of Connecticut form- 
ed in the rear of the whole, brought up by major Treat. 
This was the line of march.! 

The troops proceeded with great spirit, wading through 
the snow, in a severe season, until nearly one o'clock, with- 
out fire to warm or food to refresh them, except what had 
been taken on the way. At this time, they had arrived just 
Situation upon the seat of the enemy. This was upon a rising 
of the ene- ground, in the centre of a large swamp. It was fortified 
'"^' with palisades, and compassed with a hedge without, near- 

ly of a rod's thickness. The only entrance, which appear- I 
ed practicable, was over a log, or tree, which lay up five or 
six feet from the ground. This opening was commanded 
in front by a kind of log house, and on the left by a flanker. 
As soon as the troops entered the skirts of the swamp, they 
discovered an advanced party of the enemy, upon whom 
they immediately fired. The enemy returned the fire, and 
retired before them, until they were led to the very en- 
Attack trance by the blockhouse. Without reconnoitering the 
upon the ^^^t, or vvaiting for the army to march up and form for the 
'^^ ' attack, the Massachusetts troops, led on by their officers, 

with great courage, mounted the tree and entered the fort ^ 

* Letters of the commissioners to Connecticut. 
' 1 ilubbart.rs Narrative, p. 104. 



Chap. XiV. CONNECTICUT. 3?9 

but they were so galled from the blockhouse, and rcceiv- Book T. 
ed such a furious and well directed fire from almost every ^-^^v^^ 
t^uarter, that, after every exertion of skill and courage, of 1675. 
which they wore capable, they were obliged to retreat out 
of the fort. The whole army pressed forward with the ut- 
most courage and exertion, but such were the obstructions 
from the swamp and the snow, that it was a considerabii; 
time before the men could all be brought up to action. By 
reason of tliis, and the sharpness of the fire from the flanker 
and block-house, a sufficient number of men were not able 
to enter the fort to support those brave ollicers and men, 
who so courageously began the assault. Captains John- ^^^* ^^' 
son and Davenport, and many brave men of the Massachu- 
setts, were killed. The Connecticut troops, who formed 
in the rear, coming up to the charge, mounted over the log 
before the blockhouse, the captains leading and spiriting 
up the men in the most undaunted manner. About the 
same time that the main body of the Connecticut troops 
were forcing their way by the blockhouse, a few bold men 
ran round to the opposite part of the fort, where they found 
a narrow spot where there were no palisades, but a high 
and thick hedge of trees and brush. The sharpness of the 
action in the front had drawn ofl' the enemy from this part, 
and climbing over unobserved, they ran down between the 
wigwams, and poured a heavy and well directed fire upon 
the backs of the enemy, who lay wholly exposed to their 
shot.* Thus assaulted, in front and rear, they were driven 
from the flanker and block-house. The captains crying 
out, they run, they run, the men pressed so fyriously upon 
them, that they were forced from that part of the fort. The 
soldiers without rushed in, with great spirit, and the ene- 
my were driven from one covert and hiding place to anoth- 
er, until the middle of the fort was gained ; and after a 
long and bloody action they were totally routed and fled 
into the wilderness. As they retired, the soldiers set fire The ene- 
to the wigwams, about six hup.dred of which were instantly 'Yand*'^*' 
consumed. The enemy's corn, stores, and utensils, with their wig- 
many of their old men, women, and children, perished in wams 
the conflagration. It was supposed, that three hundred '^"'''^^• 
warriors were slain^ besides many wounded, who after- 
wards died of their wounds and with the cold. Nearly the 
same number were taken, with three hundred women and 
children. From the number of wigwams in the fort, it is 
probable that the whole number of the Indians was nearly 

* Manuscripts of the Rev. Mr, Ruggles. He observes, "It is a pitj 
things so curious and remarkable, and wherein the hand of Providence so 
/evidently appeared, as in taking the fort at Narraganset, should be lost. 
They deserve to be recorded ia history." 



340 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. XIV. 




Mai-ch to 
head quar 
iter?. 



Courage 
exhibited, 
and hard- 
ships en- 
duredo 



State of 
the army 
on the 

2:0th. 



four thousand. Those who were not killed in battle, or 
did not perish in the flames, fled to a cedar swamp, where 
they spent the night, without food, fire, or covering. 

It was, nevertheless, a dearly bought victory. Six brave 
captains fell in the action, and eighty men were killed or 
mortally wounded. A hundred and fifty were wounded, 
■who afterwards recovered. After the fatiguing march, and 
hard fought battle of three hours, in which the troops had 
been exercised, the army, just at the setting of the sun, 
having burnt and destroyed all in their power, left the en- 
emy's ground, and, carrying about two hundred dead and 
wounded men, marched back, sixteen or eighteen miles, 
to head quarters. The night was very cold and stormy. 
The snow fell deep, and it was not until midnight, or after, 
that the army got in. Many of the wounded, who other- 
wise might have recovered, died with the cold, and the fa- 
tigue and inconveniences of such a distressing march.* Af- 
ter lying the preceding night in the open field, and after 
all the exertions of so long and sharp an action, the army 
marched, through snow and a pathless wilderness, in less 
than twenty-four hours, more than thirty miles. The cour- 
age exhibited by every part of the army, the invincible he- 
roism of the officers, the firmness and resolution of the sol- 
diers, when they saw their captains falling before them, 
and the hardships endured, are hardly credible, and rarely 
find a parallel in ancient or modern ages. The cold was 
extrsme, and the snow fell so deep that night, that it was 
difficult, the next day, for the army to move. Many of 
the soldiers were frozen, and their limbs exceedingly swol- 
len. Four hundred were disabled and unfit for duty. The 
Connecticut troops were more disabled than those of the 
other colonies. They had endured a tedious march from 
Stonington to Pettyquamscot ; and as the buildings there 
Avere all destroyed, they endured great hardships before 
their junction with the troops of the other colonies. They 
had sustained a much greater loss in the action, in propor- 
tion to their numbers, than the troops of the other colo- 

* It appears, by the letters from the army, that twenty men only were kil- 
led in the action. This was the whole number dead, when the army beijan 
their march for head quarters. Eight were left on the ground, and twelve 
canicd off by the array. Ten or twelve died on the march, and f^everal 
next mornins;, so that on the 20th of December, thirty-four were buried in 
a grave. Four died the next day, and two the day after. Forty only were 
dead on the 25d. Thoush the best surgeons which the country could fur- 
nish, were provided, yet the season was so severe, and the accommodations, 
after all the exertions which could be made, so poor, that, by the end of 
January, twenty more were in their graves. The number mentioned, as 
killed, in the ancient histories, included all who were killed or died after- 
■"^.rds of their wounds. 



Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 341 

nies.t Of the five Connecticut captains, three, Seely, Gal- Book I. 
lup, and Marshall, were killed, and captain Mason receiv- v-^r-s^--^^ 
ed a wound, of which he died about nine months after. 167.5. 
Marshall was killed as he ascended the tree before the log- 
house. The fire of the enemy was dreadful, when the 
Connecticut men were entering, and after they first enter- 
ed the fort, until the men who came in upon the backs of 
them, began to fire their large muskets, loaded with pistol 
bullets, upon the enemy, where they stood together in the clo- 
sest manner. This at once disconcerted them, and check- 
ed their fire, in that quarter. Gallup and Seely, leading 
and animating their men, in this dreadful moment, soon 
fell. The enemy made an obstinate defence, after the men 
gained tKe fort the second time, taking the advantage of 
their block-houses, wigwams, and every covert of which 
they could avail themselves. Some of the soldiers expend- 
ed all their ammunition before the action was terminated, 
and were obliged to seek new supplies. 

The troops from Connecticut had sustained such a loss 
of officers, and were so disabled, that major Treat judged 
t The whole number killed and wounded, was about two hundred. From 
the returns and letters before me, it appears, that of the Massachusetts, 
^here were one hundred killed and wounded, of whom thirty-one were kil- 
led or died of their wounds. Among these were captains Johnson, Daven- 
port, and Gardiner. They had, also, a lieutenant Upham mortally wound- 
ed, who died afterwards at Boston. Plymouth sustained the loss of twen- 
ty killed and wounded ; eight or nine, it seems, were killed, or died of their 
■wounds afterwards. Of the three hundred Englishmen from Connecticut, 
eighty were killed and wounded ; twenty in captain Seely's, twenty in 
captain Gallup's, seventeen in captain Watts's, nine in captain Mason's, 
and fourteen in captain Marshall's company. Of these about forty v/ere 
killed, or died of tlieir wounds. About half the loss in this bloody ac(ion, 
fell upon Connecticut. The legislature of the colony, in a representation 
of the services they had performed in the war, say, " In that signal service, 
the fort fight, in Narr^ganset, as we had our full number, in proportion 
with the other confederates, so all say they did their full proportion of ser- 
vice. Three noble soldiers, Seely, courageous Marshall, and bold Gallup, 
died in the bed of honour ; and valiant Mason, a fourth captain, had his 
death's wound. There died many brave officers, and sentinels, whose mem- 
ory is blessed ; and whose death redeemed our lives. The bitter cold, the 
tarled swamp, the tedious march, the strong fort, the numerous and stub- 
born enemy they contended with, for their God, king and country, be their 
tropliies over death. He that commanded our forces then, and now us, 
made no less than seventeen .''air shots at the enemy, and was thereby as 
oft a fair mark for them. Our mourners, over all the colony, witness for 
our men, that they were not unfaithful in that day." It is the tradition, 
that major, afterwards governor Treat, received a ball through the brim of 
his hat, and that he was the last man who left tiic fort, in the dusk of the 
evening, commanding the rear of the army. ' The burning the wigwams, 
the shrieks and cries of the women and children, and the yelling of the war- 
riors, exhibited a most horrible and affecting scene, so that it greatly mov- 
ed some of the soldiers. They were in much doubt then, and, afterwards, 
often seriously inquired, whether burning their enemies alive could be con- 
sistent with humanity, and the benevolent principles of the gospel. Man- 
'iscriptr, of the Kev. Mr. Thomas Ruggles. 



343 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. XIV. 




1676. 



Lancaster 
burnt. 
Feb. 10th. 

Medfield 
assaulted. 
Feb. I.20U). 



it absolutely necessary to return to Connecticut, where he 
might recruit them, and cover them with more convenience, 
than could possibly be done in that part of the country. 
The wounded men, who were not able to travel, were put 
on board vessels and carried to Rhode-Island. The Con- 
necticut troops, in their march from Stonington to Petty- 
quamscot, killed six and captivated seven of the enemy. 
On their return home, they killed and captivated about 
thirty more. 

The Massachusetts and Plymouth troops kept the field 
the greatest part of the winter, ranged the country, capti- 
vated numbers of the enemy, brought in considerable 
quantities of corn and beans, and burned more than 200 
wigwams ; but achieved nothing brilliant or decisive. In 
the whole, in the fort and in the country, the English burn- 
ed between eight and nine hundred wigwams, and destroy- 
ed almost the whole of the enemy's provisions. This was 
much more distressing, and had a greater influence in their 
total ruin, than was at first imagined. 

Meanwhile, much pains were taken to make peace, 
and various messages passed between the English and the 
Indians, on that subject; but they would not accept of any 
overtures which the colonies thought proper to make to 
them. 

As the enemy had lost their dwellings and principal 
.stores, in Narraganset, the great body of their warriors 
moved oft" to the northward, to the Nipmuck country, and 
into the wilderness, north of Brookfield. They were not, 
however, idle. The latter part of January, they drove ofF^ 
from one man, at Warwick, as they took leave of their 
country, sixteen horses, fifty neat cattle, and two hundred 
sheep. In February, the Narraganset and Nipmuck In- 
dians fell upon Lancaster, and plundered and burned the 
greatest part of the town. They either killed or captivat- 
ed forty of the inhabitants.* Some days after, they made 
an assault on Medfield, killed twenty men, and laid nearly 
half of the town in ashes. 

March was a month of still greater disasters. The towns 
of Northampton and Springfield, of Chelmsford, Groton, 
Sudbury, and Marlborough, in Massachusetts, and of War- 
wick and Providence, in Rhode-Island, were assaulted ; 
and some of them partly, and others entirely, destroyed. 
Many of the inhabitants were killed, and others led away 
into a miserable captivity, 

* The enemy set fire to the garrison house, and the women and childreu 
were all captivated, among whoffi was the wife and family of Mr Rov- 
hndson, minister of the town. 



Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 343 

Captain Pierce, about the same time, with fifty English- Book I* 
men and twenty friendly Indians, was drawn into an am- ^^x-v-^^ 
bush, and surrounded by a great body of the enemy, who 1676. 
slew every Englishman, and the greatest part of the In- Captain 
dians. This was a great loss to so small a colony as T'f.'^j^ 
Plymouth, to whom captain Pierce and his company be- March 2t>. 
longed. Two days after, the enemy fell upon Rehoboth, agih, 
in the vicinity of Swanzey, where hostilities first began, 
and burned forty dwelling houses, besides barns and out 
houses. 

Captain Wadsworth, a brave officer, with fifty men, 
marching, ten days before, to the relief of Sudbury, was Captain 
surrounded by a numerous body of the enemy, and fell Wacis- 
with his whole party. Massachusetts, at this time, was in worth; 
great distress and sorrow. It was feared by many, that the ' ® ' 
whole colony would be depopulated. But it was now full 
tide with the enemy, they soon received an important 
check, and began rapidly to decline. 

In February, 1676, a number of volunteers from Con- 
necticut, belonging principally to New-London, Norwich, ^y*'°"^^ij|j"_ 
and Stonington, formed themselves into companies, under, teers. 
major Palms, captain George Denison, captain James Ave- 
ry, and captain John Stanton, for the annoyance of the 
enemy. They engaged a number of Moheagans, Pequots, 
and Narragansets, to be associates with them, for the sake 
of plunder, and other considerations. The Moheagans 
were commanded by Onecho, one of the sons of Uncas ; 
the Pequots, by Cassasinamon, their chief ; and the Narra- 
gansets, consisting of about twenty men, by Catapazet. 
These latter were Ninigrate's men, who, in time past, had 
given the colonies so much trouble ; but at this time they 
remained quiet, and would not join the other Narraganset 
sachems.* 

These companies began to range the Narraganset coun- 
try, and harass the enemy, the latter part of February, 
and continued making their incursions from that time un- Their suc- 
til the enemy were driven from those quarters. As soon cesses. 
as- one company returned, another went out immediately, 
so as to keep the enemy in continual alarm. Their suc- 
cess was admirable. 

Captain Denison, of Stonington, on the 27th of March, 
began a very successful incursion into the country. 

Nainmttenoo, or Canonchet, the head sachem of all the 
Narragansets, son of Miantonimoh, inheritor of all his 

* The principul seat of Ninigrate was at Westerly, which formerly be- 
longed to Stonington. He put himself under thti English, and he, and his 
Indians, were the only ones who were not de=troyed, or driven from that 
pa;rt of the country. 



344 HISTORY OF Chap. XIV. 

Book I. pride, and of his insolence and hatred towards the Eng- 
v-^'-N^-^^ lish, had ventured down from the northern wilderness to 
1676. Scaconk, near the seat of Philip, to procure seed corn, to 
plant the towns which the English had deserted, upon Con- 
necticut river. He had been aiding in the slaughter of 
captain Pierce and his men just before. After captain 
Denison and his party had wearied themselves for several 
days, in hunting the enemy, they came upon their tracks 
near Blackston's river, and soon discovered, by a squaw 
Avhom they took, that Nanunttenoo was in a wigwam, not 
far distant. The captain made dispositions immediately 
„ ,, to surprise him. While he was boasting of that great feat 
noo sur- o^ cutting ofl' captain Pierce, and diverting himself with 
prised and the story, the English came upon him. Some of his party, 
taken. discovering them, ran off with great precipitation ; but one 
more faithful than the rest, entered the wigwam and ac- 
quainted him with his danger. He instantly fled with all 
his might. Catapazet, from the manner of his running, 
suspecting it was Nanunttenoo, gave chase with as much 
eagerness as he fled. The other Indians, who were most 
light of foot, joined in the pursuit. They pressed him so 
hard, that he soon threw off his blanket, and then his sil- 
ver laced coat, which had been given him at Boston. The 
pursuers, perceiving that they were not mistaken with res- 
pect to the person, employed theii' utmost exertions to 
seize him. At length, plunging through the river, his foot 
slipped, ujion a smooth stone, and he fell and wet his gun. 
Odc Monopoide, a Pcquot, outrunning the other Indians, 
leaped through the river after him, and soon laid hold up- 
on him. Though he was a man of goodly stature, and of 
great strength and courage, yet he made no resistance* 
One Robert Stanton, a young man, was the first English- 
man who came up to him. He asked him several ques- 
tions ; but this haughty sachem, looking with disdain up- 
on his youthful countenance, replied, in broken English, 
" YoLi too much child ; no understand matters of war — - 
Let your captain come ; him I will answer.'^ This party, 
in about sixteen days, killed and took nearly fifty of the 
enemy, without the loss of a single man. This success 
was more important on account of the capture of the chief 
sachem, and a number of counsellors and war captains. 

NaniinlLcnoo would not accept of life when offered upon 
the coiidition that he should make peace with the English ; 
Mor would he so snuch as send one of his counsellors to 
make a single proposal for that purpose. When he was 
made acquainted that it was determined to put him to death, 
he said, " He liked it well ; that he should die before his 



Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 345 

heart was soft, or he had spoken any thing unworthy of Boor I. 
himself." The Mohcagan sachem, his coutisellors, and v-^-v-^^ 
the principal Pcquots, shot him at Stonington. Those 1676. 
brav^e volunteer captains and their flying parties had, at 
this time, killed and captivated forty-four of the enemy, and 
before the end of April, seventy-six more, about a hun- 
dred and twenty in one month. Among these was another 
sachem, a grandson of Pomham, who was esteemed the 
best soldier and most warlike of all the Narraganset sa- 
chems. They made, in the spring, summer, and fall, ten 
or twelve expeditions, in which they killed and captiva- 
ted two hundred and thirty of the enemy, took fifty mus- 
kets, and brought in one hundred and sixty bushels of their 
corn. They drove all the Narraganset Indians out of their 
country, except those at Westerly under Ninigrate.* In; 
all these expeditions they had not one man killed or woun- 
ded.! Governor Hutchinson observes, that " the brave y 
actions of the Connecticut volunteers have not been enough J 
applauded. Denison's name ought to be perpetuated." 

While Connecticut had the hofibr and happiness of giv- I^eath of 
ing a check to the war, the colony sustained a heavy loss ^°^" "" 
in the death of governor Winthrop. He had been cho- April '5th, 
sen one of the commissioners from Connecticut, the May 
preceding, to the court of the commissioners of the united 
colonies. Upon the meeting of this court, early in the 
spring, he went to Boston, where he was taken sick and 
died, April 5th, 1676, in the 71st year of his age. He 
was honorably interred, at Boston, in the same tomb with 
his father. 

He was the eldest son of the honorable John Winthrop, His char- 
Esq. the first governor of Massachusetts. His birth was acter. 
at Groton in England, 1605. His father gave him a libe- 
ral education, at the university of Cambridge, in England ; 
and afterwards supported him some years at the universi- 
ty of Dublin, in Ireland. As travelling was considered a 
great accomplishment to a young gentleman, he travelled 
into France, Holland, Germany, Italy, and Turkey. With 
these advantages he returned to England, not only a great 
scholar, rich in experience and literature, but a most ac- 
complished gentleman. While he collected the literature 
and excellencies of the various nations and countries 
through which he passed, he cautiously avoided their er- 
rors and vices. He was a puritan of distinguished piety 
and niorals. After his return from his travels, he came into 
New-England, with his father's family, in 1631, and was 

* Declaration of the volunteers, sworn before governor Salton^tall. 
" Hubbard's Narrative, from p. 125 to 131- 

T 2 



34G 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. XIV 



Book I. 



^676. 



Election, 
May 11th, 
William 
Leet, Esq. 
chosrn 
governor. 

The as- 
sembly 
raise aa 
army. 



Major 
Talcott 
com man- 
tle r. 



chosen one of the magistrates of the colony of Massachu 
setts. He afterwards went into England ; and in 1635, 
returned with a commission to erect a fort at the mouth of 
Connecticut river, and to be governor of that part of the 
country. In 1651, he was chosen one of the magistrates 
of Connecticut. In 1657, he was elected governor, and 
the next year deputy governor. In 1659, he was pgain 
chosen governor; from which time he was annually re- 
chosen to that office, until his death. He was one of the 
greatest chymists and physicians of his age, a member of 
the royal society of philosophical transactions, and one or 
the most distinguished characters in New-Engiand. He 
rendered many important services to the colony, was ex- 
ceedingly beloved in life, and died greatly and universally 
lamented. 

At the election, May llth, William Leet, Esq. was cho 
sen governor, and Robert Treat, Esq. deputy governor- 
Captain John Mason was chosen magistrate, to fill the va- 
cancy made by the advancement of major Treat, to the of- 
fice of deputy governor. No alteration was made with res 
pect to the other officers. 

The assembly voted three hundred and fifty men, who, 
with the friendly Indians, were to be a standing army, to 
defend the country and harass the enemy. Major John 
Talcott was appointed to the chief command. The Rev. 
Gershom Bulkley, of Weathersfield, was appointed sur- 
geon, and Mr. James Fitch, chaplain. Mr. Bulkley was 
viewed as one of the greatest physicians and surgeons then 
in Connecticut. The assembly ordered that the surgeoi. 
and chaplain should be of the council of war. 

Major Talcott, on his appointment to the command of 
the army, resigned the office of treasurer, and William 
Pitkin, Esq. was appointed to that office, by the assembly. 

The first general rendezvous of the army, this year, was 
at Norwich. From thence major Talcott marched, the be- 
ginning of June, with about two hundred and fifty English 
soldiers and two hundred Moheagan and Pequot Indians, 
up towards the Wabaquasset country, scouring the woods 
through that long tract. They found the country every 
where de .cried. The fort and wigwams at W^abaquasset 
were deserted. Nothing more could be done there, than 
demolish the Indian fortress and destroy about fifty acres 
of corn which the enemy had planted. On the 5th of 
June, the army marched to Chanagongum, in the Nipmuck 
country. There they killed nineteen Indians, and took 
t.hirty-thi-ee captives.* The army then marched to Qua- 

* IMajor Talcott'b letter to the committee o( war, June 8, 1676. 



Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 347 

>aug, or Brooklield, and thence to Northampton. This Book I. 
was a lons^ march, in which the troops suffered greatly for v.-^'^v^-h^ 
want of provisions. It has ever since, in Connecticut, 1G76. 
been known by the name of the long and hungry march. Hungiy 
Major Talcott expected to have met with the Massachu- ™^'''-'^- 
setts forces at Brookfield, or in that vicinity, .but they did 
jiot arrive. 

On the 12th of June, four days after the arrival of the 
Connecticut troops at Northampton, about seven hundred 
Indians made a furious attack upon Hadley; but major 
Talcott, with his party, soon appeared for the relief of the 
garrison, and drove off the enemy. His seasonable arri- 
val was, providentially, a happy circumstance, which pro- 
bably saved Hadley, and other towns upon the river. 

Some time after, the Massachusetts forces arrived, and, 
in conjunction with major Talcott and his soldiers, scoured 
the woods on both sides the river, as far as the falls at 
Deerfield. The enemy, by this time, had made their es- 
cape from that part of the country. The army broke up 
their fisheries, destroyed their fish and other stores, recov- 
ered some stolen goods, and returned, without effecting any 
thing very important. 

After major Talcott had spent about three weeks in ser- 
vice upon the river, he left that quarter, and marched 
through the wilderness, towards Providence and the Nar- 
raganset country. On the 1st of July, the army came near 
a large body of the enemy, and took four. Two days after, July 3d. 
major Talcott surprised the main body of them, by the 
side of a large cedar swamp. He made such a disposition 
of his men, and attacked them so suddenly, that a consider- 
able number were killed and taken on the spot; others es- 
caped to the swamp. The troops compassed the swamp, 
and, after an action of two or three hours, killed and took 
171. Tin'rly-four warriors were killed in the action, and 
also Magnus, the sunk squaw, or old queen of Narragan- 
set; 90 of the captives were killed, and between 40 and 
50 women and children preserved alive. 

The same day, the troops marched to Providence, and 
compassed the neck there, and afterwards, Warwick neck : 
in which places they killed and captured 67. Eighteen 
were killed. In these several rencontres, 238 were killed 
and taken, with about 30 arms.* 

About the 5th of July, the army returned to Connecticut. 
In their route, they took GO more of the enemy. From 
about the beginning of April to the Gth of July, the Con- 

* Major TalcoU's let(er to the council of war, 'July 4(h, 1676. 



348 HISTORY OF Chap. XIV. 

Book I. necticut volunteers," and the troops under major Talcott, 
•.,^-N/->w^ killed and captivated about 420 of the enemy.t 
1676. The enemy, about this time, fell into a state of division, 
fear, and astonishment. They found that, 'by attempting 
to destroy their English neighbours, they had utterly ruin- 
ed themselves, A complication of evils conspired for their 
destruction. The destruction of their fort and principal 
Distressed stores, in thc dead of winter, the burning of their wigwams, 
condition and bringing off their corn and beans, in all parts of the 
of theeue- cQy^j^j.y^ put them to inexpressible hardships and distres- 
^^' ses. They had been able to plant but little, in the spring ; 

what they had planted, the English had destroyed ; they 
had been driven from the sea and rivers, and cut off from 
almost every kind of subsistence. They had been obliged 
to lie in swamps and marshes ; to feed on horse flesh, and 
other unwholesome food • all which gendered infirmity and 
death; so that they became debilitated and disheartened 
by fatigue, famine, disease, and mortality."! They could 
not keep together in any considerable bodies, for want of 
sustenance. They were pursued and hunted from swamp 
to swamp, and from one lurking place to another; so that, 
in July and August, they began to come in to the English, 
in large bodies, and surrender themselves to the mercy of 
their conquerors. 
Theenev Blajor Talcott, after his return from Narraganset, having 
my fly to recruited his men a short time in Connecticut, took his 
fewest- station at Westfield. While he lay there, a large body of 
the enemy was discovered fleeing to the westward. Major' 
Major Talcoti pursued them, and on the third day, about half way 
Talcott between Westfield and Albany, discovered them lying on 
and^sur- ^^^ west side of Housatonick river, entirely secure. It was 
prises judged too late in the day to attack them to any purpose. 
The army, therefore, retreated, and lay upon their arms, 
in great silence, during the night. Towards morning, the 
troops were formed in two divisions. One was ordered to 
pass the river below the enemy, and to advance and com- 
pass them in on that side. The other party, creeping si- 
lently up to the east bank of the river, were to lie prepared 
instantly to fire, when they should receive the signal from 
the other division, who, when they had reached their 
ground, were to fire a single gun. But this well contrived 
plan was in some measure disconcerted. An Indian had 
left his companions in a dead sleep, and proceeded down 

t Hubbard's Narrative, p. 131, 164, 166. Hutchiuson's history, vol. i, 
p. 303, 306. 

I Soaie of the captives reported, that m"re died by sickn.c.s?, than (he 
jtvordv 



Chap. XIV. CONNECTICUT. 349 

the river to catch fish. As the division on the west side of Book I. 
the river was advancing to surround the enemy, he discov- v,<»^v^w/ 
ered them, and roared out, " Awantiux, Awannux." Upon 1G76. 
this, one of the party fired, and killed him on the spot. 
The other division, on the east bank of the river, supposing 
this to be the signal gun, discharged upon the enemy, as 
they fv'cre rising in surprise, or lay upon the ground, and 
killed and wounded a great number of them. Those who 
were not killed, or disabled by wounds, instantly fled, 
leaving their camp, baggage, provisions, and many of their 
arms. As the division on the west side, had not advanc- 
ed to the ground designed, before the alarm was given, the 
enemy made their escape with much less damage, than oth- 
erwise they could have done. The troops pursued them 
some distance, but the woods were so extremely thick, 
that they soon disappeared, and the army returned. The 
sachem of Quabaug or Brookfield was killed, and 44 other |^^*^f? fj 
Indians were killed and taken. Among the killed were iJ^ed. 
25 warriors.* 

Several brave captains and officers in the Massachu- 
setts, in July and August, were very successful. Captain 
Church, of Plymouth, afterwards major Church, a famous 
partisan, took several small parties of the enemy. The 
Indians, who were taken or came in to the English to save 
their own lives, betrayed tlieir friends, and led the Eng- 
lish captains to their haunts and hiding places. Thus as- 
sisted, the Massachusetts and Plymouth soldiers hunted 
Philip from week to week, and from place to place. They 
killed and captured his brother, his counsellors, and chief 
men, his wife and family •, but his mind continued firm and 
unbroken. In the midst of all this misfortune and dis- 
tress, he would hear no proposals of peace. At length, 
on the 12th of August, captain Church, led by one of Phil- 
ip's men, whom he had disaflected, by shooting his broth- 
er, only for proposing to him to make peace with the col- 
onies, surprised this famous sachem, in a swamp, near 
Mount Hope. As he was flying to make his escape, the 
Indian who had been guide to the party, shot him through Philip kiil- 
the heart. Thus fell a brave enemy, who had defended <^^i Aug. 
himself and his country, and what he imagined to be his ^'' 
own, and the just rights of his countrymen, to the last ex- 
tremity. 

The Indians in this part of the country, now generally 
submitted to the English, or fled and incorporated with dis- 
tant and strange nations. After this time, very litde dam- 
age was done. 
' * Manq^crjnt'sof (he Tlc\. Thomas Rugbies and Hubbard's Narrative: 



350 IJISTORV OF Chap. XiV. 

Book I. Connecticut ofTered the same conditions to the enemy, 
v-^-v^^w/ upon their submission, which liad been given to the Pe- 
1676. qaots : That they should have life, liberty, protection, and 
ground to plant. Some principal incendiaries and mur- 
derers, however, were excepted. They disdained to ac- 
cept the terms, and generally fled their country. The Nip- 
mucks, Nashawas, Pocomtocks, the Hadley and Springfield 
Indians, fled to the French and their Indians, in Canada. 
About 200 of them, after their surprise at Housatonick riv- 
er, fled to the Moheaganders, upon Hudson's river, incor- 
porated and became one with them. 

When Philip began the war, he, and his kinswoman, 
Wetamoe, had about 500 warriors, and the Narragansets 
nearly 2000. The Nipmuck, Nashavva, Pocomtock, Had- 
ley, and Springfield Indians, were considerably numerous. 
h is probable, therefore, that there were about 3000 war- 
riors combined for the destruction of the New-England 
colonies, exclusive of the eastern Indians. The war ter- 
minated in their entire conquest, and almost total extinc- 
tion. At the same time, it opened a wide door to extensive 
settlement and population. 

This, however, in its connection with the war with the 
Losses in eastern Indians, which commenced about the same time, 
the war. was the most impoverishing and distressing, of any which 
New-England has ever cx]»erienced, from its first settle- 
ment to the present time. The war with the eastern In- 
dians continued until the spring of the year 1678. The 
enemy killed and captivated great numbers of the people', ' 
captured nearly twenty fishing vessels, with their crews, 
and rioted in plunder and devastation, until most of the set- 
tlements in those parts were swept away, and the country 
was reduced to their domination.* 

About 600 of the inhabitants of New-England, the great- 
est part of whom were the flower and strength of the coun- 
try, either fell in battle, or were murdered by the enemy. 
A great part of the inhabitants of the country were in deep 
mourning. There were few families or individuals who 
had not lost some near relative or friend. Twelve or thir- 
teen towns, in Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Rhode-Isl- 
and, were utterly destroyed, and others greatly damaged. 
About 600 buildings, chiefly dwelling houses, were con- 
sumed with fire.t An almost insuperable debt was con- 

* Dr. Belknap's hist. vol. i. p. 157, 159. 

t This statement of the loss of lives, towns, and buildings, is made from 
an accurate enumeration of the various numbers mentioned, in the ancient 
liistories, of the lives lost, and of the towns and buildings bufned. But as 
there were, doubt-ess, many persons killed, and others who died of their 
nound''. not mentioned in those accounts, they must have exceeded the 



Chap. XIV.- CONNECTICUT. 351 

tracted by the colonies, when their numbers, dwelling?, Book I. 
goods, cattle, and all their resources, were greatly dimin- v.^-s/^x-/ 
ished. 1676. 

Connecticut, indeed, had suOered nothing, in compari- 
son with her sister colonies. Her towns and inhabitants 
had been preserved from the ravages of the enemy; but 
about a seventh part of the whole militia was out upon con- 
stant service, besides the volunteers. A large proportion 
was obliged to watch and guard the towns at home. The 
particular towns were necessitated to fortify themselves 
with an inclosure of pallisadcs, and to prepare and fortify 
particular dwellings for garrison houses, which might, in 
the best manner, command the respective towns; and to 
which the aged people, women, and children might repair, 
and be in safety, in the time of danger. For three years 
after the war commenced, the inhabitants paid eleven 
pence on the pound, upon the grand list, exclusive of all 
town and parish taxes. After the war was finished, they 
had a considerable debt to discharge. The colony, never- 
theless, was highly distinguished and favoured in many re- 
spects. The numerous Indians within it, were not only 
peaceable, but the Moheagans and Pequots were of great 
service in the war. They were not only a defence to the 
eastern towns, but especially advantageous in discovering 
and harassing the enemy, and in preventing a surprise by 
them. Connecticut had not one party of men surprised 
and cut off during the war; nor did the colony sustain any 
considerable loss of men, at any time, except in taking the 
fort in Narraganset. At the same time, the legislature and 
people were happy, in giving seasonable and powerful as- 
sistance to their confederates, and in repeatedly rescuing 
whole towns and parties, when in the most imminent danger. 

number here staled. The histories of those troubles, rarely mention the 
barns, stores, and out houses burned ; and sometimes there is notice of the 
burning of part of a town, and of the buildings in such a tract, without 
any specification of the number. All the buildings in Narraganset, from 
Providence to Stonington, a tract of about fifty miles, were burned, or 
otherwise destroyed, by the enemy, but the number is not mentioned. The 
Joss of buildings must, therefore, have been much greater than has been 
mentioned. 

The militia of Connecticut, in 1675, amounted to 2,250 men. Of these, 
the commii-sioners required 315, as their proportion of the 1,000 men then 
to be raised. 

If the proportion was just, there were about 7,150 of the militia of the 
united coloiiies. Reckoning every fifth man a soldier, and five per--ons to 
every family, there were 7,1 50 families, and 35,750 inhabitanls, at that time 
in the united colonies. According to this estimation, about one fenciblc 
man in eleven was killed, and every eleventh family was burnt out; or an 
eleventh part of the whole militia, and of all the buildings of the united colo- 
nies were swept away by tliis predatory war. This greatly exceeded the 
loss in the late war with Great-Britain, in proportion to tb" nnaibers aud 
wealth of tht United State*. 




JHISTORY OF Chap. XV. 



1676. CHAPTER XV. 



Measures adopted to discharge the public debt, and settle the 
country in peace. The reasons of the colony''s claim to 
Jsfarraganset. The former settlers and owners of land 
there apply to Connecticut for protection. Major Treat 
goes to the tipper towns upon Connecticut river^ to treat 
zoith the Indians, Fasts appointed through New-England. 
Act concerning the conquered lands in Narraganset. Na- 
vigation act grievous to the colonies. Governor Leei takes 
the oath respecting trade and navigation. Jlnswers to 
queries from the lords of trade and plantations. Protest 
against Sir Edmund Andross''s claim to Fisher''s Island. 
Character of Governor Leet. Commissioners appointed, 
by his majesty^ to examine and make report, concerning 
all claims to the Narraganset country, or king'' s province. 
They report in favour of Connecticut. Anszvers to the re- 
7ieioed claim of the Duke of Hamdton, and opinions orb 
the case. Connecticut congratulates the arrival of Colo- 
nel Dungan, governor of New-York, and agree with him 
, respecting the boundary line between that colony and Con- 
tiecticut. Petition to King James II. Settlement of Wa- 
terbury. Quo roarrantos against the colony. The assem- 
bly petition his majesty to continue their charter privile- 
ges. Sir Edmund Andross made governor of New-Eng- 
land. Arrives at Hartford, and takes the government, by 
order of his majesty. The oppression and cruelty of his 
administration. Distressed and sorrowful state of the 
people. 

€ONNECTICUT had now conquered the Narraganset 
country, and, in conjunction with the other confede- 
rates, terminated the war in this part of New-England. 
Oct. 12tb. The legislature, therefore, addressed themselves to dis- 
charge the public debt ; to settle the friendly Indians in a 
stale of peace among themselves, and with the colonies; 
and to extend their settlements in the Narraganset coun- 
try, as well as in other parts of their jurisdiction. To dis- 
charge the public debt, they levied a tax of eight pence on 
the pound, u|)on the whole list of the colony, in October 
annually, during the term of two years. They appointed 
a committee to hear all aflairs, which the Moheagans, Pe- 
quots, and Narragansets, under Ninigrate, or Ninicralt, 
had to lay before them ; and to do whatever they should 
judge expedient to promote peace among them, and to pre- 



Chap. XV. CONNECTICUT. 353 

serve their friendship and attachment to the English. For Book I. 
their cncouragemcjit, tiic legislature granted liberty for ^-^"v"^.^ 
them io hunt, in all the conquered lands, during their plea- 1677. 
sure. They were also authorised to kill and destroy any 
of the enemy, who should return to their country, without 
submitting to the colony and accepting the terms which had 
been oll'ered them. 

At the election, in May, 1677, there was no alteration in Court ot 
the legislature, excepting the choice of Andrew Leet, Esq. ^j**^''?i*' 
into the magistracy, it\stead of captain John Mason, who 1577 ' 
died, the September before, of the wounds he had receiv- 
ed in taking the Narraganset fort. The same governor, 
deputy governor, and magistrates were re-elected for seve- 
ral years successively. A committee was appointed, by 
the assembly, to settle all affairs of government in the Nar- 
raganset country, and to report what places there were 
there adapted to the purpose of planting new towns. 

As the ilhode-lslanders had deserted the country, in Defermi- 
the war, aiid had done nothing in the defence of it, and as"^'^""°f 
the Connecticut volunteers had driven the enemy entirely ^utt^, ^^^_ 
from that extensive tract, the legislature determined to tie and 
plant and govern it, as part of this colony. k^^^'^I 

For various reasons they viewed the act of his majes- gg""^'^"*' 
ty's commissioners, determining that Rhode-Island and Reasons of 
Narraganset should be a province for the' king, as a mere thtir de- 
nullity. Their commission gave them no power to make [' 
new colonies. It required that colonel Nichols should al- 
ways be one of the council, that any of its acts might be 
valid ; but he was not present at that determination. Fur- 
ther, colonel Nichols, with two or three of his council, af- 
terwards reversed that judgment. 

In the same point of light they viewed the agreement 
"with Mr. Clark, as it was after Mr. Winthrop had obtain- 
ed the Connecticut charter, and sent it to the colony, at 
■which time his agency was terminated. Further, that a- 
greement was entirely alien from the business of his agen- 
cy, and without any instructions or authority from the colo- 
ny. The agreement with Mr. Clark was considered as a 
nullity, in another point of light, as the charter to Rhode- 
Island recognized and had reference to one article of the 
agreement only, and as Rhode-Island had never submitted 
to one of the other articles. In direct contravention of 
them, they had invaded the property of the settlers named 
in it, wantonly carried oft' the productions of their lands 
and fruits of their labors, driven oil their catUe, forced the 
inhabitants from their possessions, burned their £»nceS; 

U 2 



termiaa- 
tion. 



»&4 HISTORY OF Chap. X¥, 

Book I. and even pulled down their houses.* They had claimed 
N»^~^^>«i-/ jurisdiction over theui, after they had, in the year 1663, 
1677. chosen to belong to Connecticut, and formally put them-'- 
sclves under the government of that colony. They had 
not regarded the agreement even with respect to the boun- 
daries, but attempted to extend their limits beyond what 
Avas expressed in the charter. Besides, when his majes- 
ty had previously granted that tract to Connecticut, there 
remained, in law and reason, no further right inhim to that 
country. He had notliing there further to grant. There- 
fore he could grant nothing there to Rhode-Island. Con- 
necticut well knew that Pawcatuck never was called Nar- 
raganset river, and that the Narragansets never extended 
their claims so far westward ; but that Pawcatuck, and the 
country some miles to the east of it, belonged to the Pc-* 
quots. J For these reasons, the legislature considered their 
title and claim to this part of the colony as clear and just, 
as to any other part of it whatever. 
Mr. Elisha Hutchinson, William Hudson, and others, their 

Hutchin- associates, claiming a larg-e tract in the Pequot and Nar- 
son and ' x '^ t -P i i i i r 

others pe- raganset country,) applied to the general assembly tor 

fition for their assistance and protection, against Rhode-Island, in 
protec- j_{jg re-settlement of their lands. The assembly determin- 
ed to extend their protection and government to them. 
Oct. 11. At the session in October, the upper towns, upon Con- 

necticut river, sent messengers to the assembly, acquaint- 
ing them, that there were considerable bodies of Indians 
collected together in their vicinity ; and that they made 
proposals of peace. The messengers solicited the assem- 
bly to send major Treat, the deputy governor, with a de- 
tachment of forty men, to Northampton, to treat with them, 
or to defend those towns, as occasion might require. The 
assembly complied with the request, and the deputy gov- 
ernor proceeded immediately to Northampton. He was 
instructed, in the first place, to use his utmost endeavours 
for the redemption of the captives, with money, goods, or 
by any other means in his power. The terrils of peace, 
which he was authorized to propose, were life and liberty, 
upon the submission of the Indians to the English, in the 

* Prayer of the inhabitants to the general court of Connecticut, on file, 
representing the outrages of tlie Rhode-Islanders. 

ij: Case of Connecticut, with respect to Narraganset, stated, in which 
these articles are largely insisted on. 

t It appears, by the report of the committee, appointed to view and 
make report concerning the state of Narraganset, that the gentlemea 
mentioned alw)ve, major Atherton, and their associates, owned a tract of 
more than 5,000 acres, only on what was called Boston neck, and that 
large tracts were owned by other purchasers. Indeed the principal part 
®f Narraganset was owned by tlieaj. 



€hap. XV. CONNECTICUT. 355 

several places where they should be settled. He was di- Book L 
reeled to assure the Indians of protection and safety during v-^^/->^ 
the treaty. It does not appear, that many of the northern 1677- 
Indians accepted the terms propose.d, or ever returned to 
their former places of abode. Little more appears to have 
been effected by the treaty, than the redemption of some of 
the captives. 

The colonies, at this lime, had many enemies, and the ^^''^ 
most injurious complaints and unfavorable representations 
were made of them in England. Edward Randolph, es- 
pecially, whom the people of New-England represented as 
going about to destroy them, was indefatigable in his com- 
plaints against them, and in aggravating whatever he im- 
agined might serve to their disadvantage. He came over 
to Boston, in 1676, and annually, in person or by writing, 
made complaints against them. He generally returned to 
England in the fall, and in the spring or summer, came 
over fraught with new mischief. He busied himself, a- 
mong other affairs, in complaining of the colonies for their 
opposition to the acts of trade and navigation. Unhap- 
pily for Great-Britain and the colonies, they were suffer- 
ing under an arbitrary prince, inimical to the civil and re- 
ligious rights of his subjects. His ear was open to com- 
plaintsagainst those, who did not cheerfully submit to his 
despotic impositions ; and he readily promoted those who 
made them. The colonies knew how affairs were con- 
ducted in England, and were deeply apprehensive of the 
danger they were in, of a total deprivation of their liber- 
ties. 

The commissioners of the united colonies, in these 
views, recommended a general fast to the confederate colo- 
jtiies to humble themselves for their offences, and to pray 
for the divine favor, in the continuation of theirjust rights 
and privileges. 

In consequence of this recommendation, the general as-^^ov. 2i. 
sembly of Connecticut appointed the third Tuesday in 
November a public fast, in union with their confederates, 
to humble themselves, and pray for the purposes recom- 
mended. 

The general assembly, at their session in May, 1679, to May, 
prevent the people of Rhode-island, and other intruders, ^^^■'- 
from taking up lands in Narraganset, enacted, that )ione 
of the conquered lands should be taken up, or laid out into 
I'arms, without special and express order from them.* 

The Rhode-Islanders, in the time of danger, deserted 
ihe country and bore no part in the war. However, as 
'^ Records of Connecticut, 



f5e HISTORY OF Chap. XV. 

Book I. soon as the inhabitants, who had settled under Connecti- 
0^-v">^ cut, began to return to their former settlements, to build 
1679. upon their lands, and cultivate their farms, under the gov- 
ernment of this colony, the legislature of Rhode-Island 
began to usurp authority and practice their former vexa- 
tions. 

John Cranston, Esq. governor of Rhode-Island, held a 
court in Narraganset, in September, and made attempts to 
introduce the authority and officers of Rhode-Island, into 
that part of Connecticut. The general assembly there- 
fore, in October, protested against his usurpation, and de- 
clared his acts to be utterly void. They also prohibited 
all the inhabitants to receive any office from the legislature 
of Rhode-Island, or to yield obedience to its authority.* 

The acts of trade and navigation were exceedingly 

grievous to the colonics. They viewed them as utterly 

inconsistent with their chartered rights. This made thcni 

extremely unwilling to submit to them. Massachusetts 

never would fully submit ; but as it was matter of great and 

continual complaint against the colonies, and as his »na- 

May 13, jesty insisted on the respective governors taking the oath, 

:^380, respecting trade and navigation, it was judged expedient, 

took the^ that governor Leet should take it, in the presence of the 

uarigation assembly. It was accordingly administered to Him, at the 

oath. session in May, 1680. 

This • assembly ordered, that a letter should be written 
to the general court of Massachusetts, desiring their con- 
currence in mutually settling the line between that colony 
and Connecticut, It was requested, that the court would 
•* appoint a committee fully authorised for that purpose, to 
join with one from Connecticut vested with similar powers. 
If the general court of the Massachusetts should refuse to 
comply with this proposal, then the governor and his coun- 
cil, with such as they should appoint to that service, were 
authorised to run the line without them. 
Answers The lords of trade and plantations having transmitted a. 
^'^ i*^"f r'^^' r'umber of queries to the governor and company, the gov- 
l-6b0.^' ernor and council were desired to ansv/er them. By their 
answers, it appears, that there were twenty-six towns in 
the colony :t that the militia, including horse and foot, 
consisted, in 1679, of 2,507 men: that the annual exports 
were about D^OOOl. : that there were in the colony about 
twenty small merchants, trading to Boston, New- York, 
Newfoundland, and the West-Indies : and that its ship- 
ping consisted of four shipSj three pinks, eight sloops, and 

* Records of Connecticut. 

t Rye and Bedford appear to have beea included in this number, 

« 



Chap. XV. CONNECTICUT. 357 

other small vessels, amounting in the whole to twenty-sev- Book T. 
en, the tonnage of which was only 1,050. The number oi^^^^r^s^ 
inhabitants is not mentioned, but, from the number of the 1680. 
militia, it must have been nearly 12,000. To one of the 
enquiries, the following answer is given : " If so be Hart- 
ford, New-London, New-Haven, and Fairfield, might be 
made f^vee ports, for fifteen or twenty years, it would be a 
means to bring trade there, and much increase the naviga- 
tion and wealth of this poor colony."* SirEd- 

About this time. Sir Edmund Andross, governor of New- '"""'^^n- 
York, asserted his right of jurisdiction over Fisher's Isl- ^.l°l^^ 
and, as included in the duke of York's patent. Fisher's 

Upon this claim, the legislature of the colony asserted, Island. 
" that the said island was a part, and member of this colo- ^'o""f^*^'»- 

I ' ^ ^iit pro- 

ny of Connecticut, and under the government thereof ; and te^t a- 
that they have ever exercised, and shall, and will exercise £,ainsthi| 
government there, as occasion shall require ; and do here-*^'^'™- 
by declare, and protest against sir Edmund Andross, and 
all other persons, their claims, or exercise of any authority 
or government, on, or over the said island." 

At the election, in 1683, major Robert Treat was chos- Election, 
en governor, and James Bishop deputy-governor. The 1683. 
former magistrates were generally re-cl|psen ; but by rea- 
son of several vacancies which had been made, captain 
Robert Chapman, captain James Fitch, Mr. Samuel ?«Ia- 
son, and Mr. Joseph Whiting, were elected magistrates. 
The change of governors was occasioned by the death of 
governor Leet, who, after faithfully serving the oolonies, 
for many years, had nov/ finished his course. J 

* Connecticut book of patents, letters, &c. 

X The governor, William Leet, Esq. was bred a lawyer in England, and Character 
was, for a considerable time, clerk of a bishop's court. In this service he of ^over- 
became acquainted with the conduct of the tiisliops towards the puritans, nor Leet. 
■with the pleas, and serious conversation and conduct of the latter, wtien 
arraigned before them. He observed the great severity which the court 
exercised towards them, for going to hear good sermons in the neighbour- 
ing parishes, when they had none at home, and what light matters they 
made of wantonness, and other instances of gross sin, and how much bet- 
ter persons guilty of such crimes were treated, than the puritans. This 
brought him to a serious consideration of the a/fair, and to acquaint him- 
self more thoroughly with the doctrines and discipline of the puritans. In 
consequence of this he became a puritan, left the bishop's court, and, in 
1638, came into New-England, with Mr. Whitfield and his companj^ He 
%vas one of tlie seven pillars of his church. In 1643, he was chosen magis- 
trate for the colony of NewH&ven, and was annually re-elected, un(il 
May, 1658. He was then chosen deputy-governor of that colony, in 
which otFice he continued until he was elected governor in 1661. He con- 
tinued chief magistrate of that colony, until the union in 1665. He was 
then chosen one of the magistrates of Connecticut. In 1669, he was elect- 
ed deputy-governor, and was annually re-elected, until 1676, when he was 
chosen governor of Connecticut. During the term of forty years, he was 
magistrate, deputy-governor, or governor of one or other of the colonu'" 



35$ HISTORY OF Chap. XV. 

Book I. As there had been long disputes relative to the Narra- 
s-^^v-^x-'' ganset country, and as the king, in consequence of the act 
1683. of his commissioners, in 1665, claimed it as his province, 
commissioners were appointed to hear and determine all 
titles and claims respecting that tract. On the 7th of 
(Commis- April, 1683, his majesty king Charles II. granted a com- 
sion to Ed- mission to Edward Cranfield, Esq. lieutenant-governor of 
Craafield New-Hampshire, William Stoughton, Joseph Dudley, Ed- 
&■(•. April' ward Randolph, Samuel Shrimpton, John Fitz Winthrop, 
7th, 1683. Edward Palms, Nathaniel Saltonstall, and John Pynch- 
con, jun. Esquires, or any three of them, of whom Edward 
, Cranfield, or Edward Randolph was to be of the quorum, 
" to examine and enquire into the respective claims and 
titles, as well of his majesty, as of all persons and corpora- 
tions whatsoever, to the immediate jurisdiction, govern- 
ment, or propriety of the soil of a certain tract of land, 
■within his majesty's dominion of New-England, called the- 
king's province, or Narraganset country ; and to call be- 
fore them any person, or persons, and to search records, 
as they shall find requisite, and the proceedings therein, 
vnth the opinions upon the matters that shall be examined 
by them, to state, and with all convenient speed, report 
thereof to make to his majesty." 

The commissioners convened on the 22d of August, 
1683, at the house of Richard Smith, in the Narraganset 
country. They summoned all persons and corporations, 
in whatever place, who were concerned in the title or gov- 
ernment of that country, to appear before them, and to pro- 
duce all charters, deeds, records, letters, and orders, from 
his majesty and council, or of any of his commissioners, to 
the respective colonies, governors, or governments, which 
might give information on the subject. At the time and 
place appointed, the records represent, " that there was 
the greatest appearance of the most ancient English and 
Indians, then living, to testify the truth of their knowl- 
edge," respecting the matters then to be determined. 

The commissioners, having fully heard every thing re- 
specting the claims and title to that part of New-England, 
adjourned to Boston, and there made a report to his ma- 
jesty, in an ample manner, declaring, that the government 
of it belonged to Connecticut. The report, so far as it re- 
spects this colony, and can reflect light on the subject, is 
as foUoweth. 

In both colonies he presided in times of the greatest difficulty, yet always 
conducted himself ^vith such integrity and wisdom, as to meet the public 
approbation. After he was chosen governor of Connecticut, he removed 
to Hartford, where he died full of years and good works. He left a nume- 
rous offspring. One of his sons, Andrew Leet, Esq. was somc/yeara one ot' 
the magistrates of the colony. 



Chap. XV. CONNECTICUT. 369 

^ " In humble obedience to your majesty's commands, we, Book J. 
*your majesty's commissioners, have seriously considered v..i^-~v-^^ 
the several claims before us. We find, that your majesty, ]G83. 
by your letters patent, dated at Westminster, the three and Report re- 
twentieth of April, in the fourteenth year of your majesty's '^^'^^ *" 
reign, granted to the governor and company of Connccti- p-anset 
cut, and their successors, all that part of your dominions country, 
in New-England, ^bounded on the east by Narraganset bay, Oct. 20th, 
wherethe said river falls into the sea, and on the north by 
the line of the Massachusetts plantation, and on the south 
by the sea." 

'• We have also had information, that, some time after 
your majesty's grant, and said patent was sent to your 
colony of Connecticut, the said country of the Narraganset 
was likewise, by patent, granted by your majesty to the 
governor and company of Rhode-Island plantation, and is, 
by charter, bounded by a river called Pawcatuck, which, 
by said charter, is for ever to be accounted and called the 
Narraganset river: And this latter grant of your majesty 
to Rhode-Island, seems to be founded upon advice submit- 
ted to by John Winthrop, Esq. said to be agent for Con- 
necticut colony, and Mr. John Clark, agent for Rhode- 
Island: to which Connecticut plead, that Mr. Winthrop's 
agency for them ceased, when he had obtained and sent 
the patent to them ; and that no submission, or act of his, 
could invalidate, or deprive them of any of the benefits 
graciously granted by your majesty's charter : and that, 
notwithstanding the seeming boundaries, set by said arti- 
cles, signed by Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Clark, it is in the 
same articles provided, that the proprietors and inhabit- 
ants of the Narraganset country shoald choose to which of 
the two governments to belong, and that they unanimously 
chose and suVjjected to the government of Connecticut." 

" With humble submission, we cannot see any cause to 
judge, that the said Pawcatuck river anciently was, or 
ought to be, called or accounted the Narraganset river." 

I. " Because it lies some miles within the Pequot coun- 
try, a nation, till extirpated by the English, often, or al- 
ways, at war with the Narragansets, and to which territo- 
ries the Narragansets never pretended." 

II. " Because Pawcatuck river falls into the sea many 
miles westward of any part of Narraganset bay, which is 
the river anciently called Narraganset river, both because 
it, on the eastward, washes and bounds the whole length of 
the Narraganset country ; and for that Plymouth colony, 
"which hath now been planted near three score years, have 
f'ver since bounded themselves according to the sense and 



360 HISTORY OF Chap. XV. I 

Book T. meaning, or limitation of their patent, by the same bay,- , 
^-^-v-^N^ called Narraganset river, towards the south." 
1683. "Thus, after most strict and impartial inquiry and ex-^' 
amination, having stated, we most humbly lay before your ■ 
majesty the several original claims and pretensions offered I 
to us with respect to the propriety, both of jurisdiction and 1 
soil, in your majesty's province, or Narraganset country; ; 
and, in further obedience to your said commission, have : 
seriously weighed and considered all evidences, pleas,' , 
proofs, and allegations, &ic. and with most humble sub- 
mission and reservation of your majesty's right, offer our 
opinions, that by virtue of your said letters patent, grant- 
ed to Connecticut, jurisdiction in, and through the said 
province, or Narraganset country, of right belongs to thei 
colony of Connecticut ; and that propriety of soil, as de- 
rived from Mr. Winthrop and major Atherton, is vested 
upoti the heirs and assigns of said Mr, Winthrop, the heirS 
of Thomas Chiffinch, Esq. major Atherton, Mr. Richard 
Smith, Mr. Simon Lyndc, Mr. Elisha Hutchinson, Mr. 
John Saffin, Mr. Richard Wharton, and partners." 

" Finally, we hold it our duty humbly to inform your 
majesty, that so long as the pretensions of the Rhode- 
Islanders to the government of the said province continue, 
it will much discourage the settlement and improvement 
thereof; it being very improbable, that either the afore^ 
named claimers, or others of like reputation and condition, 
will remove their families, or expend their estates under so 
loose and weak a government*" 

'' Your majesty's most loyal and obedient subjects. 
" Edward Cranfield, 
" William Stoughton, 
" Samuel Shrimpton, 
" John Pyncheon, jun. 
" Nathaniel Saltonstall." 
^'Boston, Oct. 20th, 1683." 

Connecticut had no sooner gained their point against 
the claims of his majesty and Rhode-Island, than they 
Edward Were obliged to answer to a new antagonist. Edward 
Randolph, Randolph, Esq. on the 30th of June, 1683, had received a 
^.^H' power of attorney from William and Ann, duke and duch- 

duke ess of Hamilton, and James, earl of Aran, son and heir of 

Hamil- William and Ann, and grandson of James, marquis of Ham- 
ton's ilton, to sue for and recover their right and interest in 
lands, islands, houses, and tenements, in New-England. 
He appeared before the commissioners at Boston, and, in 
the name of ihe said duke, duchess, and earl, claimed the 
lands which they sup})osed had been granted to their an- 
cestor, in the deed of 1635. 



I Chap. XV. CONNECTICUT. 361 

This renewed claim of that tract of country, occasioned Book I. 
; answers from the proprietors of the lands, and from Con- ^-^^v^*' 
necticut, with several opinions on the case. 1683. 

It may be proper to communicate the substance of these 
to the jHil)lic. 

Mr. Saflin, in November, gave the following answer, in 
behalf of the proprietors. 

. " The ends aimed at and propounded in the king's char- Mr. SaiP. 
ter to the great council of Plymouth, was the propagation fin's a/ii 
of the gospel among the heathen, and the enlargement of *^®''- 
Ills majesty's empire, by plantation ; and whatsoever grants 
•were made by said council, were founded upon those con- 
siderations ; which being not pursued, rendereth all grants 
of land void. Qui sentit commodwn, incommodum sentire 
debet et onus.'^ And it doth not appear, that his grace, 
(as other patentees,) did transport any person, or plant 
any colony, nor used any other means, either to instruct 
the natives, or purchase their right in the lands, or appoint- 
ed any agent to take possession, in order to the improve- 
ment oj the same. But it is probable, that the duke, under- 
standing a former patent was granted, by the council of 
Devon, to the lords Say and Brook, &c. in and about the 
year 1631, and purchased and improved by the colony of 
Connecticut, might divert him from any procedure therein. 
The copy of said patent, as we have been informed, when 
exhiioited by John Winthrop, Esq. before the king in coun- 
cil, the then lord chancellor, Hyde, declared, the lords Say 
and Brook's title to be good and unquestionable ; and upon 
that interest, we presume, it was, that Connecticut made 
application to his majesty, and that their charter was grant- 
ed ; the lords Say and Brook, and partners, having expend- 
ed nine thousand pounds in settlement of the lands claim- 
ed by his grace ; and had made considerable improve- 
ments and fortifications upon the lands, in several places, 
divers years before the date of duke Hamilton's grant. 

" Our present gracious sovereign, &c. hath, by his royal 
letters, manifested his approbation of the purchase, pos- 
session, and improvement of his loyal subjects, the propri- 
etors here. The said proprietors have been necessarily 
engaged in a bloody war with the Indians, in their late re- 
"bellion. 

" We further humbly offer, that, in regard that the copy 
of the duke's deed, presented by Mr. Randolph, in behalf 
of his grace, seems to have no signification of any hand or 
seal affixed to it, nor mention made of any witnesses, said 

* He who enjoys the benefit of a grant, ought to bear its dii=advantag^ 
and burthen, 

V2 



3*62 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. XV 



Anf^wer of 
Connecti- 
cut to 
duke 



Book I. to he tlic original instrument, (yet aflirmed to be a true copy ,| 
•^.^-^/-x^ thereof,) it may be ]jrcsumed the said original deed was 
1683. never completed according to law. "^ 

The governor and council of Connecticut answered, 
December 13th, 1G83, in the manner following. 

"As to the substance of the duke's claim, so far as it; 
concerns us, it is preceded, some years, by a grant from 
the right honourable, Robert, earl of Warwick, to the lord I 
Hamilton, Say, and other persons of honour and credit, March 19th, 
1631, whereas his grace's deed was made four years after, 
viz. on the 20th of April, 1635. 

" By virtue of his majesty's grant to lords Say, Brook,- 
&LC. they, and their assigns, our predecessors, did, at their 
own proper charge, about the year 1634, begin to enter 
upon the said lands, and so have continued ever since, in 
actual possession and improvement thereof, without chal- 
lenge or claim from duke Hamilton : which improvement 
liath been with great cost, hazard, and labour of his majes- 
ty's subjects ; yet by the blessing of God, and his majes- 
ty's grace, hath, in a good measure, answered the ends of 
those grants or patents ; as the propagating ithe christian 
religion, and the increase and enlargement of his majesty's 
empire : of all which, his grace, duke Hamilton, hath, ia 
these parts, done nothing that we know of." 

"His present majesty, understanding the condition of 
his subjects in this colony, upon our humble address, April 
23d, 1662, was graciously pleased to grant us a charter^ 
for holding the lands therein granted firm, to us and oui* 
successors, for ever; and in his letters, dated April 23d, 
1664, sent to us by his majesty's honourable commission- 
ers, he is pleased to call his grant a renewing of our char- 
ter, which must relate to that grant made by the earl of 
Warwick, in the year 1631 ; for we had no other, before 
his majesty's grant and confirmation aforesaid. 

" Under these securities and encouragements, we laid 
dut our estates, labors, &;c. and suddenly after our first 
settling we were engaged in a bloody war, anno 37, with 
the Pequots, which was chargeable and expensive to us. 
Also, in the year 1675, a great people, who inhabited 
the Narraganset country, rose up against his majesty's 
Subjects, who were planted in these parts, slew many of 
them, burnt their houses, and destroyed their cattle, where- 
by we were engaged in another bloody war, which was 
the cause of great expense of blood and treasure, (his 
grace duke Damilton being no partaker with us in any of 
those expenses, or helper of us therein.) and by the as- 
ststance of Almighty God, and countenance ofhismajestyv 



€«AP. XV. CONNECTICUT. 36-3 

io both these forementioned wars, wc overcame our ene- Book I. 
raies, that rose up against us, without which all our grants v.-^-^v^s-/ 
would have been of little benefit to us. 1683. 

" It is required by his majesty's good laws, as in the 
twenty-first of king James, ICth, that the duke, and all 
others, should have sued out his claims : The reason of 
which law, as it is very great, so it is pleadable on our ac- 
count ; for it being latent unto us, for near fifty years, would 
prove our ruin, if thereupon our property be altered. Had 
the duke's grace, or his predecessors timeously set his 
claim, in competition with lord Say's patent, that we had 
purchased, the people had known how to have applied 
themselves ; but after half a century's settlement, as afore- 
said, we hope his majesty will be pleased to secure the 
same to his good subjects here. 

" We desire, that we may have a more fit opportunity to 
inake a more full answer, and to present our proofs. 
"Per order of the governor and council, 
" signed per me, 

" John Allen, Secretary." 

Some years after, several opinions, by gentlemen learn- 
ed in the law, were given on the case, both as it respected 
the duke of Hamilton and the colony of Rhode-Island. 

Sir Francis Pemberton, having largely stated the case 
between Connecticut and the duke of Hamilton, says, 
" Marquis Hamilton, nor his heirs, or any deriving from 
him, have ever had possession or laid out any thing upon 
the premises, nor made any claim, in said country, until the 
year 1683, which was about forty-eight years after said 
grant, the said heir by his attorney, claimed the said lands, 
at Boston, in New-England, which is above seventy miles 
from the premises, and in another country." 

" The heir of said marquis Hamilton, after threescore Sir Fran- 
and two years, demands the said premises, or a quit rent. ^'^ ^'^"^- 
I am of the opinion, that the heir of M. H. after such pur- ^f^^ll^l^ 
chases and so long quiet enjoyment of them, &c. ought not 
to recover any of the lands or grounds or quit-rents out of 
them. 

" I am of opinion, that these purchasers, by virtue of 
their purchases, and so long and uninterrupted possession 
under them, have an undoubted right and title to these 
grounds and lands, and the buildings and improvement of 
them, and ought not now, after so much money laid out 
upon them, and such enjoyment of them, to be disturbed 
in their possession of them. 

" Francis Pemberton." 

Mr. Trevor, having stated the case between Connecticut. 



^64 fllSTORY OF Chap. XV. - 

Book I. and Rhode-Island, gives his opinion to the lords of trade | 
s^»~N/-v^ and plantations, in the words follovying. " 1 am humbly of : 

1683. opinion, that this grant to Rhode-Island is void in laio, be- 
Opinionof cause the country of Narraganset bay was granted before 
Mr. Tre- to Connecticut, and that therefore the government of Nar- 
raganset bay doth, of right, belong to Connecticut, and not 
to Rhode-Island : all which is humbly submitted to your 
honor's great wisdom. 

" Thomas TpwEvoh. 
"October 28, 169G." 

The aspects of Providence upon the colony, this year, 
were exceedingly gloomy. Besides the dangers which 
threatened them, with respect to their civil and religious 
privileges, the people were visited with great sickness and 
mortality. The instances of death among the clergy were 
uncommonly numerous, and many ciiurches were nwde to- 
sit in widowhood. The fruits of the field were also dimin- 
ished, and the inhabitants in various ways impoverished 
and distressed. 

The general assembly, in October, considered the di- 
vine dispensations so afflictive as to demand their deepest 
humiliation. A general fast was appointed, and the peo- 
ple called upon to repent and humble themselves.* 
Commit- Colonel Dungan having lately arrived at New- York, 
tee to con- tj^g assembly, in November, appointed major Nathan 
the duke's Crould, Captain John Allen, and Mr. William Pitkin, a 
^vernor, committee, to congratulate him upon his arrival at his seat 
and to a- of government ; and to agree with him upon a settlement 
bounda-° of boundaries between the colonies. The committee were 
ries, Nov. instructed not to exceed his demands of twenty n>iles east 
14tl;. of Hudson's river: To examine his powers to treat, and if 

they were only conditional, to treat with him upon the 
same terms. They were directed to insist upon this, that 
there was no mistake with respect to the rise of the line at 
Memoronock. If they should be obliged to give up juris- 
diction at any place, they were instructed to preserve prop- 
erty inviolably to the proprietors ; and to insist on the 
former line, unless it should, in any place, approach near- 

* The proclamation is introduced in these words, " Whereas it is evi- 
dent to all who observe the footsteps of Divine Providence, that the dis- 
pensations of God, towards his poor wilderness people, have been very so- 
lemn, awful, and speaking:, for many years past ; and particularly towards 
ourselves in this colony, this present year, by occasion of general sickness 
in most places, and more than ordinary mortality in some, as also exces- 
sive rains and floods in several plantations, sliortening us in our enjoy- 
ments ; and considering also the holy hand of God, in bereaving so many 
■churches and congregations of a settled ministry, whereby they are left, 
and have been, some of (hem, a long time, as sheep without a shepherd^ 
' js if (he Lord inteudedj for our sms, to quench the light of our Israel." 



Chap. XV. CONNECTICUT. 365 

er to Hudson's river than the distance of twenty miles. In Book I. 
fine, they were required to make his honor sensible, tliat^--^v"""^^ 
the foi'mer line was legal and firm, and that the present 1G83,. 
settlement was solely for the purpose of promoting peace 
and a good correspondence between his majesty's colony 
of Connecticut and the duke's territories, and their succes- 
sive governors. 

As the colony had been certified, by letters from his ma- Address 
jesty, of a cotispiracy against himself and the duke ofj" foh's 
York, the assembly addressed h:m on the subject. They majesty, 
declared, in the strongest terms, their utmost abhorrence Charles II. 
of all plots against his royal person and government : That 
they prayed for kings and all men, and especially for his 
majesty, and all in authority under him : That they feared 
God and honored the king. In such suppliant language as 
follows, they prayed for the continuance of their chartered 
rights. 

" Most dread sovereign, we humbly pray the continu- 
ance of your grace and favor in the full enjoyment of those 
former privileges and liberties you have, out of your 
princely grace and bounty, bestowed upon us, in your roy- 
al charter, granted this corporation, that our poor begin- 
nings may prosper, under your shadow, to the glory of 
God, and the erdargement of your majesty's dominions."* 

The committee appointed to agree with colonel Dun- 
gan, with respect to the line of partition between Connec- 
ticut and New- York, came to an agreement respecting it, 
November 28th, 1683. It was agreed, *' That the line Agreement 
should begin at Byram river, where it falleth into the sound, relative to 
at a point called Lyon's point, to go as the said river run- da'j.y'i'hic' 
neth to the place where the common road, or wading place, between 
over the said river is ; and from the said road or watling Conneni.- 
place, to go north northwest into the country, as far as will '^^ '^"'^ 
be eight English miles from the foresaid Lyon's point ; York, 
and that aline of twelve miles, being measured from the Nov. :n. 
said Lyon's point, according to the line or general course ''^''^ 
of the sound eastward, where the said twelve miles end- 
eth, another line shall be run from the sound, eight miles 
into the country, north north-west, and also, that a fourth 
line be run, (that is to say,) from the northernmost end of 
the eight miles line, being the third mentioned line, which 
fourth line, with the first mentioned line, shall be the 
bounds where they shall fall to run ; and that from the eas- 
ternmost end of the fourth mentioned line, (which is to be 
twelve miles in length,) a line parallel to Hudson's river, 

* The nnmbcr of persons givins: in thejr IJst.s Oct. 16G3, was 2,735, and 
^she grand list >Yasj6 159.385. 7 . . 



366 HISTORY OP eHAP. XV;, 

Book I. in every place twenty miles distant from Hudson's river, 
Vi^'vx^ shall be the bounds there, between the said territories or 
1653, province of New- York, and the said colony of Connecti- 
cut, so far. as Connecticut colony doth extend northwards ; 
that is to the south line of the Massachusetts colony : only 
it is provided, that in case the line from Byram brook's 
mouth, north north-west eight miles, and the line, that is 
then to run twelve miles to the end of the third foremen- 
tioned line of eight miles, do diminish or take away land 
within twenty miles of Hudson's river, that then so much as, 
is in land diminished of twenty miles of Hudson's river 
thereby, shall be added out of Connecticut bounds unto the 
line aforementioned, parallel to Hudson's river, and twen- 
ty miles distant from it ; the addition to be made the whole 
length of the said parallel line, and in such breadth, as will 
make up quantity for quantity, what shall be diminished as 
aforesaid." 
May 8, The assembly, in the session of May, 1684, approved of 

this agreement, and appointed major Nathan Gould, Mr. 
Jehu iSurr, and Mr. Jonathan Selleck, to lay out the lines 
according to the stipulation. The lines accordingly were 
run, and on the 24th of February, 1686, were ratified by 
governor Dungan and governor Treat. 
Law made Great complaints had been made, in England, against 
against pi- ^j^j^ colonies for harbouring pirates; and that no laws had 
5 1684. been made against them. A letter had been written to the 
governor and company, by Lyonel Jenkins, Esq. complain- 
ing of this neglect, and demanding, in his majesty's name, 
that a law should forthwith be made against piracy. A 
special assembly was consequently called on the 5th of 
July, and a law enacted against it, and a copy of it for- 
warded immediately to his majesty's secretary of state. 
May 14, At the election, 1685, Giles Hamlin was chosen into the 
1685. magistracy, in the place of Mr. Topping, who seems now 

to have been dead. 
A letter to The legislature, at this session, addressed a letter of 
^'"? condolence to his majesty, king James H. on account of 

amcs, ^j^g demise of his brother, king Charles II. and congratu- 
lating him on his peaceful accession to the throne of his 
ancestors. They presented him with the strongest assu- 
rances of their loyalty and attachment to his royal person 
and government. At the same time, sensible of their dan- 
ger, under a prince of' his character, they most humbly be- 
sought him to continue to them their civil and religious 
privileges, and that he would preserve to them the peace- 
able enjoyment of their property. 

Upon the petition of a number of the iahabitants of 



€hap. XV. CONNECTICUT. 3G7 

Farmington, presented to the assembly in 1673, a com- Book I. 
mittee was appointed to view Mattatock, and report to the v,^~v-"^/ 
assembly, whether a plantation might not be made in that 1686, 
tract. In May, 1674, the committee reported, that Matta- 
tock was a place sufficient to accommodate thirty families. 
Upon this report, a committee was appointed to settle a 
plantation there. Some time after the settlement commen- 
ced. The number of sharers was about twenty-eight. May 
13th, 1686, they appear to have been vested with town 
privileges, by the name of Watcrbury.* 

In the last years of the reign of king Charles the second, 
the rights of the nation were violated, and a great number 
of corporations in England and Wales were obliged to re- 
sign their charters. Indeed, he, and his officers, seemed 
to sport with the liberty, property, and lives of his sub- 
jects. King James the second began his reign in the most 
.flagrant violation of the laws of his three kingdoms. His 
reign grew more intolerable, from year to year, until he 
tecamc the general abhorrence of the nation. He pro- 
ceeded in the same lawless and cruel manner with the colo- 
nies, vacating their charters, and governing them by the 
■worst measures and the worst men. 

In July, 1685, a quo warranto was issued against the Quo war- 
governor and company of Connecticut, requiring their ap- ranto, 
pearance before him, within eight days of St. Martin's, to -^"'y' ^^^^' 
show by what warrant they exercised certain powers and 
privileges. 

The governor, having received intelligence of the meas- Spcrial as- 
iires adopted against the colony, on the 6th of July, 1686, ^^"^^^^ 
called a special assembly, to consult what might be done iqqq^ ' 
for the preservation of the just rights of the colony. 

The assembly, after most serious deliberation, addres- The as- 
sed a letter, in the most suppliant terms, to his majesty, sembly ad- 
beseeching him to pardon their faults in government, and ^^^,^^54'^ 
continue them a distinct colony, in the full enjoyment of juij-eth, 

* Several misfortuaes attended the plantation, which very greatly im- 
poverished it, and prevented its'populafion. In February, 1691, the town 
was nearly ruined by an inundation. The rain fell in great abundance, 
and the frost came oui of the ground very suddenly, which rendered it un- 
commonly soft. At the same time, the river rose to an unusual height^ 
overflowed the meadows, and ran with such rapidity and violence, that it 
Aote away a great part of them. Other parts were covered with earth and 
stone, so as to be greatly damaged. Numbers of the inhabitants were so 
discouraged, that tliey left the town, and it did not recover its former state 
Xorsome years. 

In 171^, on the 15th of October, began a great sickness in the town, 
which continued udtil the 12th of September, 1713, and was so general, 
that there were scarcely a suffici^t number well to attend the sick, and 
bury the dead. Between twenty and tbirtv persons died of the sickness. 
Manuscript? of Mr. Southmayd.' ' 



368 HISTORY OF Chap. XV. 

Book I. their civil and religious privileges. Especially, they be- 
"^-'-N/^N^ sought him to recal the writ of quo warranto, which they 
168G. heard had been issued against then>, though it had not yet 
arrived. They pleaded the charter which they received 
of his royal brother, and his commendation of them, for 
their loyalty, in his gracious letters, and his assurances of 
the continuance of their civil and religious rights. They 
made the strongest j)rofessions of loyalty, and of their con- 
stant supplications to the Supreme Ruler, that he would 
save and bless his majesty, 
Quownr- On the 21st of July, 1686, two writs of quo warranto 
rantosar- were delivered to governor Treat. They had been brought 
"m'*^v"^ over by Edward Randolph, that indefatigable enemy of 
the colonies. The time of appearance before his majesty, 
was jjast liefore the writs arrived. 
Special as- Upon the reception of the writs, and a letter from Rich- 
j^T'lfcth ^'^ Normansel, one of the sheriffs of London, the governor, 
immediately convoked another special assembly, which 
Mr. Whi- met on the 2§lh of July. The assembly apj)ointed Mr. 
tiiiE; ap- Whiting to be their agent, to present their petition to the 
a^'ent*^ king. He was instructed to acquaint his majesty with the 
time of the colony's receiving the quo warrantos, and of 
the impossibility of its making its appearance before his 
majest}^, at the time appointed : fully to represent the great 
injury which the colonists would sustain, by the suspend- 
ing their charter rights ; and especially by a division of 
the colony. If Connecticut could not be continued a dis- 
tinct government, he was instructed to supplicate his ma- 
jesty to continue to them the enjoyment of their property^ 
their houses and lands, and especially their religious privi- 
leges. 
Another On the 20 th of December, another writ of quo warranto 
qiro war- ■^yQg scrved OH the governor and company, bearing date 
Dcc° 2Sth October 23d, requiring their appearance before his majes- 
ty within eight days of the puritication of the blessed Vir- 
gin. Though the writs gave no proper time for the ap- 
pearance of the colony, and, consequently, no time at all ^ 
yet they declared all its chartered rights vacated, upon its 
not appearing, at time and place. The design of the king 
and his corrupt court was to re-unite all the colonies to the 
crown. James the second was an obstinate, cruel tyrant^ 
and a bigoted R.oman catholic; destitute of all the princi- 
ples of true honour, faith, justice, or humanity. He wan- 
tonly trampled on the constitution, laws, and liberties of 
the nation ; and, ^vith his ministers and officers, in an un- 
righteous and merciless manner; sked the blood of his sub- 
jects, and wreaked his vengeance on all who made the 



Chap. XV. CONNECTICUT. 369 

least opposition to his lawless proceedings. The most Book I. 
humble petitions, arguments from reason, charters, the v,^-n/'-%»' 
most solemn compacts and royal promises, from justice, 1686. 
humanity, or any other consideration, which a subject 
could plead, had no weight or influence with him. Nearly 
fifty corporations in England had been deprived of their 
charters. The city of London, and the corporation of Ber- 
mudas, had stood trial with his majesty, and their charters 
had been taken from them. The charter of Massachusetts 
had been vacated, and Rhode-Island had submitted to his 
majesty. A general government had been appointed over 
all New-England, except Connecticut. By the commis* 
sion, instituting this general government, Connecticut was 
totally excluded from all jurisdiction in the Narraganset 
country, or king's province.* 

The governor and company of Connecticut, however, in 
these discouraging circumstances, 'spared no pains, nor 
omitted any probable means for the preservation of their 
chartered rights. 

A special assembly was called on the 26th of- January, special jts- 
1687, after the reception of the third writ of quo warranto, sembly, 
to deliberate on the measures to be adopted, in the then •'^"- 26tb, 
present circumstances of the colony. Little more, how- 
ever, was done, than to desire the governor and council to 
transact all business, which they should judge necessary 
and expedient, further to be done for the preservation of 
their privileges. 

The election in May proceeded regularly, but the as- May I2th. 
sembly did nothing important. Fear and hesitation ap- 
pear to have attended the legislature. They knew not Fear and 
■what course to steer, with safety, either to themselves, or^/^^^f °^ 
their constituents. They, with the colony in general, were 
in great fear and distress, lest, after all their expense, hard- 
ships, and dangers, in settling and defending the country, 
and all their self-denial and sufferings for the sake of en- 
joying the worship and ordinances of Christ, according to 
the 'gospel, they should not only be deprived of all their 
civil and religious liberties, but even of their houses and 
lands. There was no security for any thing under a prince 
like James the second. He had, indeed, in his letters, 

* This general commission was granted by king James II. in the first 
year of his reign, Oct. 8th, 1685. Joseph Dudley, Esq. was appointed 
presidentof the commissioners. On the 28th of May, 1686, the president 
issued a proclamation, discharging all the inhabitants of Rhode-Island, £md 
the Narraganset country, from all obedience either to Connecticut or 
Rhode Island ; and prohibiting all government of either in the king's pro- 
vince. At the same time, the president required the entire submission of 
all the inhabitants to the commissioners, and the officers whow tl;»ey should 
appoint, f roclainatioD on file. 

W2 



3£ent. 



370 HISTORY OF Chap. XV, 

Book I. promised ihoni'^ the preservation of all tljeiv liberties; yet, 

v^<r-^,'-^^ wilhonlaiiy fault on their part, he was, arl)itrarily wresting 

1687. them from their hands. It is dillicult to conceive, and much 

more to express, the anxiety of our venerable ancestors in 

this terrible crisis of their allhirs. 

Mr. Whiting exerted himself in England, to procure all 
the influence, and make all the oppoiition he possibly 
could, against a general governor of the colonies, and 
especially to prevent the suspension of the government of 
Connecticut, according to charter ; but he found his utmost 
A'^ni exertions to be in vain. He wrote to the governor, Janu- 
tVhitini^ ary loth, 1687, that if the governor and council would de- 
wntcs to fgj^j their charter at law, they must send over one or more 
norJ' " fro™ among themselves. A special assembly was called 
Special as- "P^'^ ^'^^ reception of the agent's letter, which convened 
5erably, on the 15th of June, to deliberate on the expediency of 
June 15th. sending another agent. The prospects appeared so unfa- 
Decline vourable, that it was determined not to send another. Mr, 
sending Whiting was thanked for his services, in favour of the colo- 
ny, and desired to continue them» 

Mr. Dudley, while president of the commissioners, had 
written to the governor and company, advising them to re- 
sign the charter into the hands of his majesty, and promi- 
sing, to use his influence in favour of the colony. Mr. Dud- 
ley's commission was superseded by a commission to Sir 
Edmund Andross to be governor of New-England. He 
arrived at Boston, on the 19th of. December, 1686. The 
next day his commission was published, and he took on 
him the administration of government. Soon after his ar- 
rival, he wrote to the governor and company, that he had 
a commission, from his majesty, to receive their charter, if 
they would resign it ; and he pressed them, in obedience 
to the king, and as they would give him an opportunity to 
serve them, to resign it to his pleasure. At this session ol 
the assembly, the governor received another letter from 
him, acquainting him, that he was assured, by the advice 
which he had received from England, that judgment was, 
])y that time, entered upon the quo warranto agaiitst their 
charter, and that he soon expected to receive his majesty's 
commands respecting them. He urged them, as he repre- 

* In iiis letter to governor Treat, Juno '2Gth, 1685, he saj-s : " As we can- 
not doul)t of the ready and dutiful assurances and expressions of loyalty 
and obedience, from our good subjects under your government, since our 
accession to the crown, so shall we, at all times, extend our royal care and 
protection to them, in the j)reservation of their rights, and in the defence 
and security of their persons and estates ; which we think fit that you signi- 
fy unto the inha>bi{auts of tiiat our colony." Letter of king James 11. en 
6U' 



Chap. XV. CONNECTICUT. S7i 

sented it, that ho might not be wanting in serving their wcl- Book L 
fare, to accept his majesty's favour, so graciotjsly otfered ^.,<^-^/-%^ 
them, in a present compUance and surrender. Colonel 1G87. 
Durigan also used his influence to persuade them to resign, 
and put themselves under his government.* But the colo- 
ny insisted on their charter rights, and on the promise of 
king James, as well as of his royal brother, to defend and 
5jccure them in the enjoyment of their privileges and estates; 
and would not surrender their charier to either. However, 
in their petition to the king, in which they prayed for the 
continuance of their chartered rights, they desired, if this 
could not be obtained, and it should be resolved to put them 
under another government, that it might be under Sir Ed- 
mund's, as the Massachusetts had been their former corres- 
pondents and confederates, and as they were acquainted 
with their principles and manners. This was construed 
into a resignation, though nothing could be further from 
t'he design of the colony. 

The assembly met, as usual, in October, and the govern- SirEd- 
ment continued according to charter, until the last of the ^^^^ Ae- 
month. About this time, Sir Edmund, with his suit, and eomL to 
more than sixty regular troops, came to Hartford, when Hartford, 
the assembly were sitting, demanded the charter, and de- and de- 
clared the government under it to be dissolved. The as- ™^J|.^^j. '^ 
sembly were extremely reluctant and slow with respect to 
any resolve to surrender the charter, or with respect to any 
motion to bring it forth. The tradition is, that governor (-,Qyg,.QQj, 
Treat strongly represented the great expense and hardships Treat re- 
of the colonists, in planting the country ; the blood and ^"O'^^*'^^^^^ 
treasure which they had expended in defending it, both ^^r^render- 
against the savages and foreigners ; to what hardships and ing it. 
dangers he himself had been exposed for that purpose; 
and that it was like giving up his life, now to surrender the 
patent and privileges, so dearly bought, and so long enjoy- 
ed. The important aftair was debated and kept in sus- 
pence, until the evening, when the charter was brought and 
Ifiid upon the table, where ihe assembly were sitting. By 
tiiis time, great numbers of people were assembled, and 
men sufliciently bold to eivLerj)rise whatever might be ne- 
cessary or expedient. The lights were instantly extin- 
guished, and one captain Wadsworth, of Hartford, in the [( ;, ,.,^rr: 
most silent and secret manner, carried off the charter, and«d offhy 
secreted it in a large hollow tree, fronting the house of the ^^''*.'*'^ 
Hon. Samuel Wyllys, then one of the magi?,trates of the^^^'u?' 
colony. The people appeared all peaceable and orderly. 
The candles were officiously re-lighted ; but the patent wa? 
* Le-'tters of Dudlpy, An^'ro^"^, and-Ciinean, on Glr- 



372 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. XV. 




Sir Ed- 
mund as- 
sumes the 
govern- 
ment. 



The op- 
pressive 
govern- 
ment of 
Sir Ed- 
mund An- 
dross. 



gone, and no discovery could be made of it, or of the per- 
son who had conveyed it away. Sir Edmund assumed the 
government, and the records of the colony were closed in 
the following words. 

" At a general court at Hartford, October 31st, 1687, 
his excellency, Sir Edmund Andross, knight, and captain- 
general and governor of his majesty's territories and do- 
minions in New-England,by order from his majesty, James 
the second, king of England, Scotland, France, and Ire- 
land, the 31st of Octoher, 1687, took into his hands the 
government of the colony of Connecticut, it being, by his 
majesty, annexed to Massachusetts, and other colonies un- 
der his excellency's government." 
"FINIS." 

Sir Edmund appointed officers civil and military, through 
the colony, according to his pleasure. He had a council, 
at first, consisting of about forty persons, and afterwards, 
of nearly fifty. Four of this number, governor Treat, Joha 
Fitz Winthrop, Wait Winthrop, and John Allen, Esquires, 
were of Connecticut. 

Sir Edmund began his government with the most flatter- 
ing professions of his regard to the public safety and hap- 
piness. He instructed the judges to administer justice, as 
far as might be consistent with the new regulations, accord- 
ing to the former laws and customs. It is, however, well 
observed, by governor Hutchinson, that " Nero concealed 
his tyrannical disposition more years, than Sir Edmund 
and his creatures did months." He soon laid a restraint 
upon the liberty of the press ; and then, one far more griev- 
ous upon marriage. This was prohibited, unless bonds 
were previously given, with sureties, to the governor. 
These were to be forfeited, in case it should afterwards 
appear, that there was any lawful impediment to the mar- 
riage. Magistrates only were allowed to join people in the 
bands of wedlock. The governor not only deprived the 
clergy of the perquisite from marriages, but soon suspended 
the laws for their support, and would not suffer any person 
to be obliged to pay any thing to his minister. Nay, he 
menaced the people, that, if they resisted his will, their 
meeting-houses should be taken from them, and that any 
person who should give two pence to a non-conformist 
minister, should be punished. 

The fees of all officers, under this new administration, 
were exorbitant. The common fee for the probate of a 
will was fifty shillings. The widow and fatherless, how 
distant soever, were obliged to appear at Boston, to transact 
all business relative to the settlement of estates.* This 
* Hutchinson's Hist. Vol. I. p. 358. 



Ghap. XV. CONNECTICUT. 373 

was a grievous oppression of the poor people ; especially, Book !. 
of the fatherless and widow. v,<^-v-^/ 

Sir Edmund, without an assembly, nay, without a ma- ]G<J7. 
jority of his council, taxed the people at pleasure. He 
and Randolph, with four or five others of his creatures, 
who were sufficiently wicked to join with him, in all his 
oppressive designs, managed the atfairs of government, as 
they pleased. But these were but the beginnings ofo)> 
pression and sorrow. They were soon greatly increased 
and more extensively spread. 

In 1688, Sir Edmund was made governor of New-York, 
as well as of New-England, and the same kind of govern- 
ment was exercised in that department.! As the charters 
were now either vacated, surrendered, or the government 
under them suspended, it was declared, that the titles of 
the colonists to their lands were of no value. Sir Edmund 
declared, that Indian deeds were no better than " the 
scratch of a bear's paw."" Not the fairest purchases and 
most ample conveyances from the natives, no dangers, dis- 
bursements nor labors, in cultivating a wilderness, and 
turning it into orchards, gardens, and pleasant fields, no 
grants by charter, nor by legislatures constituted by them, 
no declarations of preceding kings, nor of his then present 
majesty, promising them the quiet enjoyment of their hous- 
es and lands, nor fifty or sixty years undisturbed posses- 
sion, were pleas of any validity or consideration with Sir 
Edmund and his minions. The purchasers and cultivators, 
after fifty and sixty years improvement, were obliged to 
take out patents for their estates. For these, in some in- 
stances, a fee of fifty pounds was demanded. Writs of in- 
trusion were issued against persons .of principal character, 
who would not submit to such impositions, and their lands 
were patented to others. Governor Hutchinson observes, 
with respect to Massachusetts, that " men's titles were not 
all questioned at once. Had this been the case, according 
lo the computation then made, all the personal estate in the 
colony would not have paid the charge of the new pa- 
tents."! 

The governor, and a small number of his council, in the 
most arbitrary manner, fined and imprisoned numbers of 
the inhabitants of Massachusetts, and denied them the ben- 
efit of the act of habeas corpus. All town meetings Avere 
prohibited except one in the month of May, for the elec- 

t The same, p. 371. It is strange, that Mr. Smith, in his history of 
New- York, takes no notice of this, nor gives any account of Sir EdDicadH 
administration. 

t Hutchinson's Hist. vol. I. p. 359, 



$74 HISTORY OF Chap. XV. 

Book I. t'on of tawn officers, to prevent the people from consulting 
v.^^-Nr^s-/ measui'cs for the redress of their grievances. No person 
1658. iiideed was suffered to go out of the country, without leave 
from the governor, lest complaints should be carried to 
England against his administration. At the same time, he 
£0 well knew the temper and views of his royal master, 
that he feared little from him, even though complaints 
should be carried over against him. Hence he and his de- 
pendants oppressed the people, and enriched themselves 
■without restraint. 

The most humble petitions were presented to his majes- 
ty, from corporations of various descriptions, beseeching 
him, that the governor's council might consist of none but 
cien of considerable property in lands; that no act might 
be passed to bind the people, but by a majority of the coun- 
cil; and that he would quiet his good subjects in the en- 
joyment of all property in houses and lands.* But, in the 
jeign of James the second, petitions so reasonable and 
just could not be heard. The prince, at home, and his 
olFicers abroad, like greedy harpies, preyed upon the peo- 
ple without control. Randolph was not ashamed to make 
his boast, in his letters, with respect to governor Andross 
and his council, " that they were as arbitrary as the great 
Turk." All New-England groaned under their oppres- 
sion. The heaviest share of it, however, fell upon the in- 
habitants of Massachusetts and New-Plymouth. Connec- 
ticut had been less obnoxious to government, than Massa- 
chusetts, and as it was further removed from the seat of gov- 
ernment, was less under the notice and influence of those 
oppressors. 

Governor Treat was a father to the people, and felt for 
them, in their distressed circumstances. The other gen- 
tlemen, who were of the council, and had the principal 
management of afl'aii-s, in Connecticut, were men of prin- 
ciple, lovers of justice and of their fellow subjects. They 
took advantage of Sir Edmund's first instructions, and as 
far as they possibly could, consistently with the new regu- 
lations, governed the colony according to the former laws 
and customs. Tfie people were patient and peaceable, 
though in great fear and despondency. They were no 
strangers to what was transacted in the neighbouring colo- 
nies, and expected soon fully to share with them, in all 
their miseries. It was generally believed, that Andross 

* Sir Edmund, with all his vigilance, could not prevent Ihe carrying over 
«af coDiplaints against him. Mr. Increase Mather, got on board a ship, and 
mailed to England, ior this very purpose, and delivered *!ie cotnpla;al;^ 
•>' hich he carried over, into his majesty -r- hands. 



Ghap. XVI. CONNECTICUT. 375 

was a papist; that he had employed the Indians to ravage Book I. 
the iVonticrs, and supplied them with ammunition ; and that v-.^~v-*w' 
he wasmakinoj preparations to deliver the country into the 1688. 
hands of the French. All the motives to great actions, 
to industry, economy, enterprise, wealth, and popula- 
tion, were in a manner annihilated. A general inactivi- 
ty and langurshment pervaded the whole public body. 
Liberty, property, and every thing, which ought to be 
dear to men, every day, grew more and more insecure. 
The colonies were in a state of general despondency, with 
respect to the restoration of their privileges, and the truth 
of that divine maxim, " when the wicked beareth rule the 
people mourn," was, in a striking manner, every where 
^exemplified. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Revolution in New-England. Connecticut resume their gov- 
ernment. Address to king William. Troops raised for 
the defence of the eastern settlements in Nctv- Hampshire 
and the province of Maine. French and Indian war^ 
Schenectady destroyed. Connecticut dispatch a reinforcc- 
ment to Albany. Expedition against Canada. The land 
army retreats, and the enterprise proves unsuccessfid, 
Leisler^s abuse of major general Winthrop. The assem- 
bly of Connecticut approve the generaPs conduct. Thanks 
are returned to Mr. Mather, agent Whiting, and Mr. Por- 
ter. Opinions respecting the charter, and the legality of 
Connecticut's assuming their government. Windham set- 
tled. The Mohawk castles are surprised and the country 
alarmed. Connecticut send troops to Albany. Colonel 
Fletcher, governor of New-York, demands the command 
of the militia of Connecticut. The colony petition king 
William on the subject. Colonel Fletcher comes to Hart- 
ford, and, inpeYson, demands that the legislature submit 
the militia to his command; but they refuse. Captain 
Wadsworth prevents the reading of his commission, and 
the colonel judges it expedient to leave the colony. The 
case of Connecticut relative to the militia stated. His 
■majesty determines in favor of the colony. Committees; 
are appointed to settle the boundary line between Connec- 
inS ^'^^^ ""^ Massachusetts. General Winthrop returns and 
^M '^'^'^'^''''^''-^ public thanks, Congraiuhtion of the earl of 



376 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. XVI. 



tC89. 



Revolution 
io New- 
England. 



Book T. Bcllemonf, appointed governor of Nero-York and Massa- 
v^-^v-"^^ chusells. Dispute with Rhode-Island continues. Com- 
mittee to settle the boundaries. Expenses of the war. 
Vexatious conduct of governor Fletcher. Peace^joyand 
thanksgiving. 

SCARCELY any thing could be more gloomy and! dis- 
tressful, than the state of public affairs, in New-Eng- 
land, at the beginning of this year. But in the midst of 
darkness light arose. While the people had prayed in 
vain to an earthly monarch, their petitions had been more 
successfully presented to a higher throne. Providence 
wrought gloriously for their and the nation's deliverance. 
On the 5th of November, 1688, the prince of Orange land- 
ed at Torbay, in England. He immediately published a 
declaration of his design, in visiting the kingdom. A co- 
py of this was received at Boston, by one Mr. Winslow, a 
gentleman from Virginia, in April, 1689. Governor An- 
dross and his council were so alarmed with the news, that 
they ordered Mr. Winslow to be arrested and committed to 
gaol for bringing a false and traitorous libel into the coun- 
try. They also issued a proclamation commanding all the 
officers and people to be in readiness to prevent the land- 
ing of any forces, which the prince of Orange might send 
into that part of America. But the people, who sighed un- 
der their burthens, secretly Avished and prayed for success 
to his glorious undertaking. The leaders in the country 
determined quietly to wait the event ; but the great body 
of the inhabitants had less patience. Stung with past in- 
juries, and encouraged at the first intimations of relief, the 
fire of liberty re kindled, and the flame, which, for a long 
time, had been smothered in their bosoms, burst forth wiih 
irresistible violence. 

On the 18th of April, the inhabitants of Boston and the 
adjacent towns rose in arms, made themselves masters of 
the castle, seized Sir Edmund Andross and his council, and 
persuaded the old governor and council, at Boston, to 
resume the government. 

On the 9th of May, 1689, governor Robert Treat, deputy 
governor James Bishop, and the former magistrates, at the 
desire of the freemen, resumed the government of Connec- 
ticut. Major general John Winthrop was, at the same 
time chosen into the magistracy, to complete the number 
appointed by charter. The freemen voted, that, for the 
present safety of that part of New-England called Connec- 
ticut, the necessity of its circumstances so requiring, "they 
would re-establish "government, as it was before, and a< 



Gorern- 
ment reas- 
suiiied nt 
fJonnecli- 
€ut, May 
9, 1G^9. 



CuAP. XVI. CONNECTICUT, S77 

the time, when Sir Edmund Andross took it, and so have it Book I. 
proceed, as it did before that time, accordinsj to charter ; ^.^^/■'x*^ 
engaging themselves to submit to it accordingly, until there 1689c 
should be a legal establishment among them." 

I'hc assembly having formed, came to the following 
resolution : " That whereas this court hath been intcrrupt- 
fd, in the management of the government in this colony of 
Conticcticut, for nineteen months past, it is now enacted, 
ordered, and declared, that all the laws of this colony, 
made according to charter, and courts constituted for the 
administration of government, as they were before the 
late interruption, shall be of full force and virtue, for the 
future, and until this court shall see cause to make further 
and other alterations, according to charter." The assem- 
bly then confirmed all military officers in their respective 
posts, and proceeded to appoint their civil officers, as had 
been customary at the May session. 

It was expected, that it might soon be necessary to trans- Resolve-of 
net matters of the highest importance, respecting the most th® depu- 
cssential rights of the colony. The deputies therefore re- ^'^^* 
solved, that if occasion should require any thing to be act- 
ed, respecting the charter, the governor should call the as- 
sembly, and not leave the affair with the council. 

Upon the 26th of May, a ship arrived at Boston with 
advice that William and Mary were proclaimed king and 
tjueen of England. The joyful news soon reached Con- 
necticut. A sjjocial assembly was called, which convened 
on the 13th of June. On the same day, William and Ma- 
j-y, prince and princess of Orange, were proclaimed with 
great ceremony and joy. Never was there greater or more 
general joy in New-England, than upon the accession of 
William and Mary to the throne of Great-Britain. The 
bands of oppression were now loosed, the fears of the peo- 
ple dissipated, and joy brightened in every countenance. 

The legislature addressed his majesty, in the most loyal Address 
and dutiful manner. They represented, that the Lord, f*' '"*.™^J 
*who sitteth king upon the tloods, had separated his ene- "vYjiljaji^^ 
Biies from him, as he divided the waters of Jordan before 
his chosen people ; and that, by the great actions which 
he had performed, in rescuing the nation from popery and 
despotism, God had begun to magnify him, as he did Josh- 
ua, in the sight of all Israel. In strong terms, they de- 
clared, that it was because the Lord loved his people, tbut 
he had exalted him to be king over them, to execute jus- 
tice and judgment. They most humbly presented their 
grateful acknowledgments to him, for his zeal for the wel^ 
fare of the nation, and for the protestant interest, At the 
X2 



373 HISTORY OF Chap. XVL 

Book I. same time, they represented to his majesty the charter 
s.^*-v>w/ privileges, which they had obtained, and the manner in 
1689. which Sir Edmund Andross had suppressed their govern- ' 
ment by charter : That they had never surrendered it, and 
that there had been no enrohnent of any surrender of it, or 
act, in law, against it : And that, to avoid the inconven- 
iences of having no government, and for their defence a- 
gainst their enemies, they had, at the desire of the freemen, 
resumed the government according to their ancient form. 
They humbly prayed for his majesty's directions, and his 
gracious confirmation of their charter righis.* The court 
ordered, that Mr. Whiting should present their address to 
his majesty^ 
Revolu- Meanwhile a revolution had been made at New- York. 

jwnat Qjjp captain Jacob Leisler had assumed the government of 
Ifork. diat province, and kept the fort and city in behalf of king 
William. He had written to Connecticut and solicited as- 
sistance in defending the pi-ovince. The a-ssembly ap- 
pointed major Gauld and captain James Fitch to proceed 
to New-York, and confer with Leisler and his council rela- 
tive to the defence of the frontiers. The committee, with 
captain Leisler, were authorized to determine the number 
of men to be employed and the measures to be adopted foF 
that purpose. Inconsequence of their determination, the 
governor and council dispatched captain Bull, with a com-i 
pany, to Albany, for the defence of that part of the coun- 
try, and to assist in a treaty with the Five Nations, with a 
view to secure their friendship and attachment, as far as 
possible, to the English colonies. Connecticut also sent a 
tletachment of men to assist captain Leister in the defence 
of the fort and city of New-York. 

While the Fi-ench and Indians were threatening the north- 
ern frontiers, the eastern Indians were carrying on their 
depredations in the eastern parts of New-England. In 
September, a special assembly was called on that account. 
Commissioners were appointed to consult with the commis- 
sioners of the other coloiiies, relative to the war in those 
parts. As it was imagined the Indians there had been in- 
jured, by governor Andross and his officers, the commis- 
sioners were instructed to enquire into the grounds of the 
war with them ; and if it should appear that they had been 
injured, to use their utmost influence, that justice migljt be 
Tone them, and the country quieted in that way. But if 
they found the war to be just and necessary, they were au- 
thorized to engage the colony's full proportion of men, un- 
less it should amount to more than two hundred, TivQ 
* Appendix No. XXUI. 



Chai'. XVL CONNECTICUT. 379 

companies were afterwards appointed to that service, un- Book L 
dcr the command of captains George Denison andEbene- ^.^'-n^-^s-/ 
zer Johnson. 1009. 

At the session in October, it was resolved, that by rea-Oct. 10„ 
son of the great expense of the colony, in defending his ma- 
jesty's subjects, in other parts, it was necessary to with- 
draw the aid which they had sent to New- York. 

At this general court, the law respecting the choice of 
the governors and magistrates was enacted nearly in the 
words in which it now stands; but it instituted a mode of 
nomination diftereiiit from the present. This was to be 
made on the third Tuesday in March annually, and the 
votes were to be carried to Hartford by the constables of 
the county towns, and on the last Tuesday in the month 
were, by them, to be sorted and counted in the council 
chamber. The nomina,tion was then transmitted to the 
several towns. 

While the revolution delivered the nation from vassalage 
and popery, it involved it in an immediate war with 
France, and the colonies in a French and Indian war. A 
large number of troops and a considerable fleet were sent 
from France, in 1689, with a special view to the reduction 
of New- York. The enterprise was frustrated by the dis- 
tressed condition .to which the incursions of the Mohawks 
tad reduced Canada. 

Count Frontenac, to raise the depressed spirits of the 
Canadians, sent out several parties of French and Indians 
against the settlements in New- York and New-England. 
A detachment of between two and three hundred French 
and Indians, under the command of D'Aillebout, De Man- 
tel, and Le Moyn, were dispatched from Montreal against 
the frontiers of New- York. They were furnished with ev- 
ery thing, necessary for a winter's campaign. After a 
march of two and twenty days, in the dead of winter, they 
reached Schenectady, on Saturday, the 8th of February, 
1690. They had been reduced to such straits that they 
had thoughts of surrendering themselves prisoners of war. ^^^^ q"*^' 
But their scouts, who had been a day or two in the village, Schenec- 
entirely unsuspected, returned with such accounts of the tady, Feb, 
security of the inhabitants, as determined them to make an ^' 
attack upon them. They found the gates open and un- 
guarded. They entered them about eleven o'clock, and 
that they might invest every house, at the same time, they 
divided into small parties of six or seven men. The in- 
habitants were in a profound sleep, and unalarmed until 
the enemy had broken open their doors, and they were on 
the verge of destruction. Never were a poor people mor<:- 



38^ 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. XVU 



Book I. dreadfully surprised. Before they had time to rise from 
v^-\r-v^ their beds, the enemy began the perpetration of the most 
1690. inhuman barbarities. "No tongue, says colonel Schuyler, 
in his letter to the colonies, can express the cruelties which 
were committed. The inhabitants were instantly slain, 
and the whole village was in flames. Pregnant women 
were ripped open, and their infants cast into the flames or 
dashed against the posts of the doors. Sixty persons per- 
ished in the massacre, and twenty were captivated. The 
rest of the inhabitants escaped in their shirts, in a most 
stormy and severe night, and through a deep snow, which 
fell at the same time. Twenty five of the fugitives lost 
their limbs, in the flight, through the sharpness of the frost. 
Captain Bull's lieutenant, one of his sergeants, and three 
other men were killed, and five captivated. The enemy 
killed all the cattle and horses, which they could find, ex- 
cept about fifty of the best horses, which they carried oflT, 
loaded with the plunder of the village. 

When the news of this destruction reached Albany, the 
next morning, an universal fear and consternation seized 
the inhabitants, Tlie country became panick struck, and 
many entertained thoughts of desti'oying the town and aban- 
doning that part of the country to the enemy. Indeed, 
the whole province of New-York was in deplorable cir- 
cumstances. Leisler, who had assumed the government, 
was a weak, imprudent man, and there was a violent oppo- 
sition both to him and his measures, especially at Albany. 
Government was nearly dissolved. The people would not 
suffer the officers, posted at Albany and Schenectady, to 
keep a regular watch, or to maintain any kind of military 
order. Captain Bull had remonstrated against their con- 
duct, and threatened to withdraw his troops, unless they 
would submit to order. The bad weather only had pre- 
vented him from withdrawing the detachment from Sche- 
nectady. The people had been warned of their danger, 
and that an expedition had been undertaken by the ene- 
my against that part of the country ; but they imagined, 
that it was impracticable for any men to march hundreds 
of miles, with their arms and provisions, through the snow, 
in the depth of winter. This infatuation and disorder was 
the occasion of their destruction.* 

A second party of the enemy, which count Frontenac 
had detached from the three rivers, under the command of 
the sieur Hartel, an officer of distinguished character in 
Canada, on the 18th of March, fell upon Salmon Falls. 
This was a plantation on the river which divides New- 
•* ColoaeJ Schu)'ler''s and caplaia BuM's letters on fil^. 



Destruc- 
tion of 
Salmon 
I'alls, 
March 18, 



Chap. XVI. CONNECTICUT. 381 

Hampshire from the province of Maine. This party con- Book I. 
sisted of about fifty men, nearly half Indians. They com- ^^^-vv^ 
menced the attack at break of day, in three difierent places. J 690. 
Though the people were surprised, yet they flew to their 
arms, and defended themselves with a bravery which oven 
their enemies applauded. But they were finally overpow- 
ered by numbers, and the whole settlement was pillaged 
and burned. Six and thirty men were killed, and fifty- 
four, principally women and children, carried into cap- 
tivity. 

These depredations filled the country with fear and 
alarm. The most pressing letters were sent to Connecti- 
cut for immediate assistance. A special assembly was Special as- 
called on the 11th of April. Letters were laid before the sfmbiy, 
assembly from Massachusetts, soliciting that soldiers might P ^ 
be sent from Connecticut, to guard the upper towns upon 
Connecticut river ; and that there might be a general meet- 
ing of commissioners from the several colonies, at Rhode- 
Island, to consult the common defence. There were also 
letters from captain Leisler, at New-York, and from colo- 
nel Schuyler, and other principal gentlemen at Albany, 
urging, that captain Bull and the soldiers there might be 
continued, and that reinforcements might be forwarded for 
the defence of that place and the adjacent countiy. It 
was also urged, that Connecticut would unite with the oth- 
er colonies, in raising an army for the reduction of Canada. 

The assembly determined, that there was a necessity ofRein- 
their utmost exertions to prevent the settlement of the forcement 
French, at Albany. It was resolved, that two companies, ^^^^ *° 
of a hundred men each, should be raised and sent forward 
for that purpose. The colony also gave assistance to the 
frontier towns of Massachusetts upon the river. 

For the defence of Connecticut, it was ordered, that a Provision 
(Constant watch should be kept in the several towns, and for the 
that all the males in the colony, except the aged and infirm, ??',*^*/i°^ 
should keep watch in their turns. If the aged and infirm 
were more than fifty pounds in the list, they were obliged 
to procure a man, in their turns, to watch and guard in 
their stead. 

Though the colony had received no instructions from Court of 
king William, confirming their charter, or directing the e'ection, 
jnode of government, yet at the general election, the free- ^^ 
men proceeded, as had been usual, to the choice of their 
officers. Robert Treat, Esq. was re-chosen governor, and 
James Bishop, Esq. deputy-governor. Samuel Wyllys, 
Kathan Gould, William Jones, John Allen, Andrew Leet, 
James Fitch, Samuel Mason, Samuel Talcott, John Burr, 



382 HISTORY OF Chap. XVi. 

Book I. William Pitkin, Nathaniel Stanley, and Daniel Witherell, 
v^-N^-s^ Esquires, were chosen magistrates. 

1690. At this session of the assembly, that part of Weathei's- 
Glasten- field which lay on the cast side of Connecticut river, was 
bury made uja^Je ^ distinct town, bv the name of Glastenbury. 

a distinct mi t ■ r • • lit 

town. J^he proposed meetnig oi commissioners, was nolden at 

New-York, instead of Rhode-Island, on the 1st of May, 
1 690. The commissioners from Connecticut, were Nathan 
Could and William Pitkin, Esquires. It appears, that, at 
this meeting, the commissioners conceived the plan of an 
expedition against Canada. I'hey ordered, that eight hun- 
dred and fifty men should be raised for that purpose. The 
quotas of the several colonies were fixed, and general rules 
adoj^ted for the management of the army. A small vessel 
was sent express to England, the beginning of April, car- 
rying a representation of the exposed state of the colonies, 
and of the necessity of the reduction of Canada. A prayer 
was also sent to his majesty, for a supply of arms, ammu- 
nition, and a number of frigates, to attack the enemy by 
•water, while the colonial troops made an invasion by land. 
Bm the aflairs of the nation were such, at that time, that 
no assistance could be given to the colonies. New- York 
and the New-England colonies, however, determined to 
prosecute their original plan of attacking Canada. It was 
proposed, with about eight or nine hundred Englishmen, 
and five or six hundred Indians, to make an attack upon 
Montreal ;* while a fleet and army, of eighteen hundred 
or two thousand men, were to proceed up the St. Lawrence, 
and, at the same time, make an attack upon Quebec. It 
was hoj^ed, by this means, so to distract and divide the en- 
emy, that the whole country might be reduced to his ma- 
jesty's government. It was expected, that a powerful as- 
sistance v/ould be given by the five nations, who had, but 
a few years before, so exceedingly harassed and distressed 
the whole French colony. Jacob Milborn, son in law to 
Leisler, was commissary, and it was expected, that New- 
York would furnish provisions, and make preparations for 
the army to pass the waters to Montreal. 
General John Winlhrop, Esq. was appointed major-general and 

W'inthrop commander in chief of the land army. He arrived, with 
^Th th ^^^ troops under his command, near the falls at the head 
Jand army of Wood creek, early in the month of August. About the 
at Wood same time, the fleet sailed from Nantasket for Quebec. It 
creek. consisted of between thirty and forty vessels, great and 
small. The largest carried forty-four guns, and two hunr 

* J)etermination of the commisfionen rvt Nevz-y ork, and colonel Scl«iy- 
Icr's letter, oji file. 



Chap. XV. CONNECTICUT. 3SS 

(ired men. Sir William Phipps, governor of Massachusetts, Book I- 
had the chief command. The fleet had a long passage, ^^^^n/^^-^ 
:<nd did not arrive before Quebec until the 5th of October. 1690, 

When the land army arrived at the place appointed for 
the rendezvous of the Indians from the Hve nations, instead 
of finding that powerful body, which they expected, and 
"which the Indians had promised, there were no more than 
seventy warriors from the Mohawks and Oneida s. A mes- 
senger was sent to the other nations, to know what they 
designed; whether they would join the army and go for- 
■ward, or not. The messenger returned, and reported that 
they wished for some delay ; and they never came on to 
join the army. When the general had advanced about a 
himdred miles, he found that there were not canoes pro- 
vided sufficient to transport one half of the English soldiers 
across the lake. Upon representing to the Indians, that 
ihe army could not pass into Canada, without a much great- 
er number of canoes, they replied, that it was then too late 
in the season to make canoes, as the bark would not pceL 
In short, they artfully evaded every proposal which the 
council of v/ar made for the service ; and, finally, told the 
general and his officers, that they looked too high, and ad- 
vised them only to attack Chambly, and the out settle- 
ments, on this side of the St. Lawrence.* There was an- 
other insuperable difficulty arose. Milborn, commissary 
of the army, had not made a sufficient provision for the 
carrying o:\ and supplying of provisions for the ai-my, so 
that it was necessitated to retreat to Albany for subsist- ^^^y otli^ 
ence. This was determined by a council of war. At the ged to re- 
same time, about a hundred and forty of the sprightliest *^''^^^- 
3'oung men, English and Indians, were dispatched into 
Canada, to make all the diversion possible in favour of Cleans of 
the fleet. However, the retreat of the army, and the late d^^^^^'n^ 
arrival of the armament before QuebeCj defeated the ex- prjse. 
pedition. 

Count Frontenac, who had advanced with all his force 
to Montreal, to defend the country against the army ad- 
vancing towards the lake, no sooner received intelligence, 
"by his scouts, that it was retreating, than he returned, with 
all possible dispatch, to Quebec. Though but two or three 
days before Sir William Phipps arrived before the town, 
there were not more than two hundred Frenchmen in the 
city, and, according to their own historians, it would have 
surrendered upon the first summons, yet, afterwards, the- 
count was able to employ his whole force in its defence. 

* Proposals made (o the Indians and their answers, with colone) Sch«ir» 
kr'?, and the recorder of Albany's letter, on file. 



334 HISTORY OF Chap. XV. 

Book I. On the 8th of October, the troops landed and advanced 
v«^-v/-v^ towards the town. The ships, the next day, were drawn 
1690. up before it, and cannonaded it with all their force ; but 
they were not able to do any great injury to the town, 
while they were considerably damaged by the encmy^s 
fire from their batteries. On the 1 1th, the troops were re- 
embarked. Though they had advanced and maintained 
their ground with spirit, yet they received such accounts 
of the strength of the enemy, as very much discouraged 
them. Soon after, tempestuous weather came on, the ships 
were driven from their anchors, and the whole fleet scat- 
tered. Thus, for want of a sufficient preparation for the 
advancing of the land army, and in consequence of the 
too late sailing of the fleet, an otherwise well concerted 
plan was defeated. 

Though general Winthrop had acted in perfect confor- 
mity to the agreement of the commissioners, at New- York, 
and to the instructions which had been given him, and 
though he had retreated and taken all his measures by the 
advice of his officers, in repeated councils of war, yet 
Lcislcr's Leisler, Milborn, and their party, were filled with the ut- 
madness niost rage and madness at the retreat. It was ordained 
or-e^era^ by the commissioners, that, in all matters of great impor- 
■VVinthrop. tance, the general should be governed by a council of war, 
consisting of himself and his officers ; and Leisler was the 
first signer to the instructions and orders given. It was 
impossible to pass the lake without boats and canoes. It 
•would have been madness to have crossed it, if there had 
been canoes, when they had found, that, by all the means 
and exertions in their power, they could not procure pro- 
visions for the army on this side of the lake. Leisler, 
however, took the advantage of the general, after the ar- 
my had crossed Hudson's river, and lay encamped on this 
side of it, to arrest and confine him, that he might try him 
by a court martial of his own appointment. He was some 
days under the arrest. But when he was brought upon 
trial, the Mohawks, who were in the camp, crossed the 
He IS res- y[yQj. gp^j brought him off, with great triumph, and to the 
the Mo- universal joy of the army. Leisler, Milborn, and their 
hawks. ]iarty, were so enraged with some of the principal gentle- 
men in Albany, who were of the general's council, that 
they were obliged to flee to Connecticut for safety. Mr. 
Livingston and others resided some time at Hartford. 
Leisler confined the commissary of the Connecticut troops, 
so that the army sufit-red for want of his assistance. 

This was viewed, by Connecticut, as an entirely law- 
less proceeding ; not only highly injurious to general Win- 



Chap. XVI. CONNECTICUT. 385 

throp and the colony, but to all New-England. The gov- Book I. 
ernor and council remonstrated against his conduct, and >..^-v-%-/ 
demanded the release of general Winthrop and their com- 1690. 
niissary. They certified him, that it belonged not to him Thegov- 
10 judge of the general's conduct, but to the colonies in e^nor and 
I ^L ^ •* • • ^ . VI .1 • • council re- 

general ; that It was inconsistent with the very instructions j„on3trate 

which he had subscribed with his own hand ; and that, if against 
he proceeded in his unprecedented and violent measures, Leisler's 
they would leave him and New- York to themselves, with- ^°"'^"*^** 
out any further aid from Connecticut, let the consequences 
be what they might.* They observed, that he needed 
friends and assistance, but was pursuing measures not only 
to make the powerful friends of general Winthrop, but 
all New-England, his enemies ; and, that the character 
of the general was too good, and too well known, to be 
drawn into question or disrepute by his conduct towards 
him. 

At the general court, in October, a narrative of the con- Oct. 9th» 
duct of the general was exhibited, attested by the officers 
of the army, and by numbers of the principal gentlemen 
of Albany. Attested answers of the Indians to the seve- 
ral councils of war, with such other evidence as the assem- 
bly judged proper to examine, were heard. Upon a full General 
examination of the affair, the assembly resolved : " That )7"^', 

tnroD s 

the general's conduct, in the expedition, had been with conduct 
good fidelity to his majesty's interest, and that his confine- approved* 
ment, at Albany, on the account thereof, deserved a timely 
vindication, as being very injurious and dishonorable to 
himself, and the colonies of New-England, at whose in- 
stance he undertook that difficult service." The court ap- 
pointed two of the magistrates in their name, '* To thank 
the general for his good service to their majesties, and to 
this colony, and assure him, that, on all seasonable occa- 
sions, they would be ready to manifest their good senti- 
ments of his fidelity, valor, and prudence. "t The assem- 
bly made him a grant of forty pounds, as a present, which 
they desired him to accept, as a further testimonial of their 
entire approbation of his services. 

Besides the troops employed in the expedition against 
Canada, Connecticut maintained a company upon the river, 
for the defence of the towns in the county of Hampshire. 
Upon an alarm in the winter, the governor and council 
dispatched a company to Deerfield, for the protection of 
that and the neighboring towns. 

At the election, May, 1G91, all the former officers were May Hth. 
re-elected. 1^91-. 

* Appendix No. XXIV t Records of the colony, 

■ Y 2 



38© HISTOl^Y OF Chap. XVL 

Book I. On the account of the death of the deputy-governor, 

^-*'~v->»-/' James Bishop, Esq.* a special assembly was convened, 

1691, on the 9th of July, 1691 ; when William Jones, Esquire, 

was chosen deputy-governor, and captain Caleb Stanley, 

magistrate. 

The Rev. Increase Mather, of Boston, was a most faith- 
ful friend to the liberties of his country ; and though he 
was agent for the Massachusetts, yet he was indefatigable 
in his labors, and, as opportunity presented, performed es- 
sential services for the other colonies. At the accession 
of William and Mary he had prevented the bill for estab^ 
lishing the former governors of New-England. He had 
imited all his influence with Mr. Whiiing for the benefit of 
Connecticut. One Mr. James Porter, who was in London, 
had been very serviceable to the colony. The assembly, 
therefore, ordered, that a letter of thanks should be ad- 
dressed to those gentlemen, for the good services which 
ihey had rendered the colony. They were, also, desired 
to use their Influence to obtain, from his majesty, a letter 
approving of their administration of government, accord- 
ing to charter, as legal ; and expressing his determination 
to protect them in the enjoyment of their civil and religious 
privileges. 

The violation of the charters, in England, had been de- 
clared illegal and arbitrary. The charter of the city of 
London, and those of other corporations, in Great Britain, 
had been restored. The case of Connecticut, respecting 
their charter, had been stated, and the opinions of gentle- 
men, learned in the law, had been given relative to the le- 
gality of the government assumed by the colony. They 
are thus expressed. 
Opinions! " Query, Whether the charter'belonging to Connecticut, 
5u'^*'J^!° iii New-England, is by means of their involuntary submis- 
of Coniiec- ^^^'^ ^° '^'^ Edmund Andross's government, void in law, so 
ticut. as that the king may send a governor to them, contrary to 
their charter privileges, when there has been no judgment 
entered against their charter, nor any surrender thereof 
upon record '/" 

* James Bishop, Esq. died June 22d, 1691. He appears to have been a 
gentleman of good ability and distinsruished morals. The time of his com- 
ing over to America is uncertain. His first appearance upon the public 
records, was about the year 1648. In 166), he was chosen secretary of 
the colony of New-Haven; in which otHce he continued until the union of 
the colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven. In May, 1668, he was cho- 
sen one of thrt magistrates of Connecticut, in which office he continued until 
May 10th, 168o, when he was elected deputy-governor. To this office he 
■was annually re-elected until his death. His family has continued respect- 
able to the present time. Samuel Bishop, Esq. chief judge of the court of 
common pleas, for the county of New-Haven, and mayor of the city, is oae 
qftns descendants. 



Chap. XVI. CONNECTICUT. 387 

" I am of opinion, that such submission, as is put, in Book I. 
this case, doth not invaUdate the charter, or any of the v.^'n^^n^ 
powers therein, which were granted under the great seal ; 1691. 
and that the charter not being surrendered under the com- 
mon seal, and that surrender duly enrolled of record, nor 
any judgment of record entered against it, the same re- 
mains good and valid in law ; and the said corporation may 
lawfully execute the powers and privileges thereby grant- 
ed, notwithstanding such submission, and appointment of 
a governor as aforesaid. 

" Edward Ward. 

" 2d August, 169Q. 

" lam of the same opinion. J. Somers. 

" I am of the same opinion ; and as this matter is sta- 
led there is no ground of doubt. 

" Geo. Treby." 

The people at the eastward, in New-Hampshire and Distressed 
xhe province of Maine, had been extremely distressed by^""^"™" ^ 

i*^ 1 . .• i-iii- r stances of 

the war, and a very great proportion oi them driven h-om ^^e eastern 
tiieir settlements. It had also been found exceedingly dif- people, 
licult to persuade men to keep garrison for the defence of 
that part of the country. The general court of Connecti- 
cut, therefore, appointed a contribution, through the colo- Contribu- 
ny, for the encouragement of the soldiers, who should keep jj^^for 
garrison there, and for the relief of poor families, which jjef. 
iiad kept their stations, or been driven from them by the 
ravages of the enemy. The clergy were directed to ex- 
hort the people to liberal contributions for these charita- 
ble purposes.* 

At the election, May, 1692, William Jones, Esq. was Court of 
chosen deputy governor by the freemen. Mr. Caleb Stan- ^^J'^'°'^^ 
ley and Mr. Moses Mansfield were chosen magistrates. 
Governor Winthrop and the other magistrates were the 
same they had been the year before. 

The French, the last year, while the troops were employ- The 
ed in the expedition against Canada, made a descent upon French 
Block-Island, plundered the houses, and captivated most of ^^1^^^^^ 
the inhabitants. This greatly alarmed the people of New- upon 
London, Stonington, and Saybrook. Detachments of the Block-hU 
militia were sent to the seaport towns for their defence. ^"^ 
Tiie assembly therefore, about this time ordered, that 
New-London should be fortified ; and that the fortifica- 
tions at Saybrook should be repaired. 

The country had been alarmed with reports, that a large 
body of French and Indians were about to cross the lakes 

* The number of persons, this year, ratable in the colooj wai 3.10^, 
and the grand list Jt;i83,10O, 



35« HISTORY OF Chap. XVf. 

Book I. and come down upon the frontiers. Consequently it was 
v.^~v-x^ ordered, that scouts, from the several counties should range 
1692. the country, and make discovery of the enemy as they 
made their approach. Officers were also appointed to 
command such parts of the militia as it might be necessa- 
ry to detach, in case of an invasion. 
Settle- Upon the 29th of February, 1675, Joshua, sachem of 

siientof the Moheagans, son of Uncas, by his last will, gave unto 
^'^^^y'^^P captain John Mason, James Fitch, and others, to the num- 
ham, May ^^'* °^ fourteen, commonly called Joshua's legatees, the 
12,1692. tract containing the town of Windham. It was, the next 
year, surveyed and laid out into distinct lots. In May, 
1692, it was vested with town privileges. By Joshua's 
will, the lands in the town of Mansfield, no less than those 
^ in Windham, were given. The settlements, at both pla- 

ces, commenced about 1686, nearly at the same time. 
Canterbury originally belonged to the town of Windham, 
though it was some years after made a distinct town. The 
township of Windham comprises a fine tract of land, near- 
ly ten miles square. Its situation is pleasant, and it is now 
one of the principal towns in the state.* 
"Enterprise Count Frontenac, finding that he could not, with all his 
against the ^j-ts, accomplish a peace with the five nations, determined 
castjel! ^^ ^^^^ destruction of the Mohawks, who, of all the In- 
dians, had been by far the most destructive to the settle- 
ments in Canada. He collected an army of six or seven 
hundred French and Indians, and, having supplied them 
with every thing necessary for a winter campaign, sent 
them against the Mohawk castles. They began their 
march from Montreal on the 15th of January, 1693. Af- 
ter suffering incredible hardships, they fell in with the first 
Mohawk castle, about the 6th of February. The Mo- 
hawks were entirely secure, not having the least intima- 
tion of their approach. The enemy took four or five men 
at this castle, and proceeded to the second. At this they 
were equally successful. A great part of the inhabitants 
were at Shenectady, and the rest were perfectly secure. 
When they advanced to the third castle, they found about 
forty warriors, collected at a war dance, as they designed 
the next day to go upon an enterprise against their ene- 
mies. A conflict ensued, in which the French, after los- 
ing about thirty men, were victorious, and the third castle 

* Mr. John Gates, one of the first planters, a gentleman from England, 
who died July 16th, 1697, by his last will, gave a generous legacy, in 
plate, to the church. He also gave two hundred acres of land for the use 
of a school, and two hundred more for the use of the poor of the town for- 
ever. Windham was made a county town in May, 1726. The grand lisi, 
?n 1768, was about j£30,000, aud the number of iohabitants 3|500. 



Chap. XVI. CONNECTICUT. 380 

was taken. The French, in this descent, captivated near- Book I. 
\y three hundred of the allied Indians, princif)ally women ^-^-n/-"*^ 
and children. The brave colonel Schuyler, of Albany, at 1693. 
the head of a party of volunteers, of about two hundred 
English and Dutch, pursued them. On the lath of Feb- 
ruary, he was joined with about three hundred Indians, 
and, with this force, he fell in with the enemy, whom he 
found in a fortified camp. They made three successive 
sallies upon the colonel, and were as often repulsed. He 
kept his ground, waiting for provisions and a reinforce- 
ment from Albany. Meanwhile, the enemy, taking ad- 
vantage of a severe snow storm, on the night of the 18th, 
marched oif for Canada. The next day, captain Sims, 
with eighty regular troops, arrived with provisions for the 
army, and the day following the colonel resumed the pur- 
suit. The French, however, luckily finding a cake of ice 
across the north branch of Hudson's river, made their es- 
cape. Nevertheless, they were so pressed, that they suf- 
fered most of their captives to escape. They all, except 
nine or ten, returned. Colonel Schuyler lost eight of his 
party, four christians, and four Indians. He had fourteen 
wounded. According to the report of the captives, the en- 
emy lost forty men, three of whom were French officers, 
and two were Indian leaders ; and they had thirty wound- 
ed. The Indians found about thirty corpses of the ene- 
my, whom they scalped, and afterwards roasted and ate 
them, as they were exceedingly pinched for want of pro- 
visions.* 

While these affairs were transacting, dispatches were ^ 
sent to Connecticut, acquainting governor Treat, that the 
French had invaded his majesty's territories, and taken 
the fortresses of his allies. A demand was made of two 
hundred men, complete in their arms, to march forthwith 
to Albany, 

A special assembly was called on the 21st of February, Special a&- 
1693, and it was ordered, that one hundred and fifty men Feb. siVt. 
should be sent immediately to Albany, or any other place 
where the governor should judge to be most for his majes- 
ty's interest. Fifty of the troops marched for Albany the 
next day. 

Scarcely had the assembly dispersed, before another ex- 
Jpress arrived, from Sir William Phipps, requiring a corps of 
a hundred English men, and fifty Indians, to assist in the 
defence of the eastern settlements, in the province of Maine 
and Massachusetts, On the 6th of March, another spe- sil^'iy,^^' 
cial assembly was convened, and the legislature granted Mar'-bfi, 

* Governor Fletcher's letter, on file. 



390 HISTORY OF Chap. XVI. 

Book I. a captain's company of sixty English men, and about forty 
-^^-vx-/ Indians, under the command of captain William Whiting. 
1693. Major general Fitz John Winthrop was chosen magis- 
Election, trate at the election, which was the only alteration made 
Mayiith. among the magistrates this year. 

The general court ordered a letter to be addressed to 
the governor of Massachusetts, once more desiring him 
and that colony amicably to join with Connecticut in run- 
ning the partition line between the two colonies. Will- 
iam Pitkin, Esq. Mr. Samuel Chester, and captain William 
Whiting, were a})pointed a committee to run the line. 
They had instructions to begin, according to the express 
words of the patent of Massachusetts, three miles south of 
every part of Charles river, and thence to run to the wes- 
ternmost bounds of Symsbury. 
. Colonel Benjamin Fletcher, governor of New-York, who 

Fietciier ^ad arrived at the seat of his government, August 29th, 
■challonges 1692, had received a commission entirely inconsistent 
ihe com- ^j^h the charter rights and safety of the colonies. He was 
the"iniiitia. ^cstcd with plenary powers of commanding the whole mili- 
tia of Connecticut and the neighboring provinces. He in- 
sisted on the command of the militia of Connecticut. As 
this was expressly given to the colony, by charter, the leg- 
Theled?- ^^^^^"'^''6 would not submit to his requisition. They, how- 
iatiire re- ever, judged it expedient to refer it to the freemen, whether 
fufc fo ({jgy would address a petition to his majesty, praying for 

ftuoruit e J continuance of the militia in the power of the colony, 
railitia to I • 1 1 r 1 • 1 

his com- accordmg to then* charter, and tor the contmuance and 

mand. preservation of all their chartered rights and privileges. 
There were 2,180 persons, or suffrages for addressing his 
majesty, and the freemen declared, that they would bear 
their proportionable charge with the rest of the colony, in 
prosecuting the affair to a final issue. 
Petition bis At a special assembly, September 1st, 1693, the court 
Hu^iesty, appointed a petition to be drafted, to be presented to his 
point an majesty, king William, on the subject. Major-general Fitz 
agent. John Winthrop was appointed agent to present the peti- 
tion, and employ his best endeavours for the confirmation 
of all the chartered privileges of the colony. He was de- 
sired, as soon as possible, to take his passage to England, 
and, upon his arrival there, to lay the business, as expedi- 
tiously as might be, before his majesty, and prosecute the 
affair to an issue, with all convenient dispatch. 
Instruc- He was instructed to make a full representation oT the 

lions to great hardships, expense, and dangers of the inhabitants , 
the agent, j,^ planting and defending the colony; and that these hatt 
been borne wholly by themselves, without any assistance 



Chap. XVI. CONNECTICUT. 391 

from the parent country : That it would endanger and ruin Book I. 
the colony, if the militia should be taken from it, and com- v.-^-v-^s-y 
inanded by strangers at the distance of New- York and 1693. 
Boston : That it would wholly incapacitate them to defend 
themselves, their wives, and children: That before they 
could obtain instructions, from such a distance, upon any- 
sudden emergency, the colony might be depopulated and 
ruined : That a stranger, at a distance, might not agree 
with the governor and council in employing the militia for 
the defence of the property, lives, and liberties of the sub- 
jects; and that the life and support of the laws, and the 
very existence of their civil constitution depended on the 
militia. He was also instructed further to represent the 
state of the militia of Connecticut, with respect to its dif- 
ference from that of the militia of England: That, from the 
scattered state and small number of the inhabitants, it had 
been necessary, that all males, from sixteen years of age, 
should belong to the militia, and be made soldiers, so that 
if the militia were taken from the colony, there would be 
none left but magistrates, ministers, physicians, aged and 
infirm people, to defend their extensive sea coasts and 
frontiers; and that giving the command of the militia to 
the governor of another colony, was, in effect, to put their 
persons, interests, and liberties entirely into his power. 
The agent was, also, directed to represent the entire satis- 
faction of the colony with the present government, and the 
great advantages resulting from it : That giving the com- 
mand of the militia to the governor of another province, 
would exceedingly endanger, if not entirely destroy, that 
general contentment, and all the advantages thence arising 
to his majesty and his subjects : That out of three thou- 
sand freemen in the colony, two thousand and two hundred 
actually met, and gave their suffrages for the present ad- 
dress; and that the greatest part of the other eight hun- 
dred were for it, but were, by their particular occasions, 
prevented from attending at the respective meetings, when. 
the suffrages were taken : That the inhabitants were uni- 
versally for the revolution; and that, in the whole colonyr; 
ihere were not more than four or five malcontents. The 
agent was charged to assure his majesty, that the militia 
should be improved with the utmost prudence and faithful- 
ness, for his majesty's service, in the defence of the fron- 
tiers of Massachusetts and New- York; and to lay before 
him what the colony had already done ; especially for the 
province of New- York, in theiv late distressed condition : 
That for its defence, and the securing of the five nations, 
in his majesty's interest, they had expended more thaci 



392 HISTORY OF Chap. XVI. 

Book I. three thousand pounds, and lost a number of their men. 

v-.^->v-v^ Further, general Winthrop was directed, so far as might 

1693. be judged expedient, to plead the rights granted in the 

charter, especially that of commanding the militia, and the 

common usage, ever since the grant of the charter, for a 

long course of years. 

Sir William Phipps, governor of Massachusetts, had, on 
his appointment to that office, received a commission of the 
same tenor of governor Fletcher's. As the colony had not 
fully complied with his requisitions, it was expected that 
the agent would be interrogated upon that head. He was 
instructed, in that case, to reply, that Sir William never 
came into the colony, nor acted upon his commission, any 
further, than to give a copy of it, and to inquire who were 
the officers of the militia : That the governor and company 
had a prior commission, by charter, and that they could by 
no means give it up, until the affair had been laid before 
his majesty. 
Assembly, The colony wished to serve his majesty's interest, and, 
Oct. 12th. j^g jv^j. gg possible, consistently with their chartered rights, 
to maintain a good understanding with governor Fletcher. 
William Pitkin, Esq. was, therefore, sent to New- York, to 
treat and make terms with him respecting the militia, until 
his majesty's pleasure should be further known. But no 
terms could be made with him short of an explicit submis- 
sion of the militia to his command. 
Colonel On the 26th of October, he came to Hartford, while the 

CO es to "Assembly were sitting, and, in his majesty's name, demand- 
Haitfonl, ed their submission of the militia to his command, as they 
and de- would answer it to his majesty ; and that they would give 
manas (he j-jjj^ ^ speedy answer in one word, Yes, or No. He sub- 

COlJlITlilPfl . . 

of the mi- Scribed himself his majesty's lieutenant, and commander in 
litia, Oct. chief of the militia, and of all the forces by sea or land, and 
26th. of all the forts and places of strength in the colony of Con- 

necticut.* He ordered the militia of Hartford under arms, 
that he might beat up for volunteers. It was judged expe- 
dient to call the trainbands in Hartford together ; but the 
assembly insisted, that the command of the militia was ex- 
pressly vested, by charter, in the governor and company j 
and that they could, by no means, consistently with their 
just rights and the common safety, resign it into any other 
hands. They insinuated, that his demands were an inva- 
sion of their essential privileges, and subversive of their 
_ constitution. 

(ion by col. Upon this, coloiiel Bayard, by his excellency's com- 
Bayard. mand, sent a letter into the assembly, declaring, that his 
* Governor Fletcher's letter, on file. 



Chap. XVI. CONNECTICUT. 393 

excellency had no design upon the civil rights of the colo- Book I. 
ny ; but would leave them, in all respects, as he found v^^'-v-^/ 
them. In the name of his excellency, he tendered a com- 1693. 
mission to governor Treat, empowering him to command 
the militia of the colony. He declared, that his excellen- 
cy insisted, that they should acknowledge it an essential 
right, inherent in his majesty, to command the militia ; and 
that he was determined not to set his foot out of the colo- 
ny until the had seen his majesty's commission obeyed : 
That he would issue his proclamation, showing the means 
he had taken to give ease and satisfaction to his majes- 
ty's subjects of Connecticut, and that he would distinguish 
the disloyal from the rest.* 

The assembly, nevertheless, would not give up the com- The as- 
niand of the militia; nor would governor Treat receive a se™bly de- 
commission from colonel Fletcher. . * '"^* 

The trainbands of Hartford assembled, and, as the tra- militia, 
dition is, while captain Wadsworth, the senior officer, was Militia of 
walking in front of the companies, and exercising the sol- ^^i'"^^'"'**. 
dierS; colonel Fletcher ordered his commission and instruc- gpjrited 
tions to be read. Captain Wadsworth instantly command- coaductol" 
ed, " Beat the drums 5" and there was such a roaring of ^^P*?^"^ 
them that nothing else could be heard. Colonel Fletcher ^^rth* 
commanded silence. But no sooner had Bayard made an 
attempt to read again, than Wadsworth commands, " Drum, 
drum, I say." The drummers understood their business, 
and instantly beat up with all the art and life of which they 
were masters. " Silence, silence," says the colonel. No 
sooner was there a pause, than Wadsworth speaks with 
great earnestness, " Drum, drum, 1 say ;" and turning to 
his excellency, said, " If I am interrupted again f will make 
the sun shine through you in a moment." He spoke with 
such energy in his voice and meaning in his countenance, 
that no further attempts were made to read or enlist men. 
Such numbers of people collected together, and their spir- 
its appeared so high, that the governor and his suit judged 
it expedient, soon to leave the town and return to New- 
York. 

The assembly granted 500 pounds, to support major 
general Winthrop in his agency at the court of Great-Bri- 
tain. 

Oq the 7th of February, 1694, a special assembly wasAssembl^^ 
called, in consequence of a letter from king William rela- ^^^- '''j 
live to the fortifying of Albany. In compliance with his 
majesty's requisition, the assembly granted 600 pounds, to 
be paid into the hands of colonel Fletcher, for the defence 
* Colonel Bayard's letter on file. 
Z2 



394 HISTORY OF Chap. XVL 

Book I. of Albany. A rate of one penny on the pound was levied 

v..>»S/-'^»^ to raise the money.* 
1694. For the de/ence of the plantations in New- York, and the 
towns upon the river, in the county of Hampshire, the as- 
sembly ordered, that the commissioned officers, who were 
the nearest to the places, which should, at any time, be at- 
tacked, should dispatch immediate su<:cours to them. Pro- 
vision was also made that the several detachments of the 
militia should be furnished with all articles necessary foi 
their marching, in any emergency, upon the shortest notice. 
Statement Major general Winthrop made a safe arrival in England^, 
of the case j presented the petition, with which he had been entrust- 

ofConnec- , ' , . . 'a ' ^ c ^\ r /^ 

ticutres- cd, to his majesty. A statement oi the case or Connecti- 
petting the cut was drawn and laid before the king. In this, besides 
coinnian(| ^j^^ ^g^^g g^^ted in the instructions of Mr. Winthrop, it 
«ia/^ °^*'' was alledged, that in the charter, granted by king Charles, 
the command of the militia was, in the most express and 
ample manner, given to the colony ; and that the governor 
had always commanded it for the common safety : That in, 
the charter there was a clause for the most beneficial con- 
struction of it for the corporation ; and another of non ob- 
stante to all statutes repugnant to said grant. It was 
stated, that whoever commanded the persons in a colony 
would also command their purse, and be the governor of 
the colony : That there w/as such a connection between the 
civil authority and the command of the militia, that one 
could not subsist without the other ; That it was designed 
to govern the colonies, in America, as nearly as might be, 
in conformity to the laws of England. And that the king 
and his lieutenants could not draw out all the militia of a 
county ; but a certain part only, in proportion to its num- 
bers and wealths It was therefore pleaded, that governor 
Fletcher's commission ought to be construed with the same 
restriction : That were not the command of the king and 
his lieutenants restricted, by acts of parliament, the sub- 
jects could not be free ; and that, for the same reason, gov- 
ernor Fletcher's command ought to be restrained, by the 
laws of Connecticut, so far as they were not repugnant to 
the laws of England. It was further stated, that it was im- 
possible for governor Fletcher so well to judge of the dis- 
positions and abilities of each town and division in Con- 
necticut, or be so much master of the affections of the peo- 
ple, in time of need, as those who dwelt among them and 
had been chosen to command them ; and therefore he could 
not be so well qualified for the local and ordinary command 

* The rateable polls in the colony were, at this time, about 2,347, aad 
t\ie gra^d list jti 137,046. 



€hap. X\1f. CONNECTICUT. 39.-: 

of the militia ; nor serve the interests of his majesty, or the Book L 
colony, in that respect, so satisfactorily and effectually as ^^^-^./^^^ 
its own officers.* 1G94,, 

His majesty's attorney and solicitor general, gave their 
opinion in favor of Connecticut's commanding the militia ; 
and on the 19th of April, 1694, his majesty in council de- 
termined acccH'ding to the report which they had made.t 
The quota of Connecticut, during the war, was fixed at 
one hundred and twenty men, to be at the command of 
governor Fletcher, and the rest of the militia to be com- 
manded, as had been usual, by the governor of Connecti- 
cut. 

Upon the solicitations of governor Fletcher and Sir Will- Agents 
iam Phipps, agents and a number of troops were sent to ^re^t^^.j^jj 
attend a treaty with the Five Nations. The expense of it the Five 
<'o the colony was about 400 pounds. Nations. 

A committee was appointed again, in the May session, to Conrimit- 
iun the partition line between Connecticut and Massachu- the line 
ietts. Massachusetts was invited to join with them, but between 
as the court refused, the committee of Connecticut, by the Connecti- 
direction of the assembly, ran the line without them. In i^^^g^". 
October, 1695, the general assembly renewed their appli- chusetts. 
cation to the general court of Massachusetts, intreating ^ppl'ca- 
them to unite amicably in running the boundary line, or to gg"gj.al ^ 
agree to it, as it had been run by Connecticut. They ac- court of 
quainted them how it ran, what encroachments they had Massa- 
made upon the colony, and how they injured it, by declin- Q^T^jn' 
ing a mutual and friendly settlement of the line. However 1695. ' 
they insisted upon the old line, run by Woodward and Saf- 
fery, and would take no measures to accommodate the dif- 
ference. 

At the court of election, May, 1696, Eleazar Kimberly 1696, 
was chosen secretary. Upon the requisition of governor 
Fletcher, a company of sixty men were ordered to Alba- 
fiy, under the commandof captain William Whiting. For- 
ty dragoons were also forwarded to the county of Hamp- 
shire, for the security of the inhabitants in that part of 
Massachusetts. - fk «^ 

About this time, the town of Danbury was incorporated. jMAAlmJ^^ 
The whole number of families was twenty four. 

At the general court. May, 1697, colonel Hutchinson Genersj 
and captain Byfield were sent from Boston, to solicit the court, 
raising of such a number of troops as should enable Massa- ^^^ ^\ 
chusetts to attack the eastern enemy, at their head quarters. 
The legislature judged themselves unable to furnish such a 
number, as would be necessary for that purpose, in add|- 
• * Statement on file^ t Appendix Noo XXIV. 



396 HISTORY OF Chap. XVf, 

Book I. tioii to the troops they must raise for the defence of their 
s^-\/^*^ own frontiers, of New-York, and the county of Hampshire. 
1698. The court agreed to furnish a party of about sixty Eng- 
lishmen and forty Indians, to range the woods, near the 
walk of the enemy, and to defend the frontiers of the coun- 
ty of Hampshire. 
January At a general assembly, January 22d, 1698, an altcratiou 
22d, 1698. -jyjis. niade in the constitution of the county court. It was 
enacted, that it should consist of one chief judge and four 
justices of the quorum, in each county, appointed by ihe 
assembly. 
Major- Major-general Fitz John Winthrop, having returned 

general from his successful agency at the court of Great-Britain, 
on"!is're-' ^'^^ received with great joy, by the legislature and the peo- 
turn, re- pie in general. The assembly presented him with their 
ceivesihe thanks for the good services he had rendered to the gov- 
th^"}'^*'-^^ ernment ; and as a further testimonial of the high sense 
lure. which they entertained of his merit, fidelir.y, and labours 

for the public, they voted him a gratuity of three hundred 
pounds. 
Earl of On the 18th of Jupe, 1G97, Richard, earl of Bellomont, 

Bellomont received his commission to be governor of New- York and 
^P|^°^^^^^*^^^ Massachusetts 5 and was, at this time, every day expected 
Ma^s'achvi'- at New- York. The general court of Connecticut were 
?5ettsaud desirous of honouring his majesty, by an exhibition of all 
Y^T" proper respect and complaisance to his governor; and, at 
the same time, they wished to conciliate the good graces 
of so important a character. They, therefore, appointed 
general Winthrop, major Jonathan Sillick, and the Rev. 
Gurdon Saltonstall, upon the first notice of his arrival at 
New-York, to wait upon him, and, in the name of the gene- 
ral assembly of Connecticut, to congratulate his excellency 
upon his safe arrival at the seat of government. The earl 
Congratu- arrived at Ne^v-York the 2d of April, 1698. The commit- 
lated by iqq appointed to wait on him, were gentlemen of a good 
^nnet. i- appgai-^nce and elegant manners ; and they presented their 
congratulations with such dignity and address, as not only 
did honour to themselves and the colony, but highly plea- 
5*^ JL ^|*scd his excellency. Mr. Saltonstall was particularly no- 
ticed by the earl, as appearing the most like a nobleman of 
any person he had ever seen before in America. 

Notwithstanding the determination of lieutenant-gover- 
nor Cranficld, and his majesty's commissioners, and the 
report to his majesty concerning the right of Connecticut 
to the Narraganset country, the controversy between Con- 
necticut and Rhode-lskmd still continued. It was not the, 
king's pleasure to confirm the judgment and report of his 



Chap. XVI. CONNECTICUT. 397 

commissioners. The Rhode-Islanders, though they had Book I. 
violated every article ol" the agreement between Mr. Win- v.-^-v/--'*^' 
ihrop and Mr. Clark, yet were ready to plead it against 1G98. 
Connecticut, whenever it would suit their turn. A letter 
from the lords of trade and plantations was laid before the 
assembly, advising Connecticut to a settlement of bounda- 
ries with that colony. Upon this recommendation, thecommit- 
general court appointed major James Fitch, captain Daniel tee ap- 
Witljierell, and the Rev. James Noyes, commissioners to l°^^\^^'^ ^^ 
treat with Rhode-Island, and, by all means in their power, bouada- 
to attempt an amicable settlement, ries. 

The peace of Riswick, September 11th, 1697, once more Peace, 
delivered Great-Britain and her colonies from the calami- 
ties of war. The Americans rejoiced at the return of peace. 
Connecticut had been happy in the preservation of her 
frontiers, in the Joss of few men, and in the effectual aid 
which she had given to her sister colonics. Nevertheless, Expense 
the war had been very expensive, and exceedingly vexa- a"^ vexa- 
tious. The Avhole amount of taxes, during the war, was ^^"^"^ "* ® 
about twenty pence on the pound. By the close of the 
year 1695, the colony had expended 7,000l. in the defence 
of Albany, and the frontiers of the county of Hampshire, in 
Massachusetts ; exclusive of the expedition against Cana- 
da, under major-general Winthrop. This cost the colony 
more than 3,0001. The expense of the troops sent to the 
eastward, to the defence of that part of New-England, is 
also excluded. It is probable that the remaining years of 
the war cost about 2,0001. The whole expense of the war 
probably considerably exceeded 12,0001.* 

The expense of Mr. Winthrop's agency, and the ti-ouble 
respecting the militia, wei'c very considerable. 

Crovernor Fletcher made the colony much unnecessary 
trouble and expense. Upon almost every rumour of dan- 
ger, he would send on his expresses to Connecticut ; and 
the governor and council, and sometimes the assembly, 
were obliged to meet, and dispatch troops to one place and 
another. Often, by the time they had marched, orders 
would come torecal them. By the lime they wene return- 
ed, some new and groundless alarm would be made, atid» 
pressing orders sent on for them forthwith to march again. 
In this manner, he almost wore out the governor and coun- 
fBil with meetings, and beyond measure harassed the militia, 
and occasioned great trouble, and expense of time and 
saoney, both to the soldiers and officers. The whole colo- 
ny was so troubled with his vexatious management, that the ^ 

* Tlie accounts, to the close of the year '95, are particularly staled, 
After that time, they do aot appear to be ascertained. 



398 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIL 

Book I. governor wrote to Mr. Winthrop, while he was in England, 
v.-'-N^-^w desiring him to represent his conduct to his majesty, and 
1698. pr^*y ft>'' relief. 

But the clouds were now dissipated. The successful 
agency of general Winthrop, his safe return to the arms of 
his country, the blessings of peace, and the appointment 
and arrival of the earl of Bellomont to the government of 
the neighbouring provinces, united their intiuence to diffuse 
universal joy. The legislature appointed a day of public 
thanksgiving, and the people, with glad hearts and voices, 
celebrated the beneficence and glories of their common 
Benefactor. 



Court ot 
election. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

General Winthrop is elected governor. The assemhh/ divide 
and form into two houses. Purchase and settlement of 
several towns. The boundary line between Connecticuf, 
and Neio-York surveyed and fixed. Attempts for running 
and establishing the line between Massachusetts and Con- 
necticut. Owaneco and the Moheagans claim Colcliester 
and other tracts in the colony. Attempts to compose all 
differejices rvith them. Grant to the volunteers. The. as- 
sembly enacts^ that the session in October, shall, for the 
future, be in Ntw-Haven. An act enlarging the bounda- 
ries of Mezv-London, and acts relative to towns and pat- 
ents. Measures adopted for the defence of the colony. 
Appointment of king^a attorneys. Attempts to despoil 
ConnectictCt of its charter. Bill for re-uniting the char- 
ter governments to the croxmi. Sir Henry Ashurst pe- 
titions against, and prevents the passing of the bill. Gov- 
ernor Dudley, Lord Cornbury, and other enemies conspire 
against the colony. They exhibit grievous complaints 
against it. Sir Henry Ashurst defends the colony, and 

' defeats their attempts. Quakers petition. Moheagan case. 
Survey and bounds of the pretended Moheagan country. 
Dudley'' s court at Stonington. The colony protest against 
■it. Dudley'' s treatment of the colony. Judgment against 
it. Petition to her majesty on the subject. Jiew commis- 
sions are granted. Act in favour of the clergy. State 
of the colony^ 



May 12th A ^ ^^^ election m 1G98, there was a considerable al- 
U9d ' -/V tcration in the legislature. Major-general Fitz Johri 



Chap. XVII. CONNECTICUT. 399 

Winthrop, by his address, and the success of his agency in Book L 
England, had rendered himself so populai-, that he was '^-I'^-^^'v-' 
elected governor. The former governor, Treat, who had, 1698. 
for many years, presided, and who had grown old in the 
service of the colony, was elected deputy-governor ; Wil- 
liam Jones, Ksq. who, for a number of years, had been dep- 
uty-governor, was left out of the council.* Mr. Joseph 
Curtis was chosen magistrate, to fill the vacancy made by 
the preferment of general Winthrop. 

Until the session in (3ctober, 1698, the assembly con- Q^t. i3th 
sistcd of but one house, and the magistrates and deputies i698, the 
appear to have acted together. But, at this time, it was assembly 
enacted, that the General Assembly should consist of two "0^55,*^'^ 
houses : That the governor, or, in his absence, the deputy- 
governor and magistrates, should compose the first, which 
should be called the upper house : That the other should 
consist of the deputies, regularly returned from the sever- 
al towns in the colony, which should be called the lower 
house. This house was authorised to choose a speaker to 
preside, and when formed, to make such officers and rules 
as they should judge necessary for their own regulation. 
It was also enacted, that no act should be passed into a law 
of this colony, nor any law, already enacted, be repealed, 
nor any other act, proper to this General Assembly, be 
passed, except by the consent of both houses. 

At the general court, in October, an act passed, regulat- 
ing the county court. It ordained, that it should consist of 
one chief judge, and two justices of the quorum. 

In 1699, the governor and deputy-governor were re-elec- May lltb, 
ted. Richard Christopher was chosen into the magistra- 1699. 
cy, and captain Joseph Whiting, treasurer. 

At this session, the lower house, for the first time, form- 
ed separately, and chose Mr. John Chester speaker, and 
captain William Whiting clerk. This assembly passed 

* Deputy-governor Jones ivas son in law to governor Eaton. He brought 
over a good estate from England, and made a settlement at New-Haven. 
He was, for the term of about six and thirty years, either magistrate or 
deputy-governor of the colony of New-Haven or Connecticut. In 1662, 
he was chosen magistrate for the colony of New-Haven. Two 3'ears af- 
ter, he was elected deputy-governor. Upon the union, in 1665, he was 
chosen one of the magistrates of Connecticut, in which office he served un- 
til July 9th, 1691, when the assembly elected him deputy-governor. Iq 
May, 1692, he was chosen to the same office by the freemen. He was an- 
nually re-ciiosen, until May 12th, 1698. At that period he was about 74 
years of age, and retired from public business. He died October 17thj 
1706, aged 82 years. The General Assembly was sitting at New-Havens 
at the time of his decease, and voted, " That in consideration of tlie many 
good services, for many years done by that honored and religious gentle- 
man, Mr. William Jones, then deceased, a sum should be paid gut of the 
treasury towards defraying the charges of hi» funeral,'" 



400 HISTORY OF Chap. XVII. 

Book I. an act exempting the clergy from taxation. Several acts 
v-*^^v->^ were also passed, relative to the settlement of new town- 

1698. ships. 
Purchaee In June, 1659, governor Winthrop obtained liberty of 
men/or'^" the assembly, to purchase a large tract at Quinibaug. 
PJainfieJd. Soon after he made a purchase of Allups, alias Hyemps, 
and Mashaushawit, the native proprietors, of the lands 
comprised in the townships of Plainfield and Canterbury, 
lying on both sides of Quinibaug river. There Were a 
small number of families on the lands, at the time of the 
purchase ; but the planters were few, until the, year 1689* 
when a number of people, chiefly from Massachusetts, 
made a purchase of the heirs of governor Winthrop, and 
began settlements in the northern part of the tract. At 
their session, in May, 1699, the General Assembly vested 
the inhabitants with town privileges. The next year, it 
was named Plainfield. 
Grant and '^'^^ legislature, in the October session, 1698, enacted, 
settlement that a new plantation should be made at Jeremy's farm, 
of Colches- It was determined, that it should be bounded southerly on 
*"• Lyme, westerly on Middletown, and easterly on Norwich 

and Lebanon. This was most commonly termed the plan- 
tation at twenty mile river. The settlement began about 
1701. In 1703, the assembly gave the planters a patent, 
confirming to them the whole tract. Some of the princi- 
pal planters, were the Rev. John Bulkley, Samuel Gilbert, 
Michael Tainter, Samuel Northam, John Adams, Joseph j 
Pomeroy, and John Loorais. 
Coo-ino-- At the same session, a plantation was granted, upon the 

chau5^ petition of the inhabitants of Guilford, at a place called 
Durham Cogingchaug. It was bounded northerly on Middletown, 
9nd"set- easterly on Haddam, westerly on Wallingford, and south- 
tied, erly on Guilford. The petitioners were thirty-one, but 
few of them moved on to the lands. For this reason, the 
settlement went on very slowly. The two first planters, 
were Caleb Seward and David Robinson, from Guilford. 
Some others afterward removed from the same town, and 
made settlements there. May 11th, 1704, it was named 
Durham. But the whole number of inhabitants was very 
small. In 1707, the number of families was no more than 
fifteen. The inhabitants held meetings, and acted as a 
town, but were not incorporated with town privileges, un- 
til ]\Iay, 1708. After this time, the jilantation increased 
rapidly. There was a great accession of inhabitants from 
Northampton, Stratford, Milford, and other towns. 

Committees were again appointed, at the session in Oc- 
tober, to attempt a settlement of the boundaries between 



[| Chap. XVII. CONNECTICUT. 401 

Massachusetts and Connecticut, and between this colony Book I. 
and Rhode-Island. However, like all former ones, they v.^-n/-'^/ 
were unsuccessful. 1700. 

March 28th, 1700, his majesty, king William, in coun- King vvil- 
cil, was pleased to confirm the agreement made between 'i''*"*'^^**'^" 
Connecticut and New- York, in 1683, respecting the boun- agreement 
dary line between the two colonies. New- York aeglect- ia 1683. 
ed, however, to run the line. Connecticut, therefore, 
about twelve years after, applied to governor Hunter, to 
appoint commissioners to complete the running of the line, 
and mark it with proper bounds. He laid the affair be- 
fore the legislature of New- York : but, as they would 
adopt no measures for that purpose, and, as there was no 
appearance that they designed it, Connecticut presented a 
petition to his majesty king George the (irst, praying that 
he would issue his royal commands to his government of 
New- York, that they should forthwith appoint commission- 
ers, in concert with Connecticut, to complete the running 
of the line, and the erecting of proper monuments. In 
consequence of this, the legislature of New- York, in 
1719, passed an act empowering their governor to appoint 
commissioners to run the line j>arallel to Hudson's river, to 
re-survey the former lines, and to distinguish the bounda- 
ry. In May, 1725, the commissioners and surveyors of 
the two colonies, met at Greenwich, and, having agreed The line 
vipon the manner in which the work should be accomplish- i^*^*^^^*^". 
ed, the survey was executed, in part, immediately, and a cut and 
report of what they had done, was made to the respective New-Y«rk 
legislatures of Connecticut and New- York. On the 14th ^"" ^^^ 
of May, 1731, a complete settlement was made. By the 
partition line, finally established, Connecticut ceded to 
New- York a tract of 60,000 acres, as an equivalent for 
lands which New- York had surrendered to Connecticut, 
lying upon the sound. This tract, from its figure, has 
been called the Oblong. 

In 1700, the governor and council were all re-elected. Court of 

Many acts of violence, since the last session of the as- aI^*^!'T7oo 
sembly, had been committed against the inhabitants of' 
Windsor and Simsbury, by the people of Enfield and Suf- 
field. They had made encroachments two miles upon the 
land of those towns, beyond all former instances. Great 
animosities subsisted between those towns on the account 
of the encroachments and damages, which the inhabitants 
of Connecticut suffered by them. 

To compose these difficulties, if possible, the assembly Attempts 
appointed William Pitkin, Esq. Mr. John Chester, and*"*^"'^ 
Mr. William Whiting, a committee, with plenary povverjs, betweec 

A3 



■m HISTORY OF Chap. XVII, 

Book I. to address the general court of Massachusetts, and to repre- 
'---i^-N^'-x^ sent to them the readiness of the legislature of Connecti^ 
1700. cut, to join with them in any just measures, for an arnica- 
Massachu- ble settlement of the boundary line. The court of Massa- 
Connectl chusetts appointed colonel Hutchinson, Mr. Taylor, Mr. 
out. Anthrum, and Mr. Prout, a committee, but with limited 

powers, to find the southernmost line of Massachusetts, 
run by Nathaniel Woodward and Solomon Saflery. The 
general court, also, on the 5th of June, passed an act, in 
answer to the proposal made by Connecticut, in which 
they insisted on the line run by Woodward and Saffery. 
I These were termed skilful and approved artists. The 
court also, in their act, insisted, that all grants, made by 
them to the inhabitants of Woodstock, or of any other 
place, should remain good and valid to the grantees^ 
though the places should be found south of the line of Mas- 
sachusetts. To these hard terms the committee conceded, 
upon the condition, that all the grants made by Connecti- 
cut, to the inhabitants of Windsor and Simsbury, should be 
acknowledged as valid, and th^ land granted be reserved 
to the proprietors. But the court of Massachusetts would 
rot concede even this. No acGommodation could there- 
fore be effected. 

The general court of Massachusetts determined to rely 
upon, and maintain the line run by their sailors, in 1642. 
They insisted that it had been the boundary between the 
colonies, for nearly sixty years : that the colony of Con- 
necticut was bounded on the south line of Massachusetts, 
which they said was not an imaginary, but well known line- 
They pleaded, that Mr. Winthrop^ when he procured the 
charter, knew that to be the line, and that no other could 
be intended. 

Connecttcut, on the other hand, maintained, that the 
south line of Massachusetts, according to the express words 
©f their charter, was a line running due west from a point, 
or station, three miles south of every part of Charles river; 
and that the station fixed by V/oodward and Saffery was 
too far so^uth. It was also insisted, that, even allowing 
Woodward's and Safl'ery's station to be right, a due west 
line from it v/ould run fai* north of Bissell's ferry house at 
Windsor. The committee, appointed by the court of 
Massachusetts, reported, that the line would run north of 
Bissell's house ; yet the comt of Massachusetts would not 
run the line, nor come to any accommodation ; but insisted 
on the line as it had been run by them, in 1642, and on 
Connecticut's ceding their rights to all (he lands which I 



Chap. XVII. CONNECTICUT. 40 /> 

they had granted' whether they lay north or south of said Book L 
line.* >s-.^-v/-^ 

Though Colchester held their lands from the colony, 1700. 
•which claimed by virtue of Uncas's deed in 1640, major 
Mason's purchase, in behalf of the colony, and surrender 
of the lands in the presence of the general assr mbly, and 
by virtue of Joshua"'s will ; and though the inhabitants had 
deeds from Owaneco, and the Moheagan sachems. Gover- 
ning the whole tract, yet they met with great difliculties, in 
the settlement of the town, from Owaneco and the Mohea- 
gans, who were made uneasy, and stirred up to mischief, 
by designing men. The Masons, Daniel Clark, Nicholas 
Hallam, major Palms, major Fitch, and others, about this 
lime, conceived the plan of obtaining a large tract of land, 
comprising Colchester, part of Lyme, and New-London, 
Plainfield, Canterbury, and Windham, for themselves. ' 
They imagined, that the surrender of major Mason, in the 
general assembly, was not legal, and that the circum- 
stances of those early transactions were so far obliterated 
from the memory of the living, that they should be able to 
recover, in law, all the lauds made over, by Uncas, to ma- 
jor Mason, acting as agept of the colony in 16^9. 

The legislature, though they viewed their title to the 
lands in the colony legal and indubitable, yet judged il ex- 
pedient, rather than to have any difficulty with the In- 
dians, to treat with them, and make them easy. 

The governor and council were appointed a committee 
for these purposes. They were instructed to obtain a quit 
claim of the Indians upon reasonable terms, and to advise 
the inhabitants, with r-esj>ect to their settlements. Captain 
Samuel Mason, who was one of the magistrates, was par- 
ticularly desired to use his influence with the Indians to 
promote the design, and quiet the planters. 

From the first setUement of the colony, it had been cus- 
tomary to make grants of land to officers, soldiers, and oth- 
ers, who had been specially serviceable to the colony. 
Grants had been made to major Mason, to his officers and 
soldiers, in the Pequot war. This encouraged the volun- 
"ieers, who had performed such signal feats in the Narra- 
ganset war, to make application to the assembly, for the: 
grant of a new township, as an acknowledgment of theii' 
good services. Upon the petition of captain Thomas Lef- 
fingwell, of Norwich, and Mr. John Frink, of Stonington, 
in behalf of themselves and other volunteers, the general ^5.,^^^^ ^^^ 
assembly, in October, 1696, granted them a township of Voiuntowu 
six miles square, to be taken up in the conquered lands, A oct; lOdi 

* Eejcords of Counecticut, acts and letters on file. 



404 HISTORY OF Chap. XVII. 

Book I. commitlee having surveyed the lands anS made their re- 
s^*"N/-"x^ port to the assembly, four years after, a township was 
1701. confirmed to the petitioners, by the name of Voluntown. 
It was bounded by a due north line, from the pond at the 
head of Pawcatuck river, to Greenwich path, thence west 
to die bounds of Pi-eston, thence bounded by Preston and 
Stonington to Pawcatuck river, and thence by the river to 
the pond, the first mentioned bounds. Nineteen years af- 
ter, the assembly granted an addition of a considerable 
tract on the north part of the township. 
Court of jj^ 1701, governor Winthrop anddeputy governor Treat 
May yth Were re-chosen. The magistrates wei-e Andrew Leet, 
1701. James Fitch, Samuel Mason, Daniel Witherel, Nathaniel 
Stanley, Moses Mansfield, John Hamlin, Nathan Gould, 
William Pitkin, Joseph Curtis, John Chester, and Josiah 
Rossiter, Esquires. Joseph Whiting, Esq. was re-elected 
treasurer, and Eleazar Kimberly, secretary. 

Ever since the union of the colonies, the assembly had 
convened at Hartford, both in May and October ; but, at 
this session, an act passed, that the assembly, in October, 
should be holden, at the usual time, in New-Haven. It 
was also enacted, that the court of magistrates, which had 
been commonly holden at Hartford, in October, should, for 
the future, be holden at New-Havr-n, on the first Tuesday 
of the same month. A respectable committee was ap- 
pointed again, this year, to make a settlement of the boun- 
dary line with Rhode-Island, and committees were ap- 
pointed, from year to year, for the same purpose, but all 
attempts, for a long time, were unsuccessful. 
May Mill, The election in 1702, made no alteration in the legisla- 
™- ture. 

Mansfield fpj^g inhabitants of Windham havins; agreed upon a di- 
town. Vision of that town, on the 30th of January, 1700, the as- 
sembly, at this session, confirmed the agreement, and en- 
acted that Windham should be divided into two towns, and 
that the town at the north end should be called Mansfield. 
The next May, the assembly vested them with distinct town 
privileges. Patents were granted, at the same time, to 
both townships. The Indian name of Mansfield, was Naw- 
besetuck. Settlements were made here soon after they 
commenced at Windham. 
Donbury Danbury had been surveyed for a town in 1693, soon 
made a after a plantation was made upon the lands. Some of the 
°^'^' principal planters were James Becbe, Thomas Taylor, 
Samuel and James Benedict, John Hoit, and Josiah Starr. 
The general court at this session, gave them a patent, 
granting them a township extending eight miles in length. 



"Chap. XVII. CONNECTICUT. ^03 

north and south,' and six miles in breadth, according to the Book I. 
original survey. v,^--/^^^ 

In October, the general assembly was holdcn at New- 1702. 
Haven. Oct. mh. 

The colony having received intelligence of the demise 
of king William, and a gracious letter from queen Anne, 
voted, that a letter should be addressed to her majesty, con- 
gratulating her upon her happy accession to the throne of 
her ancestors, and expressing their thanks for the favorable 
notice she had taken of the colony. 

The only alteration made, by the election, in May, 1703, Election, 
was the choice of Peter Burr, Esq. into the magistracy. May i3ih, 

At this assembly, an addition was made to the town of ^^'^'^• 
New-London of all that tract, lying north of the former 
bounds, included in a line drawn from the northeastern 
corner of Lyme, to the southwestern corner of Norwich, 
as it goes down to trading cove A patent was, at the 
same time, given to the inhabitants, confirming this and all 
other parts of the town to them forever. 

At the same session, it was enacted, that all the town- Act rela- 
ships in this colony, to which the assembly had given pa- ^"''^ *° ^^^ 
tents, should remain a full and clear estate, with all the towc^. 
privileges and immunities therein granted, in fee simple to 
the proprietors, their heirs and assigns forever. It was 
also enacted, that all lands sequestered, and given to pub- 
lic or private uses, should remain forever, for the ends for 
which they had been given. 

Queen Anne, the emperor of Germany, and the States 
General, in May, 1702, declared war against France and 
Spain. Consequently the American colonies were again 
involved in a French and Indian war. The legislature, at 
tile session in October, found it necessary to adopt mea- ^"^^^ ^'^^'^' 
sures for the safety of the country. A requisition was 
made, by governor Dudley, and the general court of Mas- 
sachusetts, of a detachment of a hundred men, to assist 
them in the war against the eastern Indians. Soldiers 
"were detached and sent forth for the defence of the west- 
ern towns in Connecticut. A committee of war was ap- 
pointed to send troops into the county of Hampshire, in 
Massachusetts, and to the frontier towns in this colony, as 
emergencies should require. 

At this assembly, it was enacted, that the town of Plain- 
field should be divided, and that the inhabitants on the 
west side of the river should be a distinct town, by the Canterbu- 
name of Canterbury. It seems, that the settlement of this ry made a 
tract commenced about the year 1G90. The principal set- *^^'"" 
tiers, from Connecticut, were major James Fitch and Mr. 



40G 



histohy 04'^ 



Chap. XVIL 



Book I. 
1703. 



Special 
assembly, 
March 
15th, 1704. 



Orders for 
the com- 
juon safe- 
ty- 



Election 
May nth, 
170-1. 



Solomon Tracy, from Norwich, Mr. Tixhal! Ellsworth and 
Mr. Samuel Ashley, from Hartford ; but much the great- 
est number was from Newtown, Woburn, Dorchester, 
13arnstablc, and Mcdfield, in Massachusetts. Among these 
were John, Richard, and Joseph Woodward, William, 
Obadiah, and Joseph Johnson, Josiah and Samuel Cieave- 
land, Elisha Paine, Paul Davenport, and Henry Adams. 

On the 15th of March, 1704, a special assembly wa; 
convened to provide for the common safety. To prevent 
mischief from the friendly Indians, and preserve them from 
being corrupted and drawn away by the enemy, both the 
civil and military otficers, in the respective towns, were 
directed to take special care of them ; to keep them within 
their own limits, and not to sutfer them, upon their peril, to 
remove from the places which should be assigned them, 
nor to hold any correspondence with the enemy, or any 
foreign Indians, nor by any means to harbor them. A pre- 
mium of ten pounds was proposed, as an encouragement to 
every friendly Indian, who should bring in and deliver up 
one who was an enemy. 

Orders were given, requiring every particular toivn, in 
the colony, to convene and determine upon the matmer oi 
fortifying and defending themselves. In case of any sud-. 
den attack or invasion, the commissioned officers, in the 
several towns, were authorised to detach and send forth 
any number of soldiers, not exceeding half the militia, to 
repel and pursue the enemy. It was resolved, that a grand 
scout should be employed by the committee of war, upon 
the frontiers, for the discovery and annoyance of the ene^ 
Hiy. Until this could be sent fai"th, it was determined, 
that small scouts, from the frontier towns, should be .con- 
stantly kept out, to discover and give notice of the motions 
of the enemy. It was ordered, that the hundred men, so- 
licited by the Massachusetts, should be raised forthwitit. 
to act against the eastern Indians, and that governor Dud- 
ley should be requested to call them out immediately. A 
detachment of sixty men was ordered for the public servic^. • 
principally with a view to the defence of the county of 
Hampshire. These were to be under the command of the 
committee of war in Connecticut, and the commanding of- 
licer in that county. 

At the court of election. May, 1704, the former governors 
and magistrates were re-chosen. John Allen, Esq. was 
chosen magistrate, to fill the vacancy made by the death of 
Moses Mansfield, Esq. 

Committees were appointed in the several counties to 
meet together, to consult and determine upon the best 
measures for the general defence. and safety. 



Chap. XVII. CONNECTICUT. 407 

As the deserting or giving up of any place, would en- Book L 
courage the enemy, disserve her majesty's interests, and s^^-v^^-* 
the welfare of the colony, it was enacted, that if any per- 1704. 
sons or families, in any of the frontier towns, should desert 
their habitations or places of residence, without leave from 
the assembly, they should forfeit their freehold of lands and 
tenements in that place. It was further enacted, that if 
any male person, of the age of sixteen years, should so re- 
move from any frontier town, he should pay a fine of tea 
pounds, and that the fine should be applied to the defence 
of the town from which he had removed. 

Good policy required, that as great a number of the 
friendly Indians as possible, should be employed in the 
public service. Gentlemen were, therefore, appointed to 
enlist them as volunteers. Good encouragements were 
given for this purpose. Indians were the best troops to 
scout and range the woods ; and in proportion as they of- 
fered themselves, Englishmen, whose labours were much 
more useful, were kept at home. 

Besides the hundred men dispatched to the eastward, 
four hundred were raised for the defence of this colony, 
and of the county of Hampshire. They were required to 
be always ready. That they might be completely ready, 
both in summer and winter, to march immediately, upon 
any emergency, it was ordered, that they should be fur^ 
nished with snow shoes, that they might travel and run up- 
on the snow. A number of men in every town were obli- 
ged to prepare themselves in this manner.* 

For the maintenance of good morals, the; suppression of Appoinf- 
vicious and disorderly practices, and the preservation of ment oC 
the common peace, the assembly ordered, that a sober, re- j^'"?'* ^'' 
ligious man, be appointed by the county court, in each of 
the counties, to be an attorney for her majesty, to prose- 
cute all criminal offenders. 

The colony, at- this time, was in the most critical situa- Critical 
lion. It was not only in danger, and put to great expense, state of 
by reason of the war, to defend itself, but to still greater, *''^'^°^°"^' 
to defend the neighbouring colonies of Massachusetts and 
New-York. It was continually harassed by the demands 
of Joseph Dudley, Esq. governor of Massachusetts, and of 
lord Cornbury, governor of New- York and the Jerseys, 
for men and money, as they pretended for the defence of 
their respective governments. 

At the same time, the colony had a number of powerfiil Arts of its 
enemies, who, by misrepresentation and every other arti- ?^^'^"J'^^> 
fice in their power, were seeking to deprive them both of and Com- 
* Rpcords of the colony, burj. 



408 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIL 

Book I. their lands and all their chartered righfs and privilegesc 
v-^^v-'x^ Governor Dudley, lord Cornbury, and their instruments, 
1704. combined together to despoil the colony of its charter, and 
subject it entirely to their government. It appears, from 
the letters and acts on file, that Dudley wished to unite all 
New-England under his own government. At the same 
time, it seems, he flattered lord Cornbury, that, if they 
eould effect the re-union of all the charter governments to 
the crown, he should not only have the government of the 
southern colonies, but of Connecticut. Dudley was a man 
of great intrigue and duplicity, well versed in court affairs, 
and had powerful connections in England. He had been 
connected with Sir Edmund Andross in the government ot 
New-England, and was an enemy to all the chartered 
rights of the colonies. While he was soliciting the govern- 
ment of Massachusetts, he had a view to the government of 
all New-England. As he had conceived this plan as ear- 
ly as the latter part of the reign of king William, he oppo- 
sed whatever he suspected would operate against it, and 
prevent the suspension of all government by charter. When 
he found, therefore, that Sir Henry Ashurst was appointed 
agent for Connecticut, about the beginning of the present 
century, he opposed his undertaking the agency with all 
his influence, because he knew his friendship to the colo- 
Attempis nies, and that he was a powerful man. He united all his 
to vacate influence with the court party, and the enemies to the lib- 
ber, erties of the colonies, to vacate all the charters in America. 
He so far succeeded, that, in the latter part of tlie reign of 
Bill for re- i^ji^o- YY'illiam, a bill was prepared for re-unitina: all the 
to the' charter governments to the crown. Early in the reign of 
crown. queen Anne, it was brought into parliament. It imported, 
that the charters given to the several colonies in New- 
England, to East and West New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
Maryland, Carolina, the Bahama and Lucay islands, were 
{)rejudicial and repugnant to the trade of the kingdom, and 
the welfare of his majesty's subjects in the other planta- 
tions, and to his majesty's revenue arising from the cus- 
toms. It also further alledged, that irregularities, piracies, 
and unlawful trade, were countenanced and encouraged by 
the authority in the chartered colonies. It therefore enact- 
ed, '' That all and singular, the clauses, matters, and things, 
contained in any charters, or letters patents, granted by 
the great seal of England, by any of his royal predeces- 
sors, by his present majesty, or the late queen, to any of 
. the said plantations, or to any persons in them, should be 
utterly void, and of none efiect. It further enacted, that 
ajl such power, authority, privileges, and jurisdictions^ 



Chap. XVII. CONNECTICUT. 409 

should be, and were rc-unitcd, annexed to, and vested in Book I. 
his majesty, his heirs and successors, in right of the crown v.<^^v-%./ 
of England, to all intents and purposes, as though no such 1704, 
charters or letters patent had been had or made.* 

Sir Henry Ashurst, viewing the act as unjust, and sub- Petition 
versive of the civil and religious rights of the colony, pre- i^gainstthe 
ferred a petition to the lords spiritual and temporal in par- ' ° 
liament assembled, representing that said bill would do 
great injustice to the inhabitants of Connecticut: That it 
would make void the charter granted to the colony by king 
Charles the second : That the government was, by said 
charter, granted to them, and was so interwoven with their 
property, that it could not be taken away, without expo- 
sing them to the utmost confusion, if not to utter ruin : 
That the inhabitants had never been accused of mal-ad- 
ministration, piratical or unlawful trade ; and that theii' 
case was different from his majesty's other plantations in 
America. He, therefore, humbly prayed to be heard, by 
his council, at the bar of the house, in their behalf.t In 
consequence of this, it was granted, May 3d, 1701, that the- 
petitioner should be heard against the bill. 

Sir Henry was a faithful man, had honourable connec- 
tions, and his influence at court was very considerable. 
He raised all the opposition to the passing of the bill in 
his power. Representations were made, not only of the Reasons 
amnle rights and privileges granted to Connecticut, by against its 
charter, but that they were granted for important conside- Passing' 
rations, and particular services performed: That the in- 
habitants, at great expense and danger, had purchased, 
subdued, and planted an extensive country; had defended 
it against the Dutch, French, and other enemies of the na- 
tion; had enlarged his majesty's dominions, and increased 
commerce: That the charter not only gave the inhabitants 
powers of government, but secured the title of their lands 
and tenements ; and that, in these views, the passing of 
the bill would be an act of great injustice; would be ruin- 
ous to the colony, and prejudicial to the general interest. 
It was insisted, that it would be still more arbitrary and 
unjust, as the colony had not been even accused of mal- 
administration, piratical or illegal practices, or so much as 
heard on the subject. It was pleaded, that the colony had 
ever been loyal and obedient, and if any irregularities, or * 
inadvertencies should finally be found in the government, 
it would, on the first notice of it, undoubtedly be reformed. 
At the same time, the taking away of so many charters, 
was, at once, calculated to destroy all confidence in the 

* Ccpv of the bill on file. + Petition on file, 

B3 



410 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIL 

Book I. crown, in I'oyal patents and promises ; to discourage ali 
v-«»'^^-x-' furtfier enterprise, in settling and defending the country; 
1704. to create universal discontent and disaffection in the colo- 
nics ; and to produce effects much more prejudicial to the 
nation, than any of those v."hich were then matter of com- 
plaint. It would, also, aflbrd a precedent most alarming 
to all the chartered corporations in England. These vari- 
Itmiscar- o^s considerations operated so powerfully against the bilL 
sies. that it could not be carried through the houses. 

■Enemies of Governor Dudley and lord Cornbiu'y, however, were 
1 he colony not discouraged. They determined to make a more open 
"oiira"-"ed ^^^^ powerful opposition to the charter rights of Connecti- 
cut. And they determined, as nnich had been made of 
this argument, that Connecticut had never been accused 
of mal-administration, piracy, or any illegal trade, to re- 
move it out of the way, by a direct impeachment of the 
Thoy arc colonv of high misdemeanors. They were both powerful 
powerful, encm.ies. Governor Dudley was not only a man of grea' 
intrigue, but had a party at court, who were men of aiT. 
and influence. Lord Cornbury was nearly related to her 
majesty, queen Anne, and had man^- noble connections, 
whose weight with her royal person and the court, was not 
inconsiderable. Exclusive of these, the colony had ene- 
mies anifjng themselves. Nicholas Hallam, major Palms, 
captain Blason. Daniel Clark, and others, had either ap- 
pealed to England against the colony, or were scheming 
lo possess themselves of large tracts of land, and, for that 
purpose, were encouraging the Moheagan controversy. 
Hallam had appealed to England against the colony, and 
lost his case. The king, in council, had established the 
judgment given against him in the courts of Connecticut. 
Major Palms, who had married the daughter of John Win- 
tiiroj-), Esq. the first governor of Connecticut, under th»^ 
charter, had imagined himself injured by the administrators 
on the governor's estate, and had brought an action against 
them. Losing his case before the courts in this colony, 
he had appealed to England. He was particularly irrita- 
ted against the colony, and against his brother inlaw, Fitz 
Unite liieir John Winthrop, Esq. then governor of the colony. These 
influence malcontents all united their influence, by the grossest mis- 
asrainst the j-cpresentations, and all other means in their power, to in- 
jure the colony in its most essential interests. 

Lord Cornbury was poor, and not unwilling, by any 
means, to get money. He had made a demand of four 
hundred and lifty pounds upon the colony, for the defence 
of New-Yoik. Connecticut judged, that it was not their 
duty to comply with his demand, as their expenses already 
were as great a,^ the colony was able to bear* 



Chap. XVII. CONNECTICUT. 411 

Dudley and Cornbury, therefore, proceeded to draw up Book J- 
articles of complaint against the colony. Dudley employ- ^-<>'-^/■-^ 
-ed one Bulkley to write against tlie government. He drew 1701, 
up a large folia book, which he termed the Doom or Mise- 
ries of Connecticut. In this, he not only exceedingly 
misrepresented and criminated the colony, but expatiated 
on the advantages of a general governor of .New-England, 
and highly recommended the government of Sir EJiuuad 
Andross.* 

Among other conijilaints, the principal articles particu- Cora- 
iarly charged, were, summarily, these : That the governor P''''"'*^* 
clid not observe the acts of trade and navigation, but en- ^^f'"!. '^ 
<;ouraged illegal commerce and piracy : That the colony 
was a receptacle of pirates, encouraged and harboured by 
the government : That die government harboured and pro- 
tected soldiers, seamen, servants, and malefactors, who 
made their escape from other parts, and would notdelivez" 
ihem up, when demanded. It was, also, charged against 
the colony, that it harboin-ed great numbers of young men, 
from Massachusetts and New- York, whei-e they were obli- 
ged to pay taxes for the expenses of the war, and induced 
ihem to settle there, principally, because it imposed no 
taxes for that purpose : That the colony would not furnish 
iheir quota for the fortification of Albany and New-York, 
and the assistance of Massachusetts Bay, against the French 
and Indians : And that, if any of her majesty's subjects, of 
the other colonies, sued for debt, in any of the courts of the 
colony, no justice cotild be done them, if the debt were 
against any of its inhabitants. It was also charged, that 
Connecticut, under the colour of their charter, made capi- 
tal laws ; tried murders, robberies, and other crimes, and 
punished with death and banishment; and that their courts 
of judicature were arbitrary and unjust: That the legisla- 
ture would not suffer the laws of England to be pleaded in 
their courts, unless it were to serve a turn for themselves: 
That they had refused to grant appeals to her majesty, in 
council, and had given great vexation to those who had de- 
manded them : That the government iiad refused to sub- 
init to her majesty, and to his royal highness's commission 
of vice admiralty, and for commanding its militia; and 
had defeated the powers which had been gi,ven to die gov- 
ernors of her majesty's neighbouring colonies, for that pur 
pose. Finally, it was charged, that the legislature had 
made a law, that christians, who were not of their com 
munion, should not meet to v.'orship God, without license 
from their assembly, which law extended even to the 
* Letter of Sir Henry Ashurst. on fjk. 



412 HISTORY OF Chap. XVII. 

Book I. church of England, as well as to christians of other deno- 

v^^^v'-x^ minations iolerated in England. 
1704. While governor Dudley was thus attempting the ruin of 
the colony, in the court of England, he kept up the ap- 
pearance of the most entire friendship towards it, in this 
country ; and in a letter, of about the same date with his 
complaints, thanked the legislature for the great supplies 
which they had given him and the colony. 

Moheagan The general assembly had appointed the most respecta- 

^^"^ ble committees, and taken great pains to compromise all 
difficulties with Owanecoand the Moheagans ; and though 
they had made repeated purchases and obtained ample 
deeds of their lands, yet, rather than have any uneasiness 
among the Indians, they offered Owaneco such a sum of 
money, to make him easy, as was entirely satisfactory to 
him ; but Mason and the other malcontents, who wished 
to possess the Indian lands, would not suffer him to accept 
it, and frustrated all attempts for an accommodation. 

While Mason and other enemies were practising their 
arts, in Connecticut, Hallam, assisted by Dudley and his 
party, with other malcontents, on both sides of the water, 
•was making grievous complaints, in England, of the injus- 
tice and cruelty of the colony towards Owaneco, in driv- 
ing him from his lands, and depriving the Moheagans even 
of their planting grounds. It was pretended, that, in the 
late grant and patent to the town of New-London, the le- 
gislature had conveyed away all his lands in that quarter, 
whereas particular care was taken, both in the grant and 
patent, to secure all the property and privileges of the Mo- 
heagans. The assembly had taken the most faithful and 
tender care of them, from the first settlement of the colony 
to that time. According to their agreement with major 
Mason, then deputy governor of the colony, when he re- 
signed the Moheagan land to the assembly, they granted 
him a farm of five hundred acres, and it was laid out to 
him at a place called, by the Indians, Pomakuk. They 
had also reserved a fine tract of land, of between four and 
five thousand acres, to the Moheagans to plant on, which 
•was much more than sufficient for that purpose. But the 
representations, which these evil minded men were con- 
.standy making to Owaneco and his people, at some times, 
made them uneasy, and some of them probably imagined, 
that they were really injured. At the same time, the af- 
fair was so represented in England, as made impressions 
on the minds of many very unfavorable to the colony, 
her ma" ^ In this situation of affairs, Hallam, assisted by the mal- 
iesty ill fa- Contents in England and America, preferred a complaint 



Chap. XVII. "" CONNECTICUT. 413 

and petition to her majesty, queen Anne, representing, that Book I. 
the sachems of the Moheagan tribe of Indians were the v-^^\^^^w/ 
original and chief proprietors of all the lands in the colo- 1704. 
ny : That they were a great people, and had received and vor of the 
treated the first planters in a peaceable and friendly man- 'g*^^" 
ner : That, for an inconsiderable value, they had granted 
their lands to them, reserving to themselves a small parcel 
only for planting ground ; and that the general assembly 
of Connecticut had passed an act by which they had ta- 
ken that from them, which, until that time, they had al- 
ways enjoyed. For these reasons, it was prayed, that her 
majesty would appoint commissifoncrs to examine into all 
.these matters, and into all the other injuries and violences 
which had been done to^he Moheagans, and to determine 
respecting them according to equity. 

Her majesty, imposed upon and deceived by these rep- Herma- 
resentations, and not waiting to give the colony an oppor-.J^sty ap- 
tunity to be heard, on the 19th of July, 1704, crpanted aP°''' ^- 
commission to Joseph Dudley, Lsq. the great enemy ot the sioners to 
colony, Thomas Povey, Esq. lieutenant governor of Mas- hear the 
sachusetts, major Edward Palms, and others, to the num- ^^^^' 
ber of twelve, authorizing them to hear and determine the 
whole affair, reserving liberty to either to appeal to her 
majesty in council. 

At the session in May, a respectable committee was ap- 
pointed, with ample powers, to examine into all the com- 
plaints of Ovvaneco and the Moheagan Indians, and to re- 
port to the assembly in October. The committee appoint- 
ed time and place, and attempted to accomplish the busi- 
ness, for which they had been appointed ; but captain Ma- 
son, whom Owaneco had chosen for his guardian, had art 
enough to frustrate the design. He made a journey to 
Boston, at the veiy time, and Owaneco would do nothing 
without him. In the mean time, the commission was grant- 
ed by the queen, and the colony were unhappily drawn in- 
to a long and expensive controversy. 

The Masons claimed the lands purchased by their an- 
cestor, deputy governor John Mason, by virtue of a deed 
given to him by Uncas, in 1659, while he acted as agent 
of the colony, and denied the legality of the surrender 
which he had made of them, in the general assembly, the 
next year. They insisted, that it respected nothing more 
than the jurisdiction right, and that the tide to the soil was 
vested in their fami'y, as guardians or overseers of the In- 
dians. While they pretended great concern for the In- 
dians, their sole object was to hold all those lands, included 
in said deed, for themselves and others, who had unitcc| 
^yith thepiin prosecutioji of the affair against the coIony» 



414 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIL 

Book I. Sir Henry Ashurst, wishing to preserve the important 
■^-^-N,— >^ privileges of the colony, had taken pains to postpone the 
1705. hearing of the complaints against it, as far as possible, 
that the governor and company might have intelligence 
concerning them, and send their answer ; but, on the 12th 
HearinE^ of of February, 1705, the hearing came on, before her ma- 
the com- jesty in council. Governor Dudley and Lord Cornlmry 
plaints a- j^gj spared no pains to carry their point before her maies- 
Connecti- ty. Dudley had been carelul to procure and lay belore 
cut before her an opinion of the attorney general, inking William's 
^^■^ "'^J^^' reign, " that he might send a governor to Connecticut." 
^' '^' Further, to prepare the way for the decision which he wish- 
ed, he procured another opinion of the attorney and so- 
licitor general, respecting the c^se of Connecticut, as it 
then appeared, " that if it were as governor Dudley had 
represented, there was a defect in the government : That 
the colony was not able to defend itself, and in imminent 
danger of being possessed by the queen's enemies : And 
that, in such case, the queen might send a governor, for 
civil and military government ; but not to alter the laws 
and customs." 

Her majesty had directed Sir Henry to appear and show 
reasons, if any he had, why she should not appoint a gov- 
ernor over the colony. He considered every thing dear to 
it at stake, and therefore made exertions in some measure 
proportionate to the magnitude of the cause. Lord Paget, 
a man of great influence, was his brother by marriage, and 
he was related to, or intimately connected with other prin- 
cipal characters at court. He made all the interest, and 
obtained all the influence which he possibly could, either 
by himself or his connections, in favor of the colony. He 
obtained two of the best council in England ; both parlia- 
ment men, possessing an estate of a thousand pounds a 
year. He stood firm against all the charges of Dudley, 
lord Cornbury, Congreve, and others, against the colony, 
and by his counsel, for an hour and an half, defended it a- 
gainst all the art and intrigue of its adversaries, and all the 
law learning and eloquence of the attorney and solicitor 
general.* 
Pleadings ^g Connecticut was entirely ignorant of the charges 
tkmofThe brought against it, and no information or evidence could 
colony. be thence obtained, Sir Henry and his council were neces- 
sitated to employ such means as were in their power. 
They amply stated the rights and privileges granted by the 
royal charter, the territory it conveyed, and the powers 
with which it vested the governor and company. They 
-* Letter of Sir Henry AEhiust, February ]5t.h, 1705, on file.. 



Chap. XVII. CONNECTICUT. 415 

showed, I hat these patents were confirmed by a won 06- Book I, 
siunte, and always to be construed in the most favorable ^.-^-^/-^^ 
light for the grantees. It was demonstrated, that tiie leg- 1705. 
islature were vested with ample powers to make laws, 
criminal and capital, as well as civil ; to inflict banishment, 
death, and all other capital punishments, in all ca))ital ca- 
ses, no less than in others. It was also represented, that 
the governors, or commanders in chief, were, by charter, 
vested with plenary powers to assemble in martial array, 
and put in warlike posture the inhabitants of the colony, 
for their defence, and to commission others, for the like 
purposes. It was also clearly shown, that, by charter, they 
had the same right to fish, trade, and do all other business, 
and enjoy all other privileges, by land and sea, which any 
other of her majesty's subjects had a right to do, or enjoy. 
It was, therefore, urged, that all those matters, charged 
against the colony, respecting their making capital laws, 
and inlliciing capital punishments, whether death or ban- 
ishment, were no crimes ; but things which the legislature 
not only had a right, but were bound in faithfulness to do, 
as circumstances might require. For the same reason, it; 
was also insisted, that the colonies claiming a right to com- 
mand their own militia, and defeating the designs of the 
governors of the other colonies, who wished to command 
it, were no crimes. It was insisted, that doing them was 
no more than defending themselves in the enjoyment of their 
legal rights. 

With respect to the irregularity and injustice of the courts 
in Connecticut, it was observed, that general charges de- 
served no reply : That it did not appear, that what was 
charged was any thing more than mere hearsay and clam- 
or. But it was pleaded, that, ojii the contrary, they had 
substantial evidence of the justice of the courts in Con- 
necticut. That several appeals had been made, to her 
majesty, from the judgment of those courts : That these 
had been different cases, and in every instance, the judg- 
ments given by the courts in Connecticut, had been ap- 
proved by her majesty, and the lords committee of council. 
This, it was said, was a notable evidence of their justice ; 
and that, so far as appeared, there had been no injustice 
or irregularic}' in any one court in the colony. 

With respect to governor Dudley's complaint, that Con- 
necticut did not furnish the men which he demanded, and 
that of lord Cornbury, that it did not comply with his de- 
mands for money, it was answered, that it did not appear, 
from the charter, that the colony was obliged to comply 
with those requisitions : That the governors af other colo- 



416 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIf. 

Book I. nies had no right to command the legislature and people of 
v-^-v^v^ Connecticut : and that they were under no obligations to 
1705. obey them, any further than it should be required by her 
majesty. It was further observed, with respect to the mo- 
ney, that it appeared from his lordship's letter, that the 
general assembly of Connecticut had taken the requisition 
into their consideration, and had determined to know her 
majesty's pleasure, before they gave away their money. 
Jt was affirmed, that there was notliing disloyal in such a 
determination : That the colony had a right to grant, or 
not to grant their money, as they judged it expedient or 
not : That they had a right to know the purpose for which 
they granted it ; and that their referring it to her majesty's 
pleasure, was an implication of their obedience to it, when- 
ever it should be known. 

With reference to Connecticut's harboring deserters, 
malefactors, pirates, and the like, it was observed, that i£ 
was a general charge of little weight, and deserved no an- 
swer. It was affirmed to be a common thing, even in En- 
gland, for soldiers and others to go from one country into 
another, and not to be found ; yet it might not be any crime 
or fault in the country where they secreted themselves. 
As to captain Matthews finding two soldiers at Stamford, 
and sending for major Sillcck to secure them, it did not ap- 
pear that there was the least fault in the major. It was ev- 
ident, from his lordship's letter, that he went to Stamford, 
that the soldiers were brought, and that, while the major 
and Matthews were conversing together, in a private room, 
they made their escape. It was said, it might be more the 
fault of Matthews than of Siileck ; for it did not appear 
that Matthews was kept there by any force or constraint, 
but was examining into the afi'air, or talking generally up- 
on the subject. 

With relation to the complaint of lord Cornbury, in his 
letter of June, 1703, " that he labored under great misfor- 
tunes, in relation to the neighboring provinces: That the 
coast of Connecticut is opposite to two thirds of Long-Isl- 
and ; by which means they filled all that part of the island 
with European goods, cheaper than their merchants could, 
"because they paid duties, and those of Connecticut paid 
none ; nor would they be subject to the acts of navigation ; 
by which means there had been no trade between the city 
of New- York and the cast end of Long-Island, from whence 
the greatest part of the whale oil came ; and that it was 
difficult to persuade those people that they belonged to that 
province," it was replied, that there appeared to be no 
fault in Connecticut in this respect. It was maintained^ 



/ 



Chap. XVII. CONNECTICUT. 417 

that the inhabitants had a right to trade where they pleas- Book I. 
ed, if it were not repugnant to the laws of England. It al- v-^-v'^w 
so was pleaded, that there was no evidence, that they had 170.5. 
been guilty of any illegal trade or practices ; and that they 
were a poor people, and carried on little trade. 

In a letter of the same date with the former, his lordship 
had observed, " that he was satisfied this vast. continent^ 
which might be made very useful to England, if right mea- 
sures were taken, would never be so, till all the propriety 
and charter governments were brought under the crown." 
To this it was replied, that this might, or it might not be 
the case : that the same, as circumstances might be, might, 
be said of all the charters in England. It was however in- 
sisted, that the words sounded harsh, and had an ill relish- 
It was, however, much insisted on, that the attorney and 
solicitor general had reported, " that her majesty might ap- 
point a governor for Connecticut." To this, the council, 
for the colony answered, that the report was hypothetical, 
founded on the supposition that the colony was not able to 
defend itself, and was in danger of falling into the hands ot 
her majesty's enemies ; but that there was no evidence of 
these facts. It did not appear, they said, that Connecticut 
was in a more defenceless state, or in greater danger of 
becoming a prey to her majesty's enemies, than any of the 
other colonies. It was pleaded, that the attorney and so- 
licitor general had not reported, that either of these was the 
case, and therefore their opinion could not be made a plea 
for sending a governor to Connecticut. 

Further, it was strenuously maintained, that it was an 
essential right of every individual and corporation, to be 
heard before they were condemned ; and that the governor 
and company of Connecticut ought to be heard upon the 
articles exhibited against them, before any judgment be 
formed respecting them. It was observed, that governors, 
who, by enlarging their own territories, might increase 
their honors and profits, were apt to complain: that they 
were under peculiar temptations, especially at such a dis- 
tance, where it was so difficult to make enquiry and obtaia 
the truth : that there was more reason to suspect the gover- 
nors complaining, than the governor of Connecticut, who 
acted with a council and an assembly. It was therefore af- 
firmed, that there was every reason, that the colony should 
be heard in its own defence. If either the governor of 
New-England or New- York were impeached, and the 
same complaints made against them, said the counsel, which 
they have brought against Connecticut, her majesty would 
do nothing with respect to them, until they had been headd, 

Q3 



4TS mSTORY OF Chap. XVIL 

Book I. ll would be contrary to all law and reason ; much more 
%-i^-v-x^ so, to treat a whole colony in this manner, in a case in 
1705. which their charter might be forfeited, and their fortunes- 
ruined. It was observed, that governors appointed during 
j)leasure, often committed barbarous acts to enrich them- 
selves ; and that they had nothing to lose but their office ; 
whereas tlie colony of Connecticut was of great substance, 
and had every thing to lose : that even in ordinary cases, 
in v.hich the character and property of one man only were 
concerned, nothing was determined, but upon sufficient ev- 
idence, given upon oath, and that it could never be reason- 
able to condemn a colony upon mere suggestions : that it 
might a[)pear, upon a full examination, that tlie governor of 
Connecticut v/as much better qualified to govern, than the 
governor of New- York or Massachusetts. It was there- 
fore pleaded', that the articles of complaint might be sent 
10 the governor and company of Connecticut, and that they 
might have an opportunity to answer for themselves : that 
there could be no danger in this ; and if any irregularities 
should be found, in the management of their government, 
they would most certainly reform and obey her majesty's 
commands.* 
HerreajeF- Upon this full hearing, it v/as deteniiined. that the lords 
iy's deter- of trade should draw out the principal articles of complaint, 
Hiination ^p^] ggj^j ^ copv of thoni to the governor of Connecticut, 
respectme; i . i ■ • i i • ^ i-.ii 

Coanecti- ^nd to tlie iwo prmcipal compioinants, governor Dudiey,^ 

cut, Teb. and lordCornbury, and that Connecticut should send their 
323 1705. answer, with evidence respecting the several articles, legal- ' 
ly taken, .and sealed with the public seal of the colony. 
Governor Dudley and lord Cornbury were also directed to 
transmit their evidence of the articles charged, publicly 
and legally taken. 
Frustrat£s gy ^jjjg means, Dudley, Cornbury, and their abettors 
fef Dudley' ^^'^^'^ caught ill their own snare, their selfishness and dupli- 
und Corn- city were made to appear, in a strong point- of light, and 
^^Tj, their whole scheme at once totally ruined. They were 
totally unable to support the charges which they had 
brought against (he colony. At the same time, the legis- 
lature of Connecticut could produce the most substantial 
evidence, that the'very reverse of what had been pretend- 
Facts res- cd, was true. They had the last, and this year between 
pectiugtlie ^j^g ,^j^j gj^ hundred men in actual service. Four hundred 
of this number had been employed, principally in the de- 
fence of Massachusetts and New-York. The committee 
of war, consisting of the governor, most of the council, and 

* Case of Connecticut stated, and pleadings before ber mnicsty,.Feb'ni'- 
aFyl2thj 1705, on file. 



HAP. XVII. CONNECTICUT. 41$* 

other principal men in the colony, liad met, with officers Book I. 
and commissionoi-s from Massachusetts, and most hannoni- v.^'-x'-^i;? 
ou.siy united with them in opinion, and measures for the ]7rv5„ 
•common defence. The legislature were not only able to 
j)rove these facts fronm the records of the colony, and from 
the resolutions of the committee of war, l>ut, what was still 
more confound.ing to governor Dudley^ to produce a letter 
of his, under his own hand and signature, acknov\ lodging 
their generous and prompt assistance in the war, and thank- 
ing them ior the aid which they had given him.* They 
produced substantial evidence, that when they had scarcer 
ly two thousand pounds, in circulating medium, in the 
whole colony, they had, in three years, expended more 
than that sum, in the defence of her majesty's provinces of 
Massachusetts and NewrYork. They were able to 
evince, that they had shewn the utmost loyalty and attach- 
naenttothe queen; been punctual in their observance of 
s.he acts of trade and navigation; had not been pirates 
ihcmselvcs, nor at any time harboured pirates, deserters, 
servants, or criminals among them. 

With respect to r.ppeals to her njajesty, the legislature 
alfirmed, that they had not refused to admit them, only in 
cases in which proper security, or sulficient bondsmen had 
not been offered. In the appeals of major Palms, which 
seem to have been the only instances of which complaint 
had been made, the court judged, that the security offered 
was insufficient. The men, who offered themselves to be 
bound, appeared to have little or no property. As to the 
vexations complained of, these respected the obtaining of 
copies of the judgments of the courts in his case. It seems 
he applied to the assembly for them, but the assembly dcr 
clincd giving them, insisting, that it was not their province 
to give copies of the doings of other courts. He was there- 
fore referred to the courts in which the judgments had been 
given. 

In the appeals of major Palms, and in all other instanc- 
es, the judgments of the courts in Connecticut were finally 
established. Upon a full examination of the complaints, 
they appeared not only groundless, but invidious. ' The 
loyalty, justice, and honor of the colony appeared more 
conspicuous than they had done before : but it was some 
time before the evidence of the true state of tlie case could 
be collected and transmitted to England. 

Meanwhile Dudley and Cornbury never lost sight of 

* They were able to produce letters of thanks, fronoi the commanding of- 
ficers, ministers, and principal £:entlemen in the county of Hampshire, fof 
"vlie assistance yvhl^h. they hud given tliem. Those letters are nov; on file. 



430 HISTORY OF Chap. XVII. 

Book I. their object, but vigorously prosecuted the design of sub- 
\,^»~v-v^ verting the government. There had been, nearly fifty 
1705, jears before, a law enacted against the quakers, but it 
does not appear, that it had ever been acted upon, in Con- 
necticut, and was, at that time, become obsolete. It ap- 
pears, by a letter of the governor's, to Sir Henry Ashurst, 
that he did not know of one person, then in the colony, who 
was acknowledged to be a quaker. But governor Dudley, 
by some means, obtained a copy of the law, and procured 
a publication of it in Boston. The knowledge of it was 
communicated to the quakers in England, and they were 
spirited up to petition for a repeal of the law of Connccti- 
Quakers cut against the quakers. A petition, about the beginning 
he/ma° ° ^^ April, was preferred to her majesty, on the subject, re- 
jesty. citing said law, and representing, that it was calculated to 
extirpate their friends from that part of her majesty's do- 
minion, and praying that she would disallow the said law. 
Sir Henry Ashurst presented a petition to the lords of 
trade and plantation, to whom the petition of the quakers 
had been referred, praying them to advise her majesty to 
come to no determination on the subject, until the colony 
should have notice of the petition, and have time to send 
their answer. He represented, that the law was made a- 
gainst Adamites and Ranters : That it was become obso- 
lete, and quakers lived as peaceably in Connecticut, as in 
any of her majesty's plantations. He represented to their 
lordships, that there had been more complaints exhibited 
against this poor colony, in three or four years, without 
any crime proved, than had been before from the time of 
its first settlement, which made him believe, that there werq 
disaffected persons, who were attempting, by all means, 
to make them weary of their charter government : That be- 
fore the a{)pointment of a certain governor for New-Eng- 
land, the colony had enjoyed uninterrupted peace, for ma- 
ny years, and would have done to that time, had it not 
been for his misrepresentations. He assured them, that he 
bad been informed, that governor Dudley had, about two 
years before, ordered the act against the quakers to be 

{)rinted, in Boston, on purpose, that the quakers, in Eng- 
and, might join with his other instruments in clamors a- 
gainst Connecticut, to deprive it of its charter privileges.* 
She re- Her majesty, upon the advice of thfe lords of trade and 

vokes the plantations, declared the act against the quakers null and 
themf^"*^ void, without giving the colony a hearing. 

Sir Henry Ashurst, writing to the colony soon after, 
says, " You see how you are every way attacked." 
* Peti^on on file 



Chap. XVII. CONNECTICUT. 421 

The enemies of ihe colony in Connecticut and New- Book I. 
England were no less active than those on the other side oi^^^-^r^*^ 
the water. As they had obtained a commi&sion for the tri- 1705. 
al of the case between Connecticut and the Moheat^ans, 
they spared no pains to carry their point. On the 5th ofg^^ ^f 
July, 1705, captain John Chandler, in behalf of Owaneco. the Mo- 
captain Samuel Mason, Hallani, and others, who interested heatan 
themselves in recovering the lands from the colony, began *^°""^'"^* 
the survey of the Moheagan country, and having accom- 
plished the work, drew a map of it, with a view to the trial, 
before Dudley's court, which was approaching. The 
governor sent an officer and prohibited his entering upon 
the survey ; but the party gave large bonds to indemnify 
him, and he proceeded notwithstanding. The boundaries, 
as surveyed and reported by Chandler, captain John Parke, 
Edward Culver, and Samuel Sterry, who assisted him, 
were, on the south from a large rock, in Connecticut river, Bounda- 
near eight mile island in the bounds of Lyme, eastward, '''^^' 
through Lyme, New-London, and Groton, to Ah-yo-sup- 
suck, a pond in the northeastern part of Stonington ; on the 
east, from this pond northward, to Mah-man-suck, another 
pond, thence to Egunk-sank-a-poug, whetstone hills ; from 
thence to Man-hum-squeeg, the whetstone country. From 
this boundary, the line ran southwest, a few miles, to Ac- 
quiunk, the upper falls in Quinibaug river. Thence the 
line ran, a little north of west, through Pomfret, Ashford, 
Willington, and Tolland, to Mo-she-nnp-suck, the notch of 
the mountain, now known to be the notch in Bolton moun- 
tain. From thence the line ran southerly, through Bolton, 
Hebron, and East-Haddam, to the first mentioned bounds. 
This, it appears, was the Pequot country, to the whole of 
which the Moheagans laid claim, after the conquest of the 
Pequot nation, except some part of New-London, Groton, 
and Stonington, which had been the chief seat of that war- 
like tribe. The Moheagans claimed this tract as their he- 
reditary country, and the Wabbequasset territory, which 
lay north of it, they claimed by virtue of conquest. 

On the 23d of August, 1705, the court of commission- Dudley'? 
ers, appointed by her majesty, to examine into the aflair of *^o"^*' ^^ 
the Moheagan lands, convened at Stonington. Writs had ^^q^ ' 
been previously issued, summoning the governor and com- 
pany, with the claimers of lands in controversy, and all 
parties concerned, to attend at time and place. The court 
consisted of Joseph Dudley, Esq. president, Edward 
Palms, Giles Sylvester, Jahleel Brenton, Nathaniel By- 
field, Thomas Hooker, James Avery, John Avery, John 
Morgan, and Thomas LeffingwelL 



422 HISTORY OF ^iiap. XVil. 

Book I. U seem?; that the governor and gcmral assembly of Con- 

^--^-N^-^^ necticut had not been served with a copy of the commis- 

1705. sion, by which the court was instituted, and viewed it as a 

court of enquiry only, to examine and make report to her 

majesty, and not to try and determine the title of the lands 

in dispute. The committee, appointed by the assembly, 

Instruc-' to appear before the court, were conditionally instructed. 

tioiis.tothe pj.Q^,j^|gjj jIjp court was instituted for enquiry onlv, they 

colony s i i j j ^ j 

<,omiBit- y^'^YQ to answtT and show the unreasonableness of the Mo- 
tee- hcagan claims, and the false light in which the affair had 
been represented ; but if the design was to determine with 
respect to the title of the colony, they were directed to en- 
ter their protest against the court, and withdraw. All in- 
habitants of the colony, personally interested in any of the 
lands in controversy, were forbidden to plead or make any 
answer before the court. 

Governor VVinthrop addressed the faliowing letter to the 
president. 
Governor " New-Londoiij August 21st, 1705. 

Win- " Sir, 

ihrop'slet- " I understand, by your excellency's letter of July 

court* ^ ^ 30th, your intentions to be at Stonjngton, on the 23d inst. 
to hear the complaints of Owaneco against this govern- 
ment. I have, therefore, in obedience to her majesty's 
' commands, directed and empowered William Pitkin, John 

Chester, Eleazar Kimberly, Esquires, major William Whi- 
ting, Mr. John Elliot, and Mr. Richard Lord, to wait on 
your excellency, and show the unreasonableness of those 
complaints, and the unpardonable affront put upon her ma- 
jesty, by that false representation, and the great trouble 
to yourself thereby ; and I conclude, in a short hearing, 
your excellency wjU be able to represent to her majesty, 
that (hose complaints are altogether groundless. The 
gentlemen shall assist your excellency's enquiry, in sum- 
moning such persons as you shall please to desire, and ail 
things else, reserving the honor and privileges of the gov- 
ernment." 

When the committee came before the court, they per- 
ceived that they determined to try the title of the colony 
to the lands, and judicially to decide the whole controver- 
sy. They resolved, therefore, not to make any answer or 
pica before them, but to protest against their proceedings. 
The protest is entered as followeth ; 

" To his l^xcellency, Joseph Dudley, Esquire, captain- 
general and governor in chief of her majesty's colony 
of Massachusetts Bay, he, 
'^' We, the commissioners of her maiesty's polonv of 



Ghap. XVIL CONNECTICUT. 423 

Conr)octicut, are obliged, by our instructions from this Book I. 
government, to certify your excellency, that, in obedience v^'^/^^/ 
to her majesty's co:nmands to this colony, we are ready to 1705. 
show the injustice of those complaints against the govern- Protest 
ment, made by O'.vaneco, to her majesty, in council, if your ^S'^'""^*-^'"^ 
excellen<:y sees good that the complaints be produced, ,v?s ol' the 
^provided the commissioners, mentioned in her majesty's court, 
commission, with your excellency, be qualified to act as 
members of tlie court of inquiry constituted thereby,) that 
so your excellency and commissioners may, upon inquiry, 
be enabled to make such a true and just repoi-t of the mat- 
ters of fact, mentioned in said complaints to her majesty^ 
as you shall see meet. But if your excellency, (as appears 
to us.) does construe aiiy expressions in the said commis- 
sion, so as to empower the said commissioners, by them- 
selves, to inquire and judicially determine concei-ning the 
matter in controversy, mentioned in the said complaint, 
concerning the title of land or trespass, and do resolve to 
jiroceed accordingly, as we cannot but judge it to be con- 
trary to her majesty's most just and legal intentions, in 
said commission ; so we must declare against and prohibit 
all such proceedings, as contrary to law and to the letters 
patent under the great seal of England, granted to thi^ her 
majesty's colony, and contrary to her majesty's order to 
this government, concerning the said commission and com- 
plaint, as well as to the known rights of her majesty's sub- 
jects, throughout all her dominions, and such as we cannot 
allow of. We only add, that it seems strange to us, that 
your excellency should proceed in such a manner, without 
first communicating your commission to the general assem- 
bly of this her majesty's colony. 

"William Pitkin, &c. 

"August 24th, 1705." 

The inhabitants who had deeds of the lands in contro- 
versy, made default, as well as the colony ; but the court 
proceeded to an ex parte hearing. Owancco, Mason, Hal- 
lam, and their council, produced such papers and evidence, 
and made such representations as they pleased, without 
any person to confront them. After such a partial hear- Judgment 
ing, of one day only, tlie court determined against the colo- and pro- 
ny, and adjudged to Owaneco and the Moheagans a tract '^,^^'^'"»'^"' 
of land called Massapeag,. lying in the town of New-Lon- 
don ; and another tract, of about eleven hundred acres, in 
tli6 northern part of the tov/n, which the assembly had 
granted as an addition to that tov.'nship, in 1703. The 
court, also, adjudged to them a tract in the town of Lyme, 
•no miles in breadth, and nine miles in length, with the 



424 HISTORY OF Chap. XVII. 

Book I. whole tract contained in the town of Colchester. The 
v>•-^/-%^ court ordered Connecticut immediately to restore ail those 
1705. lands to Owaneco, and filed a bill of cost against the colony 
of 5731. 12s. 8d.* Thus a cause of such magnitude, in 
which the essential interests of a whole colony, and the 
fortunes of hundreds of individuals, were concerned, was 
carried wholly by intrigue and the grossest misrepresenta- 
tions. The commission was granted by her majesty, whol- 
ly upon an ex parte hearing, upon the representation of the 
enemies of the colony; and the men who carried on the in- 
trigue, were appointed judges in their own case. Without 
hearing the case, contrary to all reason and justice, they 
gave judgment against the colony, and hundreds of indi- 
viduals. They gave away lands holden by conquest, pur- 
chase, ancient deeds from the original proprietors, well 
executed and recorded, by charter, acts, and patents from 
the assembly, and by long possession. The chief judge 
had beeq using all his art and influence to ruin the colony, 
and was now supposed to be scheming for a portion of its 
lands, as well as for the government. Major Palms had 
been a long time in controversy with the colony, was ex- 
ceedingly embittered against it, and against the governor, 
his brother in law. Others of the commissioners were 
supposed to be confederate with Mason and Clarke, and 
interested in the lands in controversy. Hallam, Clarke, 
and several of the commissioners were witnesses in the 
case. They were witnesses and judges in their own cause, 
lieard themselves, and no others. Owaneco was placed, 
in state, on the right hand of the president, and the colony 
wei'e treated worse than criminals, with dishonour and 
contempt.! 

After the court had given judgment against the colony, 
on the 24th of August, they spent three days in hearing 
such complaints as Owaneco, Mason, and other persons 
interested in the lands, or inimical to the colony, were 
pleased to make. When they had heard all the complaints 
and misrepresentations wliich they had to make, they re- 
presented to her majesty, that Owaneco complained he 
was disseised of a tract of land, containing about seven 
thousand acres, called Mamaquaog, lying northward of 
Windham ; of another tract called Plainfield, and consider- 
able skirts and parcels of land, encroached upon and taken 
in, by the towns of Lebanon, Windham, and Canterbury. 
The court prohibited all her majesty's subjects from enter- 
ing upon, or improving any of those lands, until a further 

* Moheagan case, in print. 

i" Petition tp her majesty, printed io Moheagan triaL 



Chap. XVIL CONNECTICUT. 425 

hcarincj and determination of the case. Further, in the Book I. 
plenitude of their power, they appointed captain John Ma- s-^^r-<w 
son to be trustee, or guardian, to Owaneco and his people, 1705. 
and to manage all their affairs. They represented, from 
the evidence of major James Fitch and captain John Ma- 
son, that the colony had left the Indians no land to plaat 
on, and that they consisted of a hundred and fifty warriors, 
one hundred of whom had been in the actual service of the 
country that very year.* 

These Indians were enlisted and sent out by the colony 
of Connecticut, and went as cheerfully into service this 
year, as they had done at any time before. This gave 
demonstrative evidence, that there was no general uneasi- 
ness among the Mohcagans. Had there been, two thirds 
of their warriors would not have enlisted into the service 
of the government. Indeed, Owaneco himself was not un- 
easy only at turns, when the Masons, Clarke, Fitch, Hal- 
lam, and others, made him so; who were scheming to de- 
prive him and the Moheagans of their lands. 

So far was it from being true, that Connecticut had 
injured them, or taken their lands from them, they had 
treated them whh great kindness, defended them by their 
arms, and at their own expense, and prevented their being 
swallowed up by their enemies. They had left them a 
fine tract of land, of between four and five thousand acres, 
between New-London and Norwich ; and both in the grant 
and patent to New-London, there was an express reserva- 
tion of all the rights and property of the Indians.! The 
colony had not only reserved lands for the Moheagans, but 
for all other Indians' in it, to plant upon. They suffered 
them to hunt, fish, and fowl, in all parts of it, and even to 
build their wigwams, and cut such wood and timber as 
they needed, in any of their uninclosed lands. 

Dudley's court, having finished such business as was 
agreeable to its wishes, adjourned until the next May; but 
it never met again. Before that time, the intrigue and 
duplicity of governor Dudley and the malcontents, be- 
came so evident, that all their designs were frustrated. 

The assembly, at their session in October, appointed aThea^• 
committee to examine into all matters respecting the In- ^^'P'^'y^P- 
dians, and the complaints which had been made against j^oJ^jjj^jjg^ 
the colony, and, as soon as possible, to transmit a particu- to repre- 
larand full answer to their agent. They were instructed ^.^nt the af- 
fully to acquaint him with a true statement of the Mohea- j^e'ir^ 

* Proceedings and judgment of the court in print, Moheajan case, p. 26 ^^^'^ ' 
toC7. 

+ Records of the colony, and Moheagan case, in print. 

D3 



42d HISTORY OF Chap. XVIL 

Book T. gan case, and of the whole management of Dudley and his 
-^^-N/-^^ court. They were to represent, that Dudley, Palms, and 
1 705. others of the commissioners, were interested, and parties 
in the cause, and to insist, that the manner in which the 
commission was procured, to governor Dudley, major 
Palms, and others, was matter of intrigue, and the whole 
process arbitrary and illegal. 
Sir Henry ^^^' Henry Ashurst, on receiving the papers relative to 
Ashurst the case, presented a petition to her majesty, representing 
petitions (\^Q tjtjg Qf thg colony to all the lands in controversy, by 
er '"^J^*- j,Qj^qyp§t^ purchase, royal charter, long possession and im- 
provement : That Uncas, when the English became first 
acquainted with him, was a revolted Pequot, expelled his 
country, and had not a sufficient number of men to make a 
hunt ; and that the lands reserved to him, were not reserved 
to him in consequence of any right of his, but was a matter 
of mere permission: That Joseph Dudley, Esq. Hallam, 
Palms, the Averys, Morgan, and Leffingwell, had grants 
of several parts of the controverted lands, and, in their 
own names, or in the name of John Mason, were attempt- 
ing to set up their titles to them : That Dudley and Hal- 
lam, by misrepresentation, had obtained a commission from 
her majesty, by surprise, under the great seal of England, 
directed to the said Dudley, Palms, the two Averys, Mor- 
gan, Leffingwell, and others, most of whom were of Dud- 
ley's and Hallam's denomination, and under his inflaence ; 
and that in the court, thus instituted, they were the accu- 
sers, parties, and judges : That they had assumed to them- 
selves jurisdiction, in a summary way, to try her m.ajesty's 
petitioners' titles to their lands, and to evict and disseise, 
ihem of theJr freeholds, properties, and ancient posses- 
sions, without any legal process, or so much as the form of 
a trial. This, it was represented, tended to the destruction 
of all the rights of the colony, and was directly contrary to 
divers acts of parliament, made and provided in such ca- 
ses. The agent, therefore, in behalf of the colony, appeal- 
ed from the judgment of said court to her majesty, in coun- 
cil, and prayed that the case might be heard before her.* 
Connecti- In consequence of this petition, her majesty, some time 
cut always after, appointed a commission. of review. The afl'airwas 
gets her l^cpt in agitation nearly seventy years. It was always,, 
upon a legal hearing, determined in favour of the colony^ 
The final decision was by king George the third, in council. 
Adjudica- The commissioners of review, in 1743, not only deter- 
tion of the mined the title of the lands to be in the colony of Connecti- 
^,°p"^°^'''^'cut, but "That the governor .and company had treated th*^ 
3743o * f etition la print, Moheagancase, p. 153 — 1j7, 



Chap. XVII. CONNECTICUT. 427 

said Indians with much humanity, at all times ; and had, Book I. 
at all times, provided them with a sufficiency, at least, of ^-^^z-^- 
lands to plant on; and that no act, or thing, appeared, 170,V. 
either before the judgment of Josepii Dudley, Esq. or 
since, by which they, the said governor and company, had 
■taken from the Indians, or from their sachem, any tracts of 
land, to which the Indians or their sachem had any right, 
by reservation, or otherwise, either in law or equity."^ 
The proceedings of the several courts of review, and the 
pleadings before them and his majesty, in council, will 
most properly be noticed in the time of them, and will not 
be anticipated in this volume. 

The agent of the colony petitioned her majesty, in its 
behalf, to hear the complaints exhibited by governor Dud- 
ley and his accomplices, that it might have an opportunity 
of demonstrating how false and groundless they were. Ho 
also prayed, that as Dudley had surprised her, to grant a 
commission of high powers to the subversion of the rights 
of her loyal subjects, and contrary to her gracious inten- 
lions towards them, and had abused her name and authori- 
ty to serve his own dark designs, that her majesty would, 
in some exemplary manner, discountenance the said Dud- 
ley and his abettors. 

However, it does not appear, that Dudley, orlordCorn- 
"'niry, were ever obliged to bring forward any evidence in 
support of the charges which they had exhibited, or that 
her majesty, by any public act, discountenanced their in- 
trigue and falsehood. They had such powerful friends at 
court, that they seem to have palliated, and kept the affair, 
as far as possible, out of public view •, and it seems to have 
been passed by without any further examination. 

There was no alteration made in the legislature, at the Maj^ 
election in 17GG. i''06, 

The assembly adopted the same measures, for the de- 
fence of Connecticut and the neighbouring colonies, which 
they had done the year preceding. The same officers 
were appointed, and the same number of men sent into 
the field. 

The colony had assurances from their agent, Sir Henry 
Ashurst, that they had a clear right to command their own 
militia ; that the governors of the neighbouring colonies 
had no right to command their men, or money ; and that 
this was the opinion of the best council in the nation. He 
assured them, that they were under no obligations to them, 
to do any thing more, than to furnish such quotas as he|,' 
inajesty should require. 

* Judgment, ia print, Moheagancase, p- 140. 




HISTORY OF CHAr. XVIL 

I. Connecticut had done much more than this, both in the 
reign of king William and queen Anne. Nevertheless, 
1706<, notwithstanding the abusive treatment of governor Dudley, 
lord Cornbury, and their associates in mischief, and the 
great expense which had been brought upon them, not on- 
ly by the war, but in consequence of the defence which 
their agent had been obliged to make for them, in England, 
such was their zeal for her majesty's service, and their 
concern and good will for their sister colonies, that they 
exerted themselves no less for their defence, than if they 
had been under the command of their respective govern- 
ors. It was declared to her majesty, that had this been the 
case they could have dt)ne no more. 
Act for j4t the session in October, the assembly passed the fol- 

thecn- ^ lowing act in favor of the clergy, "That all the ministers 
mentof ofthc gospel that now are, or hereafter shall be settled in 
thecler£;y, this colony, during the continuance of tlieip public service 
Oct. 1706. jj^ j^j^g gospel ministry, shall have their estates, lying in the 
.^ame town where they dwell, and all the polls belonging to 
their several familes exempted, and they are hereby ex- 
empted and freed from being entered in the public lists 
and payment of rates." By virtue of this act, for the en- 
couragement of the clergy of this colony, they have al- 
ways, from that to the present time, been exempted from 
taxation.* 

The colony, at this period, was in very low circumstan- 
ces. Its whole circulating cash amounted only to about 
two thousand pounds. Such had been its expense in the 
war, and in defending itself against the attempts of its en- 
emies, in England and America, that the legislature had 
been obliged to levy a tax, in about three years, of more 
than two shillings on the pound, on the whole list of the 
colony. The taxes were laid and collected in grain, pork, 
beef, and other articles of country produce. These com- 
modities were transported to Boston and the West-Indies, 
and by this means money and bills of exchange were ob- 
tained, to pay the bills drawn upon the colony, in Eng- 
land, and to discharge its debts at home. These low cir- 
cumstances, these misrepresentations, abuse, and dangers,* 
from their enemies, our venerable ancestors endured with 
an exemplary patience and magnanimity. Under the 
pressure of all this expense and danger, they cheerfully 
supported the gospel ministry and ordinances, in their res- 
pective towns and parishes. They contemplated their 
aangers and deliverances with wonder and thanksgiving, 

* The legislature had before released their persons from (axation, but 
,ftot their farjiUiee and e&t<^1<;s- ' 



(^HAP. XVIil. CONNECTICUT. 4^20 

rejoiced in tiie enjoyment of their privilegos, s^ad in the Book I. 
divine care and beneficence. v.^^-^/-^^ 

1707. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

The country is alarmed. Means of defence. 7Vic assemhh, 
decline the affording of any assistance in the expedition a- 
gainst Port Royal. Grant assistanrc to tkefrontier toivns. 
JVew townships granted and settled. The Rev. Gurdon 
Saltonstall chosen governor. Act empowering the free- 
men to choose the governor from among themselves at 
large. Acts relative to the settlement of the boundary 
line with Massachusetts. Garriso7is erected in the torcns 
on the frontiers. Expedition against Canada. First 
^mission of paper money. Address to her majesty. Loi.s 
of the colony at Wood Creek. Expedition against Port 
Royal. Expedition against Canada under the command 
of admiral Walker and general J\7cholson. Fleet cast 
away and the enterp-ise defeated. The colony petition 
her majesty^ and send the only pilot from Connecticut, to 
England, to represent to her majesty the loss of the fleet 
truly as it was. Acts respecting the superior court. Set- 
tlement of the boundary line betw^een Massachusetts and 
Connecticut. Reasons why the colony consented to such 
a settlement. Return of peace. The colony happy in the 
the preservation of their frontiers. Toxims settled under 
Massachusetts. State of the colony. Observations. 

UCH reports of the preparations of the French and In- Reports of 
dians, to make a descent upon some part of New- an cxpcdi- 
England, were spread abroad, about the beginning of the ti^oDfrom 
year 1707, as gave a general alarm to the country. On j^^^j ii,^ 
the 6th of February, 1707, a council of war, consisting of country. 
the governor, most of the council, and a considerable 
number of the chief military officers in the colony, con- 
vened at Hartford. A letter was received from deputy 
governor Treat, and another from major Schuyler at Al- 
bany, giving intelligence, that the French, and Indians in 
their interest, were about to make a descent upon New- 
England. Information was also communicated, that sus- 
picions were entertained, that the Pohtatuck and Owian- 
tuck Indians designed to join the French and Indians from 
Candida. 



43a HISTORY OF Chap. XVIll. 

Book I. The committee resolved, that the western frontier towns,. 
v-.»-N,^->»^ Simsbury, Watcrbury, Woodbury, and Danbury, should 
1707. be fortified with all possible dispatch. As Waterbury had 
Measures sustaiiicd great losses, by inundations, it was resolved, 
adopted ^-^p their encourafrement to fortify their houses v.'ell, that 

lor thf ^ , * . . 

common ^'^^ govcmor and council would use their influence with the 
saicty. assembly, that their country rates should be abated. It 
was resolved, that each of these four towns should keep a 
scout of iwo faithful men, to be sent out every day, to dis- 
cover the designs of the enemy, and give intelligence 
should they make their appearance near the frontier tov.'ns. 
To prevent damages from the Pohtatuck and Owiantuck 
Indians, captain John Minor and Mr. John Sherman were 
appointed to remove them to Stratford and Fairfield. If 
by reason of sickness or any other cause they could not be 
removed, it was ordered, that a number of their chief men 
should be carried down to those towns, and kept as host- 
ages to secure the fidelity of the rest. 
Special as- On t^e second of April, a special assembly was conven- 
ceiiihiy, od in consecjuence of letters from ffovernor Dudley. He 
'^ - ■ had proposed to send an army of a thousand men against 
L' Acadia, and requested Connecticut to join with Massa- 
chusetts in the expedition. 
The as- After the affair had been maturely considered, the as- 

sembly sembly determined not to comply with the proposal. The 
will n.jt reasons given were, that they had not been consulted, nor 
i'xppdi-^'^ had opportunity to consent to the expedition : That they 
tiori to did not understand that the neighbouring colonies, who 
L'Acadia. were equally interested in the expedition, with themselves, 
were called upon, or had consented to do any thing ; and, 
that the vast expense of defending the county of Hampsliire 
and their own frontiers, incapacitated them to join in the 
enterprise. 
Court of At the general election this year, the governor and coun- 
^•:[^''U"' cil were ail re-elected. 

1707. ' Upon the petition of John Pratt, Robert Chapman, John 

Clai-k, and Stephen Post, appointed a committee in behalf 
Ile'nr'^n of the legatees of Joshua L'ncas,* the assembly granted a 
made a township which they named Hebron. The settlement of 
the town began in June, 1704. The first people who 
made settlements in the town were William Shipman, 
Timothy Phelps, Samuel Filer, Caleb Jones, Stephen 

* By the last will of said Uncas, all the lands in Hebron were bequeath- 
ed to Thomas Buckin£;hani, Esq. William Shipman and others, called thf- 
Say brook le^ateis, except about 2,600 acres at the northeast corner, and 
about 4,000 acres at the sout!i end of the town. There were also about 
700 within the parish of Marlborough. These lands were claimed by 
Mason. 



town. 



CtiAP. XVIII. CONNECTICUT. 433 

Post, Jacob Root, Samuel Curtis, Edward Sawyer, Jo- Book I, 
seph Youngs, and Benoni Trumbull. They were from ^-^-v^^^ 
Windsor, Say brook, Long-Island, and Northampton. The 1707. 
settlement, at first, went on but slowly ; partly, by reason 
of opposition made by Mason and the Moheaeians, and 
partly, by reason of the extensive tracts claimed by pro- 
prietors, who made no settlements. Several acts of the 
assembly were made, and committees appointed to encou- 
rage and assist the planters. By these means they so in- 
creased in numbers and wealth that in about six or seven 
years ihey were enabled to erect a meeting-house and set- 
tle a minister among them. 

At the session in October, the assembly granted a town- oct. 9tk 
ship to Nathan Gould, Peter Burr, captain John Wake- 
man, Jonathan Sturges, and other inhabitants of the town 
of Fairfield, bounded southerly on Danbui-y, easterly on 
New- Mil ford, and westerly upon the colony line. It ex- 
tended fourteen miles northward from Dan bury. It was 
afterwards named New-Fairfield. The war, for several 
years, prevented all attempts for the settlement of this 
tract. 

As the frontier towns had exhibited much zeal in fortify- 
ing themselves agreeably to the directions of the governor 
and council, the assembly made them a liberal compensa- 
tion. 

About this time the colony sustained a great loss in the Special as- 
death of the honorable Fitz John Wirithrop, Esq.t and a *e""t>'y2 
special assembly was convoked on the 17th of December,- 1707, ' ^' 
by deputy governor Treat, at New-Haven, for the pur- 
pose of electing another governor. The assembly order- 
ed, that the votes of botii houses should be mixed before 
they were sorted and counted, and that the majority of 
votes should determine the choice. Upon counting the ^^jf ^"' 
votes, the Reverend Gurdon Saltonstall was declared to chosen 
fee chosen governor. governor. 

Four of the magistrates, the speaker of the house, with 
three of the other deputies, were appointed a committee to 
acquaint him with the choice, and solicit his acceptance of 

t Hr was the son of the honorable John Winfhrop, Esq. the fust gov- 
ernor of Connecticut, under the charter. His birth was at Ipswich, ia 
Massachusetts, lejS. Upen the assumption of the charter, Afay, 1(J89, 
he was chosen into the magistracy. In 1690, he was appointed major 
general of the land army designed against Canada. On the dispute reia- 
tive to the command of the militia, he was sent agent, for the colony, to the 
British court, 1694. After his return, May, 1698, he was chosen govern- 
or, and was annually re-chosen during his life. He died November 27th, 
1707, in the 69lh year of his age. 

He appears to have been a popular gentleraan, andto haveMistalneda 

liaracter without blemish. 



432 fliSTORY OF C'HAt. XVllL 

Book I. the important trust to which he had been chosen. A letter 
^^,cf~\/-Si^ was addressed to him by the assembly, desiring him to ac- 
1707. cept of the choice which they had made, and, with thd 
committee appointed to wait on him, to answer the letters 
of their ageiU, and transact whatever the exigencies of the 
government might require. A letter was also addressed to 
his church and congregation at New-London, acquainting 
them with the call, which the assembly imagined Mr. Sal- 
tonstall had to leave the ministry, and to dispose them to 
sulimit to such a dispensation. 

Tlie magistrates, upon Mr. Saltonstall's acceptance of 
the trust to which he had been chosen, were directed to 
administer to him the oath of the governor, and the oath 
respecting trade and navigation. 
u""l708 ^" ^'^" ^"'^^ '^^ January, 1708, governor Saltonstall ac- 
' ' ceplcd of his office, and took the oaths appointed by law. 
This assembly repealed the law which required, that the 
governor should always be chosen from among the magis- 
trates in nomination, and gave liberty for the freemen to 
elect him from among themselves at large. 
Eteciiot), At the election, May 13th, 1708, governor SaltonstaH 
1708. '^'' ^^"^^ chosen governor by the freemen. Nathan -Gould, 
Esq. was elected deputy-governor.* The former magis- 
trates were re-chosen, and Mr. John Flayues, for the first 
time, was elected one of the coinicil. The former treasur- 
er and secretary were re-chosen. 

A township was granted, in the courte of this session, at 
Pohtatuck, afterwards named Newtown. 
Act for Connecticut, for a long course of years, had been at 

^''"*^*.'"^ , _ great trouble and expense, in attempting the settlement of 
itaniso^ the boundary line betweeen this colony and Massachu- 
Wiiidsor setts. The inhabitants of Windsor and Simsbury liad been 
fi'w ^"'i ^^'^^'^ exceedingly injured, in their persons and proj)erty, 
fixin'"-\iie t»y the people of Suffield and Enfield, especially by the 
line be- former. They had not only encroached upon their lands 

tween jj„(^} ^.^^ dovvn their timber, but often seized opon their tar 

Massiichu- 

* The honorable Robert Treat, Esq. beinsf, at this period, eighty-si.K 
years of age, retired from the scene of public action. He had been three 
yeaipa magistrate, and thirty-two years governor, or deputy-governor of 
"trie colonj'. He was elected magistrate, May, 1C73, deputy-governor, 
167G, and governor, in 16153. To this office he was annually elected, 6fteen 
years, until 1690 : )>e was then chosen deputy-governor until the year 1700. 
He died about two years after, July 12th, 1710, in the 85th year of his 
age. Few men have sustained a fairer character, or rendered the public 
more important services. He was an excellent military officer ; a man of 
singular courage and resolution, tempered with caution and prudence. His 
administration of government v/as with wisdom, firmness and integrity. He 
was esteemed courageous, wise, and pious. He was exceedingly beloved 
and venerated by the people in general, and especially by his neighbours, at 
IViilford. where he resided. 



Chap. XVIII. CONNECTICUT. 433 

and turpentine, and even npoii their persons, and forcibly Book I. 
carried them off to Siitfield. In consequence of these out- ^-^^-^y^^^ 
rages, great animosities had arisen between the inhabit- 1708. 
ants of those towns, and many lawsuits had beencommenc- setts and 
ed. The assembly, as far as possible, to prevent and tcr- Connecu- 
minate these evils, enacted, that commissioners should be 13^^ i7og, 
appointed, with full powers to run the line, with suchcom- 
ihissioners as Massachusetts should appoint for that pur- 
pose. They were directed to take care that the line 
should be run by skilful artists, with good instruments ; and 
to take their station three miles south of every part of 
Charles river, whence Mr. James Taylor a;id the commis- 
sioners of this colony ran the line in 1702. They were 
instructed to run a due west line from that station, and to 
make and set up fair marks and monuments in the line be- 
tween the colonies. And to prevent all further conten- 
tion, it was enacted, that the inhabitants of Windsor, Sims- 
bury, Suffield, and Enfield, should not make any improve^ 
mcnt on the contested lands, until the line should be run 
and settled. It was also enacted, that all suits should con- 
tinue and rest, until the county court at Hartford, in Octo- 
ber, and then to cease. It was provided, nevertheless, 
that the court of Massachusetts should give the same or- 
ders to the people of that province, who claimed upon the 
line, and should immediately unite with Connecticut in set- 
tling the boundary between the colonies. Otherwise, it was 
determined, that all causes, bonds, and the like should be, 
and remain as though this act never had been passed. 

Further, it was enacted, that, upon running the line, all 
the most ancient grants, made to the proprietors, by either 
government, should give title and property to the settlers 
on either side of the line. It was determined, that unless 
the court of Massachusetts would agree to the running of 
the line in this manner, a petition should be addressed to 
her majesty, praying her to give orders, that the division- 
al line might be run. 

The assembly, at this session, ordered that a township Killin^iy 
should be laid out east of Woodstock, eight miles in length, made a 
and six in breadth. The inhabitants were vested with^°"'"' 
the privileges of a distinct town, by the name of Killingly.* 

The affairs of the war were conducted this year in the 
same manner as they had been the preceding. Colonel 
William Whiting commanded a body of horse and infantry 

* At this session, the assembly ordered, "that the ministers of the gos- 
pel preach a sermon to the freemen, on the day appointed by law to 
choose their civil rulers, in the towns where they meet, proper for their di- 
rection in the work before them." This seems to have been the origin of 
preaching freemen's meeting seruions in Connecticut- 

E 3 



434 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIH, 

Book I. in the county of Hampshire, and scouting parties andgar- 
\^--v-"^fc^ risons were maintained on the frontiers of the colony. 
]709. At the session in October, it was enacted, that two gar- 
risons should be maintained, at the public expense, at 
Simsbury, and two at Waterbury. Garrisons were to be 
kept at Woodbury and Danbury, as the council of war 
should judge expedient, 
€o\irt of At the election in 1709, Mr. Saltonstall was re-chosea 
election, governor, and Nathan Gould, deputy-governor. The raa- 
^% ^~''^' gistrates were Daniel Witherel, Nathaniel Stanley, John 
Hamlin. William Pitkin, John Chester, Joseph Curtis. 
Josiah Rossitcr, Richard Christopher, Peter Burr, Johu 
Allen, John Haynes, and Samviel Eells, Esquires. Cap- 
tain Joseph Whiting was treasurer, and Caleb Stanley sec- 
retary. 
Expedi- . A letter was laid before this assembly from her majesty, 
a?Vmst the^^^^^'^'^ ^^ ^^ expedition against the enemy. The design 
French. was the reduction of the French in Canada, Acadia, and 
Neu'ibundland. The letters from the earl of Sunderland, 
advising that her majesty would dispatch a squadron of 
ships to Boston, by the middle of May, with five regiments 
of regular troops, required Connecticut to raise 350 men. 
The governments eastward of Connecticut, were required 
to raise 1200 men, and furnish them with transports, flat; 
bottomed boats, pilots, and provisions for three months ser- 
vice. With this force, it was designed to make an attack 
upon Quebec. At the same time, it was proposed to raise 
1500 men in the governments of Connecticut, New- York, 
New-Jersey, and the southern colonics. This corps was 
to proceed by the way of the lakes, and make a descent 
upon the island of Montreal. 

The legislature of Connecticut voted and raised their 
quota, with cheerfulness and expedition. Colonel Whi- 
ting was appointed to command them. The assembly also 
voted an address of thanks to her majesty for her royal care 
and favor to the colonies, in devising means for the remo- 
val of an enemy, by whom the colonies had been so grear 
and repeated suftercrs. 

All the colonies except Pennsylvania furnished their, 
quotas. The troops, with provisions, transports, and ar- 
ticles necessary for the enterprise, were ready in season, 
The provincials, from the eastern colonies, were ready to 
sail for Quebec by the 20th of May. Francis Nicholson, 
who had been lieutenant-governor of New- York, under 
Andross, and afterwards lieutenant-governor of Virginia, 
was appointed to command the troops by land, and march 
as far as W^ood Creek. There he was (o wait unlil the ar- 



Chap. XVIIf. CONNECTICUT. 435 

rival of the fleet expected at Boston, and then to advance, Book I. 
so that the attack upon Quebec and Muntreal might be made ^^i^^,^-<^ 
at the same time. The colonies made great excriions for 1709. 
the publi-c service. Besides their quotas, independent 
companies were raised and sent on to the army. More 
than a hundred battcaux, and an equal number of birch ca- 
noes, were constructed forcrossing the lake. Three forts, 
several block houses, and stores for provisions were erect- 
ed. But the armament expected fi'om England did not ar- 
rive. The defeat of the Portuguese, and the straits to 
which the allies were reduced, occasioned the sailing oi 
the fleet, designed for America, to Portugal, and the expe- 
dition was defeated. No intelligence arriving from Eng- 
land, and a great mortality prevailing among the troops, 
general Nicholson, early in the fall, returned to Albany. 
This fruitless undertaking was a capital loss and expense 
io the colonics. One quarter or more of the troops died. 
Connecticut only sustained the loss of ninety men. 

This expedition occasioned the first emission of paper 
money in Connecticut. 

At a special assembly, on the 8th of June, it was enact- Fiistemis- 
€d, " That to assist in the expedition, for want of money ^'°" ^ji'j'"'* 
otherwise to carry it on, there be forthwith imprinted acer- june,l709. 
tain number of bills of credit on the colony, jn suitable 
sums, from two shillings to five pounds, which, in the whole, 
shall amount to the sum of 80001. and no more." It was 
enacted, that the bills should be issued from the treasury 
as money, but should be received in payments at one siiil- 
iing on the pound better than money. One half only was 
to be signed and issued at first, and the other was to re- 
main unsigned, until it should be found necessary to put it 
into circulation. Taxes were imposed for the calling in 
of one half of it within the term of one year, and the other 
at the expiration of two years. 

The expectations of the people, in the spring, had been Expecia- 
wrought up to a high degree of assurance, that Canada ^*°"tj\!^^j|^s. 
would be reduced before the close of the campaign. Joy appointed 
brighteoed in every countenance, with the pleasing pros- 
pect, that a period would immediately be put to all the en- 
croachments and ravages of a merciless enemy. Every 
heart was gladdened at the prospect of the enlargemetit of 
the British empire, and the augmentation of the national 
commerce. When, therefore, from such harmonious and 
general exertion, and such uncommon expense, they expe- 
rienced nothing but loss and disappointment, the chagrin 
and depression were proportionably great. 

Howevei", the importance gf driving the Frencii frgna 



436 HISTORY OF €hap. XVIII, 

Book T. (Sauada, and the necessity of immediate exertions to prer 
v.^»-N/--v^ serve the friendship and keep up the spirit of the five na- 
1709. tions, without which, the frontiers would become a field of 
blood, induced the colonies to keep the object still in view, 
Conven- ^ congress of governors was appointed and met at Reho- 
eraorsf"^' both, the beginning of October, to deliberate on the sub- 
ject. General Nicholson, colonel Vetch, and others, met 
with them. An address was agreed upon to her majesty, 
representing the great harmony and exertions of the colo- 
nies in "iier majesty's service 5 the importance of reducing 
the French in North-Americq to her majesty's obedience j 
praying her majesty to grant the colonies an armament, 
with their assistance, adequate to the design. 
Assembly, When the general assembly convened in October, gov- 
?7f>Q ^'^■*^' ^^^^^ Saltonstall communicated the transactions of the gov- 
ernors of the several colonies, and the address, which they 
had prepared, to her majesty. The assembly approved 
the address, and determined on a similar one themselves^ 
Governor Saltonstall was appointed agent to make a voy- 
age to England, and present it in person to her majesty. 
Provision was also made for the expense of his agency. 

Notwithstanding the war, the colony made progress in 
setdement. In 1708, John Belden, Samuel Keeler, Mat- 
thew Seymour, Matthias St. John, and other inhabitants of 
Norwalk, to the number of twenty-five, purchased a-large 
tract, between that town and Danbury, bounded west on 
the partition line between Connecticut and New-York, 
llidgefield The purchase was made of Gatoonah, the chief sachem, 
purcha- and other Indians, who were the proprietors of that part of 
Se a'' ^^^ country. The deed bears date September 30th, 1708. 
town. At this session, it was ordained that it should be a distinct 

township, by the name of Ridgefield. 
Klectnn, The only alteration made, by the election, in 1710, was 
1710 ^^*'^' the choice of Matthew Allen, Esq. in the place of Daniel 
Witherell, Esq. 

New- York, as well as Connecticut and the other New- 
EnglatMJ colonies, had made great exertions, the last cam- 
paign, for the reduction of Canada. New- York, by means 
of the great influence of colonel Schuyler, had been able to 
bring six hundred of the Indians of the five nations into the 
Measures iiold. The colonel was extremely discontented at the late 
adopted to disappointment. No man had more extensive views of the 
armament importance of expelling the French from this northern con- 
from Eng- tinent, and more zeal in the cause than he. So powerful 
jfand. ■vvas the influence which the affair had upon his mind, that 

he determined to make a voyage to England, at his own 
private expense, and to carry with him five sachems of the 



Chap. XVIH. CONNECTICUT. 437 

five nations, that by their representations, the more sen- Book I. 
sible impressions might be made upon her majesty and the v-^^v'-'^-/ 
British court. Theasscmbly of New-York had determined 1710. 
to address her majesty on the subject ; and no sooner was 
the house apprised of his design, than they unanimously 
resolved, that he should present their address to her sacred 
majesty. Accordingly, colonel Schuyler went to England, 
and presented the address. The Indian sachems were, 
also, introduced to the queen. They represented their Address of 
Jong war, in conjunction with her children, against her ene- ^^.'^ Indian 
mies, the French : That they had been a strong wall of de- ^^"^^ *** 
fence to her colonies, to the loss of their best warriors ; Anne, 
and that they mightily rejoiced, when they heard their 
great queen had resolved to send an army to Canada. 
They said, that, in token of their friendship, they had, with 
one consent, hung up the kettle, and taken up the hatchet, 
and assisted general Nicholson ; but when they found, that 
their great queen, by some importaat affairs, had been di- 
verted from her design of subduing the French, it made 
them sorrowful, lest the enemy, who hitherto had dreaded 
them, should now imagine they were unable to make war 
upon them. They represented, that the reduction of Can- 
dida was of great weight to them, that they might hunt free- 
ly. They insisted, that if their great queen should be un- 
mindful of them, they, and their faoiilies, must forsake 
their country, and seek other habitations, or they must 
stand neuter; neither of which suited their inclinations. In 
hope of their great queen's favour, they referred the affair 
to her gracious consideration. 

General Nicholson went to England, in the fall of 1709, 
on the same business, to solicit a force against Canada. 
Governor Saltonstall, for some reason, did not accept of 
the agency to which he had been appointed. The address 
of Connecticut, it seems, was sent to be presented by an- 
other hand. In consequence of these united applications, 
great encouragements were given, that an expedition would 
be again undertaken against Canada. In July, advice ar- 
rived in New-England, that lord Shannon, with a fleet des- 
tined for that service, was under sailing orders. Nicholson, 
•who sailed with several ships of force, and some trans- 
ports, from England, in the spring, came over with that 
expectation. However, it finally proved, that the reduc- 
tion of Port Royal and Nova-Scotia was the only object. 

In consequence of a letter from her majesty, requiring Special a-- 
the assistance of her subjects in this colony, in the expe- sembly, 
dition, a special assembly was convoked on the 14th of "*" 
August. Beside the loss of lives the last year, many of 



438 HISTORY OF Chap. XVHL 

Book I. ihe soldiers then in service, remained in a sickly and weak 
«^^-"s/-'N_/ condition. The enemy insulted the frontier towns, and the 
J 7 10. colony was obliged to keep a large number of men in pay 
for their defence. Nevertheless, such was the obedience 
of the legislature to her majesty's commands, and their 
zeal for her service, that they cheerfully voted three hun- 
dred men for the expedition. Vessels and sailors were 
procured, and all necessary provision was made for the 
transportation and support of the troops. In about a 
month, they were i-aised and transported to Boston. 
Expedi- On the 18th of September, a fleet of thirty-six ships of 

tion war and transports, sailed from Nantasket for Port Royal. 

against There were fourteen transports in the pay of Massachu- 
Royal. setts, five in the pay of Connecticut, two of Nevv-llaoip- 
shire, and three of Rhode-Island. The chief command 
was given to general Nicholson. On the 24th, the fleet 
and army arrived at Fort Royal. The troops landed with- 
out opposition, and made an easy conquest. On the 21st 
of October, the engineers opened three batteries, of , two 
mortars and tvve-nty-fouv cohorns in the whole. At the 
same time, a bomb ship, called the Stur bomb, plied the 
u=..r^=r, enemy with her shells. The next day Monsieur Subercasc 

It surren- • i i i • i f i 

ders, Oct. capitulated, surrendering the fort and country to the crown 

^d. of Great-Britain. 

General Nicholson left a sufficient garrison, under the 
comm.and of colonel Vetch, hisadjutant general, who had 
been appointed to the government of the country. In this 
expedition, the Blary galley, commanded by captain Taye, 
a transport in the service of Connecticut, ran aground, and 
was lost. Twenty-six men v/ere drowned.* Fourteen or 
fifteen were lost in the exjiedition, while the troops were 
investing and besieging the fort. This was the whole loss 
sustained in the enterprise. From this time the name was 
changed, and the port was named Annapolis Royal. 

General Nicholson, animated with his late success, iu 
the fall made a second voyage to England, to solicit a- 
iiother expedition against Canada. 

The country in general had no expectations, that he 
would succeed in his design. They could not imagine, 
that queen Anne's tory ministry would attempt any thing 
of this nature for New-England. Contrary, however, to 

^iineSHi, all expectation, the afiair was resumed. In June, general 

1711. Nicholson arrived, at Boston, with the news, that a fleet 
migi)^ soon be expected from England, and with her ma- 
jesty's orders that the several governments of New-Eng- 

* This transport was hired of one Mr. Vryling, of BostoDj and the coJooy 
j;aid him about 1,0001. for ih^ Ifis" of h'"? v^'s*'' 



Chap. XVIIT. CONNFX'TICUT. 439 

iand, New- York, New-Jersey, and Pennsylvania should Book I. 
have (heir respective quotas in immediate readiness for the v.^-v-x^' 
expedition. 1711. 

Consequently a general meeting of the governors of the June 24th, 
several colonies was immediately appointed at New-Lon- '^.*^^';_^''" 
don. Sixteen days after the arrival of general Nicholson, '^'^*"' 
the fleet arrived at Boston. But it was very extraordina- 
ry that the fleet had neither pilots nor provisions. Ten 
weeks provisions were demanded for the army. It had Suspidona 
been suspected before this, that the reduction of Canada of the 
was not really designed by the ministry. These circum- country, 
stances increased the suspicion. It was much doubted, 
whether, in the then state of the country, it were possible, 
in so short a time, as was necessary, to procure such a 
quantity of provisions, as had been demanded. There 
was, at the same time, a strong suspicion, that if the expe- 
dition .should miscarry, it was designed to throw the whole 
blame upon New-England. Whether these suspicions 
were well grounded or not, it is certain, that they had 
great influence, together with the zeal which the colonies 
had for the service, to draw forth their utmost exertions. 

When the fleet arrived at Boston, the governors were 
met in convention, at New-London, concerting measures 
for prosecuting the expedition with the utmost harmony 
and' dispatch. The general courts of Massachusetts and ^ , 

/-I '• , • , 1 • m 1 Conduct 0! 

Connecticut were in actual session. 1 he general assem- ^^^ assem- 
bly of Connecticut convened on the 19th of June. A let- bly ras- 
ter was communicated from her majesty and another from rectins: the 
general Nicholson respecting the expedition. The as- ^.^|]^ j'^^^ 
scmbly resolved, that three hundred and sixty men should 19^ nil. 
be raised forthwith, as the quota of this colony in the ex- 
pedition. It was also resolved, that four months provis- 
ions should be immediately procured, and that a suitable 
vessel should be provided to transport them to Albany, and 
to accommodate the sick and convey them back to Con- 
necticut. 

The assembly also addressed a letter to her majesty, re- 
turning her their most humble and dutiful acknowledg- 
ments, for that great expression of her royal care for her 
colonies and their peace and welfare, which she had mani- 
fested in the appointment of the present expedition against 
the common enemy. They particularly thanked her ma- 
jesty for her royal bounty towards the colony, in furnish- 
ing the troops with clothing, arms, and ammunition, by 
which tiiey Avere better enabled to bear the annual ex- 
penses of the war. They represented to her majesty, in a 
htrong pointof light, the horrible manner in which the en- 



440 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIII. 

Book I. emy carried on the war ; lying in ambush, killing and 
^^•-v-x-/ scalping single persons, upon the frontiers, surprising and 
1711. cutting off families, stealing captives, torturing and enslav- 
ing them. They promised a hearty concurrence with the^ 
royal requisitions, and a zealous performance of whatevei 
might contribute to the success of the expedition. 

To animate the general, and ingratiate themselves with 
him, the legislature appointed a committee to return him 
their thanks, for the good services he had rendered to her 
majesty's plantations in North America ; and especially to 
Connecticut, in his former good conduct of the troops un- 
der his command. They thanked him, not only for his im- 
])ortant services in the reduction of Port Royal and Nova- 
Scotia, but for the great pains he had taken since, in mak- 
ing a voyage to England, and representing to her majesty 
the true state and interest of the colonies, and l)y that 
means obtaining her orders for the then present expedi- 
tion. 
Universal \ punctual compliance with her majesty's orders was 
andexer- Universally recommended by the governors in convention 
tioa. and by the several legislatures. Not only the several colo- 

nies but individuals exerted themselves beyond what had 
been known upon any other occasion. 
The arma- In a little more than a month, from the arrival of the 
ment sails fleet, the new levies and provisions, for that and the army, 
icm°Juiv" were ready. Upon the 30th of July, the whole armament 
30th. sailed from Boston for Canada. It consisted of fifteen 

• men of war, twelve directly from England, and three which 
had before been stationed in America ; forty transports, 
six store ships, and a fine train of artillery, with all kitids of 
warlike stores. The land army on board consisted of 
rive regiments from England and Flanders, and two regi- 
ments raised in Massachusetts, Rhode-Island, and New- 
Hampshire ; amounting in the whole to nearly seven thou- 
sand men. The fleet was commanded by Sir Hovendeii 
Walker ; and the army by brigadier Hill, brother to Mrs. 
Masham, then the queen's favorite. The land force was 
about equal to that which, under general Wolfe, after- 
wards reduced Quebec, though, at that time, it was not 
half -so strong, as when it was reduced by that famous 
general. 

Upon the same day on which the fleet sailed from Bos- 
ton, general Nicholson began his journey for Albany, 
where, a few days after, he aj)peared at the head of four 
thousand men, from the colonies of Connecticut, New- 
York, and New-Jersey. The troops from Connecticut 
were commanded by colonel William Whiting, who was an 



Chap. XVIII. CONNECTICUT. 441 

experienced officer, and had commanded them the last Book I. 
year, at Port Royal. The New- York and New-Jersey v^-^^^^-' 
troops were commanded by colonels Schuyler and Ingolds- 171K 
hy. Connecticut, besides victualling its own troops, fur- 
nished New-York with two hundred fat cattle and six hun- 
dred sheep. Thus, in about five weeks, the colonies had 
raised two considerable armies and furnished them with 
provisions. More than this could not have been expect- 
ed. 

Admiral Walker arrived in the mouth of the St. Law- 
rence, on the 14th of August. That he might not lose the 
company of the transports, as \vas pretended, he put into 
ihe bay of Gaspe, on the 18th, where he continued until 
the 20th of the month. On the 22d, two days after he sail- 
ed from the bay, the fleet appeared to be in the most haz- 
ardous circumstances. It was without soundings, without 
Might of land ; the sky was darkened with a thick fog, and 
the wind high at east south-east. In this situation the ships 
brought to, with their heads to the southward. This was 
done with an expectation that the wind would drive them 
into the midst of the channel. But instead of this, about 
midnight, the seamen discovered that they were driven 
upon the north shore among rocks and islands, upon the 
verge of a total shipwreck. Eight or nine of the British 
transports were cast away, on board of which were about 
seventeen hundred officers and soldiers. Nearly a thou- Ship- 
sand men were lost. The admiral and general were in ^^''■^'*^'^» 
the moat imminent danger, and saved themselves by an- ' "^* 
ehori:-g. Such was the violence of the storm that they lost 
several anchors. Upon this disaster, the admiral bore a- 
way for Spanish river bay ; but the wind shifting to the 
east it was eight days before all the transports arrived. In 
the same time, as the wind was, they might have easily ar- 
rived at Quebec. It was there determined, by a council 
of land and naval officers, that as they had but ten weeks 
provision, and could not expect a supply from New-Eng- 
land, to make no further attempt. The admiral sailed di- 
rectly for England, and arrived at Portsmouth on the 9th 
of October. Here the fleet suflbred another surprising ca- 
lamity. The Edgar, a 70 gun ship, blew up, having on 
hoard four huhdred men, besides many persons who were 
just come on board to visit their friends. As the cause of 
this event was wholly unknown, jealous minds were not 
Mdthout suggestions, that even this, as well as the other dis- 
aster, was the eflect of horrid design. 

The admiral and English officers, to exculpate them- 
itelves. laid the blame wholly upon the colonies, that ihcy 

F3 



f42 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIIf, 

Book T. were delayed so long for provision and the raising of the 

v-^^v^**../ provincials, and that they had such unskilful pilots. The 

1711. admiral declared, that it was the advice of the pilots that 

The blame the fleet should come to in the manner it did, but the pi- 

^™P"t*^^ ^° lots, from New-England, declared, upon oath, that they 
the colo- ' 1 ] • iV I • •* » I 

nies, ;*^^^ "o such advice. H any such was given it must nave 

been by the French pilots on board, either through mis- 
take or upon design. Charlevoix represents, that the 
French pilots warned the admiral of his danger, but that 
he did not sufficiently regard them. 

The whigs, in England, generally censured the minis- 
try for their conduct respecting the expedition. Lord 
Iliirley represented the whole aiiair as a contrivance of 
Bolingbrokc, More, and the Lord Chancellor, Harcourt, 
to cheat the public out of twenty thousand pounds. Lord 
Harcourt was pleased to say, " No government was worth 
serving, that would not admit of such jobs." Another 
English writer observes, " That if the ministry were sin- 
cere in the prosecution of the war, they were certainly the 
most consummate blunderers that ever undertook the gov- 
ernment of a state."* 

General Nicholson had not advanced far before he re- 
ceived intelligence of the loss sustained by the fleet, and 
the army soon after returned. 

I'he Marquis De Vaudreuil, governor of Canada, receiv- 
ed intelligence of the arrival of the fleet from England, and 
of the preparations making in the colonies for the invasion 
of Canada, and had omitted nothing in his power to put it 
into a state of defence. No sooner was he apprise;'* of so 
many shi[)S wrecked and so many bodies with red coats 
driven on shore, and that the river was clear of ships, than 
lie ordered the whole strength of Canada towards Montreal 
and lake Champlain. At Chambly he formed a camp of 
ihrec thousand men to oppose general Nicholson. Had 
the general crossed the lake, it might have been difficult 
for him to have returned in safety. 

Very providential it was, that all the provincial trans- 
ports, except a small victualler, were preserved. The 
crew of the victualler were saved, and not a provincial 
lost. The loss and disappointment, nevertheless, were 
exceedingly grievous to the colonies. Ma.-.y pious peo- 
ple, after so many attempts had been blasted, gave up al! 
expectations of the conquest of Canada. They imagined 
it W4S not the design of providence, that this northern con 
linent should ever wholly belong to any one nation.! 

* Rider's Hist, of Endand, vol. xxxii. p. 189, 190. 
t Hutchinson, vol. iup. 193— 196o Smith's Hist, of New- York, p 
320, 13i, 



;€hap. XVIIL CONNECTICUT. 413 

Upon the return of general NicholsonVs army, and the Book L 
report of Vaiidrcuil's force, the country wrre not only ^-^^/^sl.^ 
chagrined with disappointment, but alarn^ed with fear. 171 K 
They were a[)j5rehensive, that the enemy, in dilTerrnt par- 
ties, by different routes, would, with redoubhxl fury, ha- 
rass and desolate the country. 

To return to theatlairs of Connecticut, the history of 
which has been in some measure interrupted t.'ith the gene- 
ral account of the war, it should be observed, that Joseph 
Talcott was this year chosen into the magistracy in the 
stead of Josiah Rossiler, Esq. An important alteration 
was also made, at the session in May, respecting the supe- c 
rior court. Until this time, it had been holclen at two court 
places only, Hartford and New-Haven, and at two terms made cir- 
annually. This was found to be an aftair of expense and ^j'^'"> 
inconvenience. It w^as therefore resolved, that the supe- 1711' 
rior court should sit twice annually, in each of the counties, 
and that all actions should be tried in the county in which 
they originated. 

When the assembly met in October, an address was pre- Oct. nth. 
pared to be presented to her majesty representing the ex- 
ertions of the colony in her service, condoling her on the 
-disappointment with respect to the expedition, and pray- 
ing lor the continuance of her favor to the colony. 

At the session in May, 1708, the assembly oiade a grant Newtowii 
^f a township a< a place called Pohtatuck, from a river of |.'^*|g^P°" 
that name upon which part of it lies. At this session it 
was incorporated and named Newtown. 

A township had been given, several years before this Coventry 
■lime, by Joshua, sachem of the Moheagans, lying north of ?'^*."^'^ ^"^^ 
Lebanon and v/est of Mansfield, to certain honorable lega= rated. 
tees in Hartford. The donation was approved by the as- 
sembly. The legatees conveyed their right to William Pit- 
kin, Joseph Talcott, William Whiting, and Ptichard Lord, 
to be a committee; to lay out said township and make set- 
tlements on the lands. On the 9th of May, 1 700-, the gene- 
ral assembly authorized those gentlemen to act as a com- 
mittee for those purposes. October 11th, 1711,thiscom 
raittee was re-appointed, w^ith one Nathaniel Rust, who had 
already settled upon the lands, more effectually to carry 
into execution the design of their former appointment. 
The township, at the same session, was named Coventry. 
Nathaniel Rust and some others settled in the town about 
the year 1700 ; but the settlement of it has generally been 
dated from 1709. In the spring of this year, a number ol 
good householders, from Northampton and other places, 
moved into the town, and the inhabitants were so increas- 



444 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIIL 

Book I. ed, in about two years, that they were incorporated with 
\^^'\^^>^ the privileges of other towns. The planters were from a 
1711. great variety of places, but principally from Northampton 
and Hartford. 
Special In consequence of letters from governor Dudley, of Bos- 

Nov^sV' *°"' ^"^ ^^^^^ general Nicholson, relative to the unsuccess- 
1711. ' fulness of the late expedition, a special assembly was call- 
ed, November 3d, 1711. The design of it was to con- 
suit the best means of acquainting her majesty truly how 
the affair was ; what exertions the colonies had made, and 
that it was not through any fault of theirs that the enter- 
prise was frustrated. It was judged best, that the colonies 
should make a joint representation, and that the pilots 
should be sent to England, to be examined and declare be- 
fore her majesty what they knew concerning the ship- 
wreck. The assembly determined, that the affair was of 
great importance to the colonies ; and that John Mayhew, 
of New-London, who was the only pilot from Connecticut,, 
should, forthwith, proceed to Great-Britain, with the pi- 
lots from Massachusetts. It was also resolved jointly, 
with the other colonies, to petition her mnjesty for another 
armament, in the spring, to assist them in the reduction 
of Canada. In the petition from Connecticut, the lesisla- 
lure lamented the miscarriage of the expedition, and the 
fatal consequences of it to these colonies. They repre- 
sented it would put them to great expense to employ such a 
number of men as were necessary to defend such exten- 
sive frontiers as theirs were ; and that, after all their exer- 
tions, one family and town after another would be swept 
away by the enemy. They expressed their apprehen- 
sions, that unless another expedition should be underta- 
ken against the enemy, they would, in the spring, send out 
a greater number of scalping and plundering parties, than 
they had done in the preceding years of the war ; and that 
her majesty's subjects woyld be greatly distressed. It 
was also suggested, that there was danger that the enemy 
' would draw off many of the Indians who dwelt among them, 
as well as the Indians of the Five Nations, and engage them 
against the colonies. It was also urged, that the colonies 
were of great importance to her majesty's interest, and 
that it would be impolitic to suffer the enemy to possess so 
large a proportion of her majesty's dominions in North 
America, as they actually inhabited and claimed. It was 
insisted, that, by the smiles of providence on her majesty's 
arms, the settlements in Canada might be easily reduced to 
her majesty's obedience. They prayed her to revive the 
expedition, and promised a cheerful obedience to her com- 



Chap. XVIII. CONNECTICUT. 445 

mands, in contributing their proportion to the common scr- Book I. 
vice.t -^^~\r^>^ 

The petitions were sent over seasonably, and the pilots 1712. 
were a considerable time in London, waiting to be exami- 
ned, and give information, relative to the loss of tiie trans- 
ports, and the miscarriage of the expedition. However, 
no examination was ever made concerning the failure of 
the enterprise. It did not appear that much had been ex- 
pected from it in England, nor that people were discontent- 
ed at the issue, or interested themselves very greatly in the 
affair. The court shewed no disposition to make any fur- 
ther attempt upon Canada. 

The election in 1712, made little or no alteration with Election, 
respect to public officers. Nothing very material appears -^'ay ^% 
to have been transacted this year. The legislature made '^^'' 
the usual provision for the defence of this colony and the 
county of Hampshire. 

Nathan Gould, Esq. the deputy governor, war; appoint- Pt<??;ulation 
ed chief judge of the superior court. William Pitkin, R'ch- "|,*-||j.^"" 
ard Christopher, Peter Burr, and Samuel Eells, Esquires, murt, 
were appointed assistant judges. In the absence of the May, 
deputy governor, William Pitkin was appointed chief judge; ^^'^' 
and in case either of the other judges were absent, any one 
of the magistrates was authorized to sit in his stead. Un- 
til this time, the judges of the superior court had been al- 
lowed nothing more than the fees of it. An act was, there- 
fore, passed at the October session, that the judges, for the 
time being, upon laying their accounts before the assem- 
bly, should be allowed an honourable compensation for 
their expenses and services. 

About this time, the inhabitants of New-Milford were Nnw-Mil- 
incorporated and vested with town privileges.* ^°'"'^ mror- 

At the election in May, 1713, Mr. John Sherman, who j^'^'t'^ ^ll^^ 
had been some time speaker of the lower house, was chosen 
into the magistracy. 

In October, 1687, a grant of lands, commonly called the pomfret 
Mashamoquet purchase, was made by the general assem- incor|)ora- 
bly, to major James Fitch, lieutenant William Ruggles, Mr. ^S^yJ^^^^' 
John Gore, Mr. John Pierpont, Mr. John Chandler, Mr. 
Benjamin Sabin, Mr. Samuel Craft, Mr. John Grosvenor, 
Mr. Joseph Griffin, Mr. Samuel and John Ruggles, and 
Mr. Nathan Wilson. The most of these planters were 
from Roxbury, in Massachusetts. Some of them moved 

t Petition on file. 

* About this time, William Patridge, Esq. of Newliury, and Jonathan 
Belcher, of Boston, opened a copper mine at Simsbury ; and for their eii- 
coura2:ement, the assembly exempted the miners, operator?, and labourers, 
Irom military duties, for the term of four years. 



446 HISTORY OF VJnAi>. XVIfl. 

Book T. on to the lands in IG.SC, before the grant was made. At 
v,jr-N,^-N>/ the session in May, 1713, the inhabitants were incorpora- 
1713. ted and vested with town privileges. The name was chan- 
ged from Mashamoquet to PomlVet. 
Settle- In 1708, the assembly of Connecticut determined, that, 

merit of the uj^jggg j[^g province of Massachusetts would accept of the 
jyij^ssjj. terms which they had proposed, relative to the line between 
cliusetts. them, they would make application to her majesty, desi- 
ring that orders might be given, that Massachusetts forth- 
with should mutually join with Connecticut in running and 
settling the boundary line between the colonies. Biassa- 
chusctts, at that time, would not consent to run the line as 
it had been proposed. They would not grant that there 
had been any mistake in running it; but if there had been, 
they insisted, that, as it was run so long before the charter 
was granted to Connecticut, and they had been in posses- 
sion of the lands in controversy for sixty-six years, and 
several towns and plantations had been settled upon them, 
it was not then reasonable to draw it into question. The 
assembly of Connecticut, therefore, in 1709, approved a 
letter, addressed to the lords of trade, giving reasons why 
the line run by Woodward and Satlery ought not to be es- 
tablished; and it seems to have been the determination of 
the legislature to have appealed to her majesty with re- 
spect to the partition line ; but several circumstances final- 
Reasons of ly prevented. Governor Dudley, who was a man of un- 
setthna; it common intrigue and duplicily, had many friends and great 
appealto mrluence at court. Connecticut had no such Inends, or 
her majes- influence,- with the court party. Sir Henry Ashurst, their 
^y- agent for many years, appears now to have been no more ; 

and they had not yet sufficient time to fix upon and have 
proof of the fidelity and ability of another in his place. 
The colony was poor, and had been put to great expense, 
in defending itself against the complaints of governor Dud- 
ley, lord Cornbury, and other enemies, and against the 
claims of Mason and his party. The ministry were high 
tories, and inimical to all charter governments. The le- 
gislature were apprehensive that their enemies were again 
concerting measures to deprive them of all the privileges 
which they had so dearly bought. Massachusetts also, iti 
some good measure, agreed to part of the terms proposed 
in 1703. It was,. therefore, in full view of these circum- 
stances, judged most expedient to make the best settle- 
ment which could be obtained, v/ithout an appeal to her 
majesty. 

Upon the I3th of July, 1713, commissioners, fully em- 
powered from each of the colonies, came to an agreement, 



Chap. XVIH. CONNECTICUT. 447 

V. liich was adopted by each court. They were both care- Book I. 

iul to secure the property to the pcrsoos to whom they had \.^^y-^>^ 

made grants of lands, and to maintain the jurisdiction over 171.3. 

the towns which they had respectively settled. It was, Setile- 

thercfore. exisressly stipulated, as a preliminary, that the ["^"'^j^''. 

l' I 1 • . ,L , I III boundaries 

towns should remain to the governments, by which they ^^n^ ^/i^^- 

liad been settled ; and that the property of as many acres sachusetts. 
as should appear to be gained by one colony from the oth- 
er, should be conveyed out of other unimproved land, as a 
satisfaction or equivalent. With respect to about two 
miles, claimed by Windsor upon the town of Suffield, con- 
cerning the validity of which there had been a long con- 
test, it was agreed, that, if the tract fell within the line, it 
should belong to Connecticut. 

On running the line, it was found, at Connecticut river, 
to run ninety rods north of the north-east bounds of Suf- 
field ; and it appeared that Massachusetts had encroached 
upon Connecticut 107,793 acres, running a due west line 
from Woodward's and SafTery's station. Massachusetts 
made a grant of such a quantity of land to Connecticut, and 
it was accepted as equivalent. The whole was sold, in 
sixteen shares, in 1716, for the sum of 6831. New-England 
currency.* The money v/as applied to the use of the col- 
lege. 

Notwithstanding the long and expensive controversy of gettie- 
Connecticut with the colony of Rhode-Island, relative to ment wRb 
the Narraganset country, and notwithstanding the king's |\''°'t^" 
commissioners, and attornies of the greatest fame, deter- 
mined, that the title was, undoubtedly, in the governor and 
company of this colony, yet it was judged expedient to 
give up the claim. Lands were of so little value, and con- 
troversies before king and council so expensive, and the 
event so uncertain, that the legislature determined rather 
to comply v/ith governor Winthrop's and Clark's agree- 
ment, than to prolong the controversy* The court party,, 
both in king William's and queen Anne's reign, appeared 
reluctant to establish the charter limits of Connecticut at 
Narraganset river and bay; otherwise they would have 
advised to establish the judgment of the king's commission- 
ers ; and the king, or queen, would have adopted the same 
opinion, and established the boundary according to the 
charter. The court, probably, were influenced by politi- 
cal principles. The establishment of the eastern boundary 

* This was a little more than a farthing per acre, and shows of ivhat 
small value land was esteemed at that day. It affords, also, a striking 
(lemonstration, that, considering the expense of purchasing them of the 
natives, and of defendin.; Ihcm, thew cost our ancestors five, if not ten limes 



448 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIII. 

Book I. of Connecticut at Narraganset river and bay, would have 
v-^'N.-^i^ ruined Rhode-Island, by reducing them to linfiits too small 
1713. for a colony. Connecticut was, doubtless, fully sensible 
of these dispositions of the sovereigns and court of Great- 
Britain, and it, probably, ot)erated as a strong motive to 
induce them to give up their claim. 

In October, 1702, a committee was appointed to make 
a complete settlement of the boundary line between the 
colonies, reserving to all persons concerned, their entire 
property in lands and buildings, according to the agree- 
ment of governor Winthrop and Mr. Clark. On the 12th 
of May, 1 703, the committees from the two colonies agreed, 
" That the middle channel of Pawcatuck river, alias Nar- 
raganset river, as it extends from the salt water upwards, 
till it comes to the mouth of Ashaway river, where it falls 
into the said Pawcatuck river, and from thence to run a 
straight line till it meet with the south-west bounds or cor- 
ner of Warwick grand purchase, which extends twenty 
miles due west from a ccrtaini-ock, lying at the outmost 
point of Warwick neck, which is the south-easterly bounds 
of said purchase ; and from the said south-west bounds, or 
corner of said purchase, to run upon a due north line, till 
it meet with the south line of the province of Massachusetts 
Bay, in New-England : This to be, and for ever remain to 
be the fixed and stated line between the said colonies of 
Connecticut and Rhode-Island. Always provided, and it 
is hereby intended, that nothing in the aforementioned 
agreement, or any clause thereof, shall be taken or deem- 
ed to be the breach or making void of the fourth ailicle in 
the agreement made between the agents of the said colo- 
nies of Connecticut and Rhode-Island, viz. John Win- 
throp, Esq. and Mr. Daniel Clark, for maintaining proper- 
ly, dated April 7lh, 1663, but that the same shall be kept 
r.nd Justly performed, according to the true intent and 
meaning thereof; and that all former grants and purchases, 
granted by, or made within either of the colonics, and all 
other ancient grants confirmed by the authority of Con- 
necticut colony within the township of Westerly, in the' 
colony of Rhode-Island, shall be duly preserved and main- 
tained, as fully and amply, to all intents and purposes, as 
if they were lying or continued within the bounds of the 
colony, bv the authority of which it was granted or purcha- 
sed."'* 

Notwithstanding this agreement, Rhode-Island, about 
this time, disowned its authenticity, pretending that their 

* Agreement on file, signed v.'ith the hands of the commissioaers, and 
scrJed wilh nine seals. 



Chap. XVIII. CONNECTlCUr. 449 

commissioners were not empowered to conclude fully and Book I. 
finally upon such settlement. The cause was heard by v,^-v->»^ 
the king in council, some years after, and decided accord- 1713, 
ing lo the agreemcut of the commissionei-s as stated above. 

September 27th, 1720, the line was finally ascertained 
and distinguished by proper monuments and boumlarics. 
Roger Wolcott, James Wadsworth, and Daniel Palmer, on 
the part of Connecticut, and William Wanton, Benjamin 
Ellery, and William Jenks, in behalf of Rhode-Island, 
were the committees for the running and final fixing of the 
line. 

No colony, perhaps, had ever a belter right to the lands ConnecU- 
romprised in its original patent than Connecticut, yet none *^"* ""'?'"■ 
Las been more unfortunate with respect to the loss of ter- thcto^'of 
ritory. King Charles the second, in favor of his brother territory, 
the duke of York, granted a great part of the lands con- 
tained within its original limits to him, and the legislature, 
for fear of offending those royal personages and losing their 
charter, gave up Long-Island and agreed to the settle- 
ment of the boundary line vvith the king's commissioners. 
For the reasons which have been suggested they lost a 
considerable tract on the north and on the east. Indeed, 
considering the enemies and dilficulties with which they 
had to combat, it is admirable that they retained so much 
territory, and so nobly defended their just rights and liber- 
ties. 

The peace of Utrecht was signed by the plenipotentia- 
ries of Great-Britain and France, March 30th, 1713. Offi- 
cial accounts of the pacification and orders for immediately 
proclaiming the peace were received by the governor of 
Connecticut, on the 22d of August. The governor hav- Teace pro- 
ing called together the de])uty governor and council, they, <^'^''°ed, 
on the 26th, made a formal proclamation of peace between ji'.^i ' 
the two nations. 

Upon the pacification with France, the Indians buried 
the hatchet, and peace, with her olive branch, once more 
gladdened the colonies. 

Connecticut had not been less fortunate in this, than in 
former wars. A single town had not been lost, nor hatl 
any considerable nunibci- of the inhabitants fallen by the 
hanils of the enemy. In Philip-s, king William's, and 
queen Anne's wars, Connecticut lost only the buildings and 
part of the en'ects of one to%vn. The inhabitants of Sims- 
bury, when consisting of about forty families, as the tradi- 
tion is, supposing themselves in danger of a surprise, by 
the enemy, buried a considerable part of their effects, and 
gencrallv removed back to "Windsor. The enemy, find- 

G 3 



450 HISTORY OF Chap. XVHL 

Book I. ing the town nearly deserted, fell upon it, burned the build • 
^,.^^N/-Vi^ i'lgs? ^"d captivated several of ih" iniiahitanls. When 
1713. the people moved back, such an alteration had been made, 
by the burning of the buildings and the growth of weed> 
and bushes, that the particular spot in which they had 
buried their effects, could not !>e found, and they were 
never recovered. This, most probably, was in the spring 
of 1676, when the Narraganse: and other Indians appeared 
in strong parties upon the rivr above. 
State of The expense of this war was very considerable. Some 

the colony ygg^j.g ^|^g colony paid a tax of about seven pence and eight 
corn- pence on the pound, on the whole list of the colony. Be- 

jncnce- sides, it was found necessary to emit, at several times, 
raentof from Junc, 1709, to October, 1713, 33,500!. in bills of 
peace, credit. Provision had been made, by acts of assembly., 
for the calling in of the whole, within the term of about 
Amount ofseven years^ from the termination of the war. Twenty 
bills of thousand pounds only were in circu'lation in October, 1713. 
credit. r|-.^^ emissions were all in the same form, and, by a law of 
the colony, the bills of each were, to be received, in all pay- 
ments at the treasury, at five per cent, better than money, 
or more than expressed on the face of the bill. In all other 
payments, it was enacted, that they should be received as 
Kione}'. So small was the sum, and such was the advance 
at which the bills were received at the treasury, that they 
appear to have suffered little or no depreciation. As some 
of the small bills had been altered, and the sum expressed 
made greater than in the original oties, the assembly pas- 
sed an act for calling them all in, and emitting 20,0001. in 
new bills, which the treasurer was directed to issue. 

After pursuing the iiistory of the colony nearly eighty 
years, from the commencement of its first settlements, it 
appears, that, notwithstanding the many wars, numerous 
hardships, and difficulties, vrhich it had almost continually 
to combat, its progress in numbers, plantations, husbandry, 
wealth, and commerce, were considerable. 

Within the colony, and under its jurisdiction, were thirty- 
eight taxable towns, and tbrty sent deputies. 

Counties and Towns, October 8th, 1713. 

Haddam, 166S 

Glastenbury made a 

town, 1690 

Waterbury, 1686 

Windham", 1692 

Pic infield, 1689 

East-Haddam. 1715^ 

Canterburv. HOS 



Number of Counti/ of Time of 



towns, and HaRTFORD. 



Settlement. 



tiie time of II .r i ir-of- 

.ettlemeut Hartford, 1635 

orincorp'j- Wcathersfield, 1634 

ration. Windsor, 1635 

Farmington, 1644, 

Middle town, 1B51 

Simsbury, 1650 



Chap. XVIII. 



CONNECTICUT. 



451 



1703* 
1699 
1704* 
1708* 
1709* 
Time of 
Settlement. 
1648 
1639 
1660 
1667 
1658 
1663 
L686 



1697 
1700 
1713* 



Mansfield, 

Colchester, 

Hebron, 

Ivillingly, 

Coventry, 

County of 
New-London. 
New-London, 
Say brook, 
Norwich, 
Lyme, 
Slonington, 
Killingworth, 
Preston, 

Lebanon incorpora- 
ted, 
Voluntown, 
Ponifret incorporated 

County of Time of 

New-Haven. Scttlevient. 
New-Haven, 1638 

Milford, 1639 

It was customary with the assembly, from the first set- 
;(lement of the colony, to release the infant towns two, 
ihrec, or four years, at first, from all taxes to th-c common- 
iveallh; and especially this was the universal practice, 
while they were building meeting-houses and settling min- 
isters. For these reasons, the eight towns marked with 
asterisks, at this time, appear to have been released from 
public taxation. 

Attempts had been made for the settlement of Ashford ; 
tw^o families moved on to the lands in 1710, and began set- 
tlements, but it was not incorporated until Octoljer, 1714. 
The assembly had, also, appointed committees, and passed 
several acts respecting the settlement of New Fairfield, 
but it does not appear to have been incorporated at this 
time. Exclusive of the towns on Long-Island, and some 
others in New-York, and the town of Westerly, in Rhode- 
Island, Connecticut had setded forty-five towns under its 
own jurisdiction. Forty of them sent deputies. The 
house of representatives, when full, consisted of eighty 
members. 



Guilford, 




1G39 


Bran ford, 




1644 


Wallingford, 




1670 


East-Haven, 




1607 


Derby, 




1675 


Durham, 




1699 


Ncw-Miiford, 




1713* 


County of 


Time of 


Fairfield. 


Seitlemenf. 


Fairfield, 




1639 


Stratford, 




i639 


Greenwich, 




1640 


Stamford, 




1641 


Norwalk, 




1651 


WoodJDury incorpora- 
ted, 


1674 


Danbury, 




1693 


Newtown incorpora- 
ted. 


1711* 


Ridgefield incorpora- 
ted, 


1709* 



Book f. 



1713. 



List of aa« 



The grand list of the colony was 281,0831. The militia colony. 
consisted of a regiment in each county, and amounted to number of 
nearly four thousand eifective men. The numbar of in- pjl'tia and 
habitants was about seventeen thousand. ^^its. 

The shipping consisted of two brigantines, about twenty Shippiog. 



452 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIII, 

Book I. sloops, and some other small vessels. The number of 
v„^--v-^/ seamen did not exceed a hundred and twenty. 

1713. There were three considerable towns in the colony un- 
Towns dcr the government of Massachusetts, Sulficld, Enfield, and 
granted Woodstock, SulReld and Enfield were part of Sjirint^' 
by Massa- field, which was purchased by Mr. Pyncheon and his com- 
chuseits. pany, of the natives, the original proprietors of the soil. 
This township, like Windsor, was of great extent. At first 
it was supposed to belong to Connecticut, and it always 
would have done had not the boundary line been fixed con- 
trary to the expectations of the first plnnters. In 1B70, a 
grant of Suffield was made to major Jolin Pyncheon, Mr. 
Elizur Holyoke, Mr. Thomas Cooper, Mr. Benjamin Coo- 
ly, George Cotton, and Rowland Thomas, by the general 
court of Massachusetts, as a committee to lay it out and 
plant a township. And about that time it was settled, and 
incorporated with town privileges. 

Enfield was settled by people from Massachusetts, a-' 
bout the year 1681. A grant of the township, which is six 
miles square, was made to several planters about two years 
before. The planters came on with numbers and strength. 
They brought witli them two young gentlemen, one Mr. 
Whittiiigton for a schoolmaster, and Mr. Welch, a candi- 
date for the ministry, to be their preacher. In the year 
1769, the number of families in the town was 214, and 
the number of inhabitants was 1,380. The town was 
named after one of the same name in England.* 
Courts in Connecticut. 
Courts and The general court, or assembly, in May and October. 
judgeso The sessions at this period, generally, did not exceed ten 
or twelve days. The expense of government was very 
inconsiderable. The expense of the two sessions annual- 
ly hardly amounted to 400 pounds. The salary of the 
governor was 200 pounds, and that of the deputy governor 
lifty pounds. The whole expense of government, proba- 
bly did not exceed eight hundred pounds annually.! 

The Superior court, which was made circular in 1711. 
At the May session, 1711, it was enacted, that there should 
be one superior court of judicature over the whole colony ; 
That this court should be holden annually, within and for 
jhe county of Hartford on the third Tuesdays in March and 
September : Within and for the county of New-Haven on 
the second Tuesdays in March and September : Within 
and for the county of Fairfield, at Fairfield, on the first 

* With respect to Woodsteck (here are no records or inintitcs. 
■f The cxpcuse of government in Copnecticut did not gciicraJly amount 
ic 1i:^ wUiiry of a lii»)s;^s ^-ovcrno!-. 



Chap. XVIII. CONNECTICUT. 453 

Tuesdays in Mnrch and September; and within and for Book I. 
the county of New-London on the fourth Tuesdays in said ■s^^s/^^^^ 
months. 1713. 

This court consisted of one chief judge and four other 
judges, three of wiiom made a quorum. The judges of 
the court were all magistrates. William Pitkin, Esq. was 
chief judge. Richard Christopher, VcXev Burr, Samuel 
Eclls, atul John flayiics, Esquires, were assistant judges. 
The wages of the chief judge were ten shillings a day, 
while on the public service. The other judges were allow- 
ed the fees, by law, payable to the bench. 

The inferior, or county courts. At the session in May, 
1GG5, counties were first made. Erom that time each 
county had a court of its own. This, after a few years, 
from its first institution, consisted of a chief judge and four 
justices of the quorum. The business of these courts has 
been already sufficiently noliccd. 

In each county there was a court of j>roba(es, consisting 
of one judge and a clerk. In this all testamentary alVairs 
were managed. From this court appeals might be had to 
the county court. One of the magistrates of the county 
was commonly judge of this court. It met frequently, busi- 
ness was done with ease and dis[)atch, and with lillie ex- 
pense to the fatherless and widow. 

The manufactm-es of Connecticut at this time, were very 
inconsiderable. There was but one clothier in the colony. 
The most he could do was to full the cloth which was 
made. A great proportion of it was worn without siicar- 
ing or pressing.* 

The trade of the colony was not considerable. Its for- 
eign conmicrce was indeed next to nothing. The only 
articles exported directly from it to Great-Britain were 
turpentine, pitch, tar, and fur. But these more generally 
were sent directly to Boston or New- York, and were trad- 
ed for such European goods as were consumed in the colo- 
ny. Its principal trade was with Boston, New- York, and 
the West-Indies. To the two former the merchants traded 
in the produce of the colony, wheat, rye, barley, indiaa 
corn, peas, pork, beef, and fat cattle. 

To the West-Indies the merchants exported horses^, 
staves, hoops, pork, beef, and cattle. In return they re- 
ceived rum, sugar, molasses, cotton wool, bills of exchange, 
and sometimes small sums of money. But little more was 
imported, than was found necessary for home consump- 
tion. 

At this period there was not a printer in the colony. 

'^ Answer to questions froa the lords of trade and plantations, 1710. 



454 HISTORY OF Chap. XVIII. 

Book I. For this reason a great proportion of the laws were only in 
v,x->/-w^ manuscript. The assembly had now desired the govern- 
1713. oi' and council to procure a printer to settle in the colony. 
It was determined soon to revise and print the laws which 
made the assembly more urgent in the affair at that time. 
The council obtained Mr. Timothy Green, a descendant 
of Mr. Samuel Green of Cambridge in Massachusetts, the 
first printer in North-America, The assembly for his en- 
couragement agreed that he should be printer to the gov- 
ernor and company and that he should have fifty pounds, 
the salary of the deputy governor, annually. He was obli- 
ged to print the election sermons, the proclamations for 
fasts and thanksgivings, and laws Avhich were enacted at 
the several sessions of the assembly. In 1714, he came 
into Connecticut, and fixed his residence at New-London. 
He and his descendants were, for a great number of years, 
printers to the governor and company of Connecticut.* 
At the period to which the history is brought down, almost 
all that part of the colony on the cast side of Connecticut 
was settled. Ashford, Tolland, Stafibrd, Bolton, and two 
or three other towns have been settled in that part of the 
colony, and the greatest part of the county of Litchfield 
since. The settlement of these has been attended with lit- 
tle difficulty in comparison with what was experienced iii 
the planting and defending of the former. 

Who can contemplate the hardships, labors, and dan- 
gers of our ancestors, their self-denial, magnanimity, firm- 
uess, and perseverance, in defending their just rights, and 
the great expense, though they were poor, at which they 
maintained and transmitted the fairest inheritance to us, and 
not highly esteem and venerate their characters ? If they 
bad some imperfections, yet had they not more excellen- 
cies, and did they not eifect greater things, for themselves 
and posterity, than men have generally done ? Is it possi- 
ble to review the suiieritigs, dangers, cxpenseof blood and 
treasure, with which our invaluable libcities, civil and re- 
ligious, have been transmitted to us, and not to esteem 
them precious ? Not most vigilantly and vigorously defend 
them ? Shall we not at all hazards, maintain and perpetuate 
them ? Can we contemplate the sobriety, wisdom, integri- 
ty, industry, economy, public spirit, peaceableness, good 
order, and other virtues, by which tliis republic hath arisen 
from the smallest beginnings, to its present strength, opu- 
lence, beauty and respectability, and not admire those vir- 
tues ? Not be convinced of their high importance to soci- 

* The first prinfrr in this colony was Thoma? Short. He was recom- 
mended to the colony by Mr. Green. He came to New-London about the 
year 170D. In 1710. he printed Saybrook Platform, and soon after died, 



Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 155 

ety ? Shall \vc not make them our own ? And by the con- Book T. 
slant practice of them, hand down our distinguished liber- ^^'-v^*,^ 
ties, dignity, and happiness, to the latest ages .' 



CHAPTER XIX. 

A Viezo of the churches of Connecticut, from IGGo to 1714, 
continued from Chapter XIII. The general assembly ap- 
point a si/nod to determine points of religious controversy. 
The ministers decline meeting nndcr the name of a synod. 
The assembly alter the name, and require them to meet as 
a general assembly of the ministers and churches of Con- 
necticut. Seventeen questions zoere proposed to the assem- 
bly to be discussed and answered. The assembly of min- 
isters and churches meet and discuss the questions. The 
legislature declare that they had not been decided, and 
give intimations that they did not desire that the ministers 
and churches of Connecticut should report their opinion 
upon them. They express their desires of a larger coun- 
cil from Massachusetts and J^ew- Plymouth. The Rev. 
Mr. Davenport removes to Boston. Dissension at Wind- 
sor. Mr. Bulkley and Mr. Fitch are appointed by the as- 
sembly to devise some way in which the churches might 
walk together, notwithstanding their different opinions 
relative to the subjects of baptism, church communion, and 
the mode of church discipline. The church at Hartford 
divides, and Mr. Whiting and his adherents are allowed 
to practise upon congregational principles. The church 
at Stratford allowed to divide, and hold distinct meetings. 
Mr. Walker and his hearers, upon advice, remove and 
settle the town of Woodbury. Deaths and characters of 
the Rev. Messrs. John Davenport and John Warham. 
General attempts for a reformation of manners. Religious 
slate of the colony in 1680. Attempts for the instruction 
and christianizing of the Indians in Connecticut. Act of 
the legislature respecting Windsor. The people there re- 
quired p&aceabty to settle and support Mr. Mather. Oion- 
ing or subscribing the covenant introduced at Hartford. 
College founded, and trustees incorporated. Worship ac- 
cording to the mode of the church of England performed, 
in this colony, first at Stratford. Episcopal church gath- 
ered there. Act of assembly requiring the ministers and 
churches of Connecticut to meet and form areli'sions cnn- 



456 HISTORY OF Chap. XIX. 

Book I. siitnlion. They meet and co7npile the Savhrook Platform^ 
v-^^v^ Articles of discipline. Act of the legislature adopting the 
1666. Platform. Associations ; consociations. General asso- 

ciation. Its recommendations relative to the examination 
of candidates for the ministry^ and of pastors elect previ-^ 
ous to their ordination. Ministers, churches, and ecclesi- 
astical societies in Connecticut, in 1713. Degree of in- 
struction. The zvhole number of ministers in the colonff\, 
from its frst settlement to that period. 



A' 



LTHOUGII the legislature of (/onncctieut, c!urii»g the 
controversy respecting the union of the colonies, 
judged it expedient to transact nothing relative to the re- 
ligious controversies then in the country, yet, as soon as 
the union was well established, thej entered seriously up- 
Ort tltli '^^ measures to bring them to a final issue. Tor this pur- 
1666. ' pose, they passed the following act. 

" This court doth conclude, to consider of some Avay or 

^^}-^^' means to brin? those ecclesiastical matters, that are in dif- 
pomlin? a/. .i^ ii . . i 

jynod." lerence m the several plantations, to an issue, by stating 
some suitable accommodation and expedient thereunto. 
And do therefore order, that a synod be called to consider 
and debate those matters; and that the questions present- 
ed to the ciders and ministers that are called to this synod, 
shall be publicly disputed to an issue. And this courL 
doth confer power to this synod, being met and constituted, 
to order and methodize the disputation, so as may most 
conduce, in their apprehension, to attain a regular issue of 
their debates." 

The court ordered, that all the preaching elders, or min- 
isters, who were or should be settled in this colony, at the 
time appointed for the meeting of the synod, should be sent 
to, to attend as members of it. It was also ordered by (he 
legislature, that Mr. Mitchell, Mr. Brown, Mr. Sherman, 
and Mr. Glover, of Massachusetts, should be invited to as- 
sist as members of the synod. It was also ordered, that, 
upon the meeting of a majority of the preaching eldej-s in 
the colony, they should proceed as a synod. Further, it 
Was enacted, that the questions proposed by this assembly. 
should be the questioiis to be disputed by the synod. The; 
meeting of the synod was appointed on the third Wednes- 
day in May, 1GG7. The secretary was directed to trans- 
mit to all the ministers in this colony, and those invited 
from the Massachusetts, a copy of this act of assembly, and 
of the questions to be disputed. 

It seems, that the ministers had objections to meeting as 
a synod, and to the order of the assembly vestint^ theiT^ 



tuAv, XIX. CONNECTICUT. 45f 

with synodical powers. Numbers of tlic ministers and Book I. 
churches appear to have been too jealous for their liberties v^^-n^-%-/ 
to admit of the authority of synods appointed by the assem- 16G7. 
bly. The legislature, to ease this difficulty, in their May Name of 
session, judged it expedient to alter the name of the coun- *'?** council 
cil, and to call it an assembly of the ministers of Connecti- ^jay 9ih 
cut, called together by the general court, for the discussing lfi67. 
of the questions stated, according to their former order. 

The assembly of ministers convened at the time a{)point- Tiie as- 
cd, and having conversed on the questions, and voted notsembly oC 
to dispute them publicly, adjourned until the fall, deter- ""'"'^^''" 
mining then to meet again, and make their report, should 
it be the desire of the legislature. The questions were 
the same which had been exhibited ten years before.* The 
same points of controversy still subsisted. The churches 
continued in their former strict method of admitting mem- 
bers to their communion, and maintained their right to 
choose their ministers, without any controul from the 
towns or parishes of which they were a part. It does not 
appear, that one church in the colony had yet consented 
to the baptism of children, upon their parents owning the 
covenant, as it was then called. It was insisted, as neces- 
sary to the baptism of children, th ♦ one of the parents, at 
least, should be a member in full communion with the 
church, and in regular standing. 

It seems, that the assembly's particularly inviting the Design oi 

gentlemen from the Massachusetts, in their name, to attend inviting 

the general assembly of ministers and churches, was to en- J"*"'**^" 
1. I ° 1 (• ! • 1 /- 1 • • r /-^ • ''■om the 

lighten and sottcn the mmds or the mmisters oi Connecti- Massachu- 

cut in those points, and to obtain a majority in the assem- setts, 
bly for a less rigid mode of proceeding. Mr. Mitchell was 
the most powerful disputant of his day, in New-England, 
in favour of the baptism of children, upon their parents 
owning the covenant, though they neglected to obey and 
honour Christ, in attending the sacrament of the Lord's 
Supper. It appeared, however, that this party were not 
able to carry any point in the assembly, and that the ques- 
tions were not likely to be determined according to the 
wishes of the majority of the legislature. Measures were, 
therefore, adopted to prevent the meeting and result of the 
assembly, at their adjournment in the fall. 

In September, the commissioners of the united colonies RosoIu- 
met at Hartford, and they interposed in the affair. They tion of tlie 
resolved, " That when questions of public concernment, *^."™'""*" 
about matters oi laith and order, do arise m any colony, Sep(._ ]gij*y; 
that the decision thereof should be referred to a synod, or 
-' See chapter xiii. p. 31G, 317. 
II 3 



4i>« mSTORY OF C«AP. XIX.^ 

Book T. council of messengers of churches, indifferently called out 
v^^-Nr-^^ of the united colonies, by an orderly agreement of all the 
1667* general courts; and that the place of meeting be at, or 
near Boston." This vote was, doubtless, obtained by the- 
art of those gentlemen, among the civilians and ministers, 
who wished to'prevent the mceiing of the assembly of min- 
isters, and their resulting upon the questions. 
Appiica- ^^^^ reverend elders VVarham, Hooker, and Whiting, ia 
tioii 01' a writing under their hands, represented to the assembl}-, 
Messrs. g(_ ^jipji. session in October, that it was the desire of the 
Hooker" ' assembly of ministers, that there might be a more general 
i^nd Whi- meeting of ministers from Massachusetts, to assist in the 
*"'S- consideration and decision of the questions proposed. It 

was also represented to the assembly, that though they and 
others were for disputing the questions pubiicly, and offer- 
ed to do it, yet the major part of the assembly i-efused the 
offer. 
Bopre?-nt- The Rcv. Mr. Bulkley and Mr. Haynes, on the other 
atumsoi hand, in a letter addressed by them to the assembly, rcpre- 
Bulklev fpnted, that the assembly had authorized a major part of 
and the miriistcrs to methodize the proceedings of the assem- 

Hayncs. biy, and that a majority were against a public disput^ifiot» 
of the questions : That it was viewed as what would dis- 
lionour God, disserve the peace and edification of the 
churches, and the general interests of religion ;, and it was 
judged most expedient to deliberate upon and decide the 
questions among themselves, as was usual in councils^ v/ith- 
out a jiublic disputation. They therefore observed, that 
whatever fair oliers were made them to dispute the ques- 
tions publicly, they could not consistently do it, as it was 
contrary to a major vote of the assembly of the ministers,, 
and, in their opinion, would disserve the interest of the 
churches. With respect to the present application, made 
by Messrs. Warham, Hooker, and Whiting, they observed, 
tliat it appeared strange to them, as a considerable number 
of the ministers were positively against it, and others were 
neute:", and not in the vote for a more general councd ; and 
that it was the vote of the assembly of ministers, to meet 
again on the third Wednesday in October. They assured 
the legislature, that they were ready and determined to 
obey all their lawful commands ; and they desired infor- 
mation from them, whether the assembly of ministers 
should meet again, according to adjournment, or not ? The 
general assembly voted, that the questions had not been 
decided, and desired the several churches and plantations 
in the colon;/, to send their teaching eiders, at their owa 
txpense, to sit in council, with such of the elders of Mas-. 



Chap. XIX. CONNF.CTICUT. 459 

"iachusetts and Plymoiuh as should be appointed, to con- Book T. 
sider and determine the points in controversy. Tlie as- ^^^-^-^^y 
seinbly desired, that the general court of Massachusetts 1667. 
might be certilied of the aJiair, and would appoint lime 
and place for the meeting of a synod, if they should Judge 
it expedient. 

Whether the assembly really wished to hav^e a general 
council, or whether this was only a matter of policy to 
prevent a determit^ation of the questions contrary to their 
uishes, isTiot certain. No general council, however, was 
"ijalled-, nor does it appear, that any motion was made af- 
lerwards for that purpose. Indeed, the legislature seem 
to have fallen under the conviction, that the clergy and 
churches would not give up their private opinions, in faith 
and practice, to the decisions of councils ; that honest men 
would think differently, and that they could not be convin- 
ced and made of one niind by disputing. No further at- 
iempts were ever made by them, to bring those points to 
X public discussion. 

While these affairs were transacting in Connecticut, a 
remarkable transaction took place in the first church at 
Boston, the most considerable church in New-England. 
Their pastor, the Rev. Mr. Wilson, was one of the synod 
in 1GG2, and one who had adopted its determinations rela- 
tive to the subjects of baptism. His church also appeared 
to have consented to the practice of admitting persons to 
own their covenant and bring their children to baptism. 
Nevertheless, after Mr. Wilson's decease, they elected the j,^^ 
Rev. Mr. Davenport, of New-Haven, for their pastor, as church at 
the only gentleman worthy to succeed the distinguished Boston 
lights which had illuminated that golden candlestick. He Davenport 
had publicly written against the synod, and was one of the for their 
most strict and rigid ministers, v/ith respect to the, admis- pastor, 
sion of members to full communion, the subjects of bap- 
tism, and with respect to church discipline, in New-Eng- " 
land. He had now arrived nearly to seventy years of age, 
yet, in 1GG7, upon the application of the church and con- 
gregation at Boston, he accepted their invitation, and the 
next year removed to that capital. He had been about He re- 
thirty years minister at New-Haven, and was greaUy es-^^y^^^ 
teemed and beloved by his tiock. This circumstance, with ^ 

his advanced period of life, made his removal very re- 
markable. His church and people were exceedingly un- 
willing that he should leave them, and, it seems, never for- 
mally gave their consent. The aftair, on the whole, was 
unhappy. It occasioned a separation from the first church 
%n Boston ; and the church and congregation at New-JJa- 



460 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. XIX. 



Book I. 
1GG7. 

Conten- 
tions at 
Windsor. 



Aet of as- 
sembly re- 
specting 
the inhab- 
jtaiils, 
Oct. 10th, 
'i667. 



ven, tor many years, remained in an uncomfortable state, 
unable to unite in the choice of any person to take the 
pasloral charge of them. 

Tlie town of Windsor had, for many years, been almost 
in perpetual controversy, lelalive to the settlement of a 
minister. After Mr. Warham became advanced in years, 
he wished for a colleague, to assist him in ministerial la- 
bors. Various young gentlemen were invited to preach in 
the town ; but such as one part of the people chose for the 
minister, the other would violently oj)pose. Sometimes 
one party would appear with great zeal for one candidate, 
and the other would strive with equal engagedness for a- 
nother. In such case advice had been given, that both 
the persons, for whom they were thus contending, should 
leave the town, and that application should be made to 
some other candidate. Much heal and obstinacy, howev- 
er, continued between the parties, and all attempts to unite 
them were unsuccessful. It seems, that their passions were 
so inflamed, that, upon occasion of their meetings, their 
language and deportment were unbrotherly and irritating. 
One Mr. Chauncey was now preaching in the town, and 
parties were warmly engaged for and against him. The; 
general assembly, in this state of their affairs, enacted, 
" That all the freemen and householders in Windsor and 
Massacoe should meet at the meeting-house, on Monday 
morning next, by sun an hour high, and bring in their 
votes for a minister, to Mr. Henry Wolcott: That those 
who were for Mr. Chauncey to be the settled minister of 
Windsor, bring in a written paper, and those who were not 
for him to give in a paper without any writing upon it : 
That the inhabitants during the meeting forbear all dis- 
course and agitation of any matter, which may serve to 
provoke and disturb each other's spirits, and when the 
meeting is over return to their several occasions." 

Mr. Wolcott reported to the assembly the state of the 
town, that there were eighty six votes for Mr. Chauncey 
and fifty five against him. The assembly, upon the peti- 
tion of the minor party, and a full view of the state of the 
{own, gave them liberty to settle an orthodox minister a- 
mong themselves, and to the church and majority of the 
town to settle Mr. Chauncey, if they judged it expedient. 
It was enacted, that the minority should pay Mr. Chauncey 
until they should obtain another minister to preach and re- 
side in the town. Mr. Chauncey was not finally ordained, 
but the affair was carried so far that a separation was soon 
after made in the church, and a tlistinct church was formed 
hy the minority. The town continued in an unhappy slate 
^f divi{>ion. for about sixteen years from this time. 



Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 4GI 

The legislature, having given over all further attempts Book T, 
lo compose the divisions in the colony, by public disputa- v-^^v^s-/ 
tion and the decisions of general councils, determined to 16C8. 
j)ursue a different course. They conceived the design of Attempt 
uniting the churches in some general plan of church com- '",'" *.'''^" 
muruon and disciphne, by which they might walk, notwith- amon-^tiie 
standing their diHerent sentiments, in points of less impor- churches, 
lance. With this view, an act passed authorizing the Rev. 
Messrs. James Fitch, Gershom Bulkley, Joseph Elliot, and 
Samuel Wakeman, to meet at Saybrook, and devise a way 
in which this desirable purpose might be efibcted. This 
appears to have been the first step towards forming a reli- 
gious constitution. From this time it became more and 
more a general object of desire and pursuit, though many 
years elapsed before the work could be accomplished. 

Notwithstanding the divisions in the church at Hartford, Church of 
some years since, had been so far composed and healed, jjyj^^g^j'^ 
that it had been kept together until this time, yet there mto two 
were really difierent sentiments among the brethren and be- churches^ 
twcen the ministers, relative to the qualifications of church 
members, the subjects of baptism, and the mode of disci- 
pline. Mr. Whiting and part of the church were zealous 
for the strictly congregational way, as it has been called, 
practised by the ministers and churches, at their first com- 
ing into New-England. Mr. Haynes and a majority of the 
congregation were not less engaged against it. The dif- 
ference became so great, that it was judged expedient, 
both by an ecclesiastical council and the assembly, that the 
church and town should be divided. An ecclesiastical 
council having first advised to a division, the general as- 
sembly, in October, 1669, passed the following act. 

" Upon the petition presented by Joseph Whiting, &c. Act ofn*- 
to this court, for a distinct walking in congregational ^emblyrc- 
church order, as hath been settled according to the council ^P*^'^^'"S^ • 
of the elders, the court doth commend it to the church at 
Hartford to take some effectual course, that Mr. Whiting, 
(&c. may practise the congregational way, without distur- 
bance, cither from preaching or practice, diversely to their 
Just oflence ; or else to grant their loving consent to their 
brethren to walk distinct, according to such their congre- 
gational principles ; which this court allows liberty in Hart- 
ford to be done. But if both these be refused and negloct- 
ed by the church, then these brethren may, in any regular 
way, relieve themselves without oflence to this court."* 

* Parties ran high at this time in the colony ; four assistants and four- 
teen deputies disseotetl, ^ad desired tJicir disstnt and names to be n^cgrcl- 



462 HISTORY OF Chap. XIX. 

Book I. The next February, Mr. Whiting and his adherents re- 
■v^^y-^x^ solved and covenaated in the manner following, and form 

1670. ed the second church in Hartford. 
Ijeciara- " Having had the consent and countenance of the gene- 
tiozaofthe j.rj] court, and the advice of an ecclesiastical council to en- 
jormioff couragc us in embodying as a church by ourselves, accord- 
tJi« second ingly upon the day of completing our distinct state, (viz» 
«hurcii. Febraary 12th, 16691) this paper was read before the 
messengers of the churches and consented io by ourselves. 
Viz. 

" The holy providence of the Most High so dir^posing , 
ihat public opposition and disturbance hath, of late years, 
been given, both by preaching and practice, to the congre- 
gational way of church order, by all manner of orderly es- 
tablishments settled, and for a long time unanimously ap- 
proved and peaceably practised in this place, all endeav- 
ours also (both among ourselves and from abroad) with 
due patience therein, proving fruitless and unsuccessful to 
the removing of that disturban(i;e ; We, whose names are; 
after mentioned, being advised by a council of the neigh- 
bouring churches, and allowed also by the honorable gene 
ral couit, to dispose ourselves into a capacity of distinct 
walking, in order to a peaceable and edifying enjoyment 
of all God's holy ordinances, Do declare, that according to 
the light we have hitherto received, the forementioned con- 
gregational way (for the substance of it) as formerly set- 
tled, professed and practised, under the guidance of the 
first leaders of this church of Hartford, is the way of Christ ; 
and that as siich we are bound in duty carefully to observe, 
and attend it, until such further light, (about any particular 
points of it) shall appear to us from the scripture, as may 
lead us, with joint or general satisfaction, to be otherwise 
persuaded. Some main heads or principles of which con- 
gregational way of church order are those that follow. Viz. 

1. " That visible saints are the only fit matter, and con- 
federation the only form of a visible church. 

2. " That a competent number of visible saints, (with 
their seed) embodied by a particular covenant, are a true, 
distinct, and entire church of Christ. 

3. " That such a particular church, being organized, or 
having furnished itself with those officers which Christ hath 
appointed, hath all power and privileges of a church be- 
ior)ging to it. 

" In special, 

1 . "To admit or receive members. 

2. " To deal with, and if need be, reject offenders. 
■7 This, according to tlie present mode of dating, was February, 167Q. 



^HAP. XIX. CONNECTICUT. ' 4SS 

3. " To administer and enjoy all other ecclesiastical or- Book I. 
♦finances within itself. ^^^-sy^-^^ 

4. "That the power of guidance, or leading, belongs 1670. 
only to the eldership, and the power of judgment, consent, 

or privilege, belongs to the fraternity, or brethren in full 
communion. 

5. " That communion is carefully to be maintained be- 
tween the churches of Christ according to his order. 

6. " That counsel, in cases of difficulty, is to be sought 
and submitted to according to God." 

Having made this declaration, the brethren proceeded to 
covenant in the following manner : 

" Since it hath pleased God, in his infinite mercy, to 
manifest himself willing to take unworthy sinners near un- 
to himself, even into covenant relation to and interest in 
him, to become a God to them, and avouch them to be his 
people, and accordingly to command and encourage them 
to give up themselves and their children also to him ; 

" We do, therefoYcy this day, in the presence of God, his 
holy angels, and this assembly, avouch the Lord Jeho- 
vah, the true and living God, even God the Father, the 
Son, and the Holy Ghost, to be our God, and give up 
ourselves and ours also unto him, to be his subjects, and 
servants ; promising through grace and strength in Christ 
(without whom we can do nothing) to walk in professed 
subjection to him as our Lord and Lawgiver, yielding 
universal obedience to his blessed will, according to what 
discoveries he hath made, or shall hereafter make, of the 
same to us ; in special, that we will seek him in all his ho- 
ly ordinances, according to the rules of the gospel, submit- 
ting to his government in this particular church, and 
walking together therein, with all brotherly love and mu- 
tual watchfulness, to the buildicg up of one another in 
faith and love unto his praise. All which we promise to 
perform, the Lord helping us, through his grace in Jesus 
Christ." 

Nearly at the same time, when the contentions commen- Controver-- 
ced in the church at Hartford, the people at Stratford fell ^y and di- 

, , r . 1 T • • Vision in 

into the same unhappy state oi controversy and division, the church 
During the administrations of Mr. Blackman, their first at Strat- 
pastor, the church and town enjoyed great peace, and con- '°'''^' 
ducted their ecclesiastical affairs with exemplary harmony. 
However, he was far advanced in years, and about the 
year 1GG3 became very infirm, and unable to perform his 
ministerial labors. The church, therefore, applied to Mr. ^vir. 
Israel Chauncey, son of the president Charles Chaimcey, Channcey 
of Cambridge, to make theia a visit and preach among ^niained. 



464 HISTORY Ol> Chap. XIX„ 

Boor I. llicni» A tnajority of the church and town chose him for 
v-i'^v-^^ then- pastor, and in 1663 he was ordained.* But a large 
IG70. and respectable part of the church and town were oppos- 
ed to his ordination. To make them easy, it was agreed, 
that if, after hearing Mr. Chauncey a certain time, they 
should continue dissatisfied with his ministry, they should 
have liberty to call and settle another minister, and have 
the same privileges in the meetinghouse as the other par- 
ty. Accordingly, after hearing Mr. Chauncey the time 
agreed upon, and not being satisfied with his ministerfal 
performances, they invited Mr.Zechariah Walker to preach 
to them, and finally chose him for their pastor. He was 
"Walker ordained to the pastoral office in a regular manner, by the 
ordained. Rev. Mr. Haynes and Mr. Whiting, the ministers of Hart- 
ford, sometime about the year 1667, or 1668. Both min- 
isters performed public worship in the same house. Mr. 
Chauncey performed his services at the usual hours, and 
Mr. Walker was allowed two hours in the middle of the 
day. But after some time, it so happened, that Mr. Walk- 
er continued his service longer than usual. Mr. Chauncey 
and his people coming to the house and finding that Mr. 
W^alker's exercises were not finished, retired to a private 
house, and there performed their afternoon devotions. 
They were, however, so much displeased, that the nex; 
day they went over to Fairfield, and exhibited a complaint 
to major Gould, one of the magistrates, against Mr. Walk- 
er. The major, upon hearing the case, advised to pacific 
measures, and that Mr. Walker should be allowed three 
hours for the time of his public exercises. 

In May, 1669, the general assembly advised the town to 
grant Mr. Walker fall three hours for his exercises, until 
the next assembly in October. In the mean time, the par- 
ties were directed to call an able council to give them ad- 
vice and assistance, and if possible to reconcile them. 
Allatteinpts for a reconciliation, however, were unsuccess- 
ful. The parties became more fixed in their opposition 
to each other, and their feelings and conduct more and 
more unbrotherly. At length, Mr. Chauncey and the ma- 
jority "excluded Mr. Walker and his hearers the meeting 
house, and they convened and worshipped in a private 
dwelling. 

Governor Winthrop, affected with the unhappy contro- 
versy and animosities subsisting in the town, advised, that 
Mr. Walker and his church and people should remove, and 

* His ordinal ion was in the independent mode. It has been the tradi- 
tion, that Elder Brinsinade laid on hands with a leathern miltf.'n. llcTice it 
has ijeeu lurmed tiitf leathem mitten ordination. 



Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 465 

that a tract of land, for the settlement of a new township, Book f. 
should be granted for their encouragement and accommo- --^^/-^^ 
dation. Accordingly, Mr. John Sherman,* Mr. William 1670. 
Curtiss, and their associates, were authorized to begin a 
plantation at Pomperaug. Consequently, Mr. Walker and 
his people removed and settled the town of Woodbury, 
about the years 1673 and 1674. This gave peace to the 
town of Stratford, and Mr. Walker and Jiis church and con- 
gregation walked in harmony among themselves and with 
their sister churches. 

The tradition is, that Mr. Walker and his church were 
not so independent, in their principles, as liie church of 
Stratford ; and that Mr. Walker was a more experimental, 
pungent preacher, than Mr. Chauncey. Mr. Chauncey 
was learned and judicious. They both became sensible 
that their conduct towards ebch other, during the contro- 
versy at Stratford, had not, in all instances, been brotherly, 
and, after some time, made concessions to each other, be- 
came perfectly reconciled, and conducted towards each 
other with brotherly afiection. 

During these transactions, those venerable fathers, who Death and 
had been singularly instrumental in planting, and had long ^'f^'^^^te'' 
illuminated the churches of Connecticut and New-Etig- vef'jp^^rt 
land, the Rev. John Davenport and the Rev. John War- 1670. 
ham, fmished their course. Mr. Davenport died at Bos- 
ton, of an apoplexy, March 15th, 1670, in the 73d year of 
his age. He was born in the city of Coventry, in VIq.v- 
wickshire, 1597. His father was mayor of the city. At 
about fourteen years of age, he was supposed to become 
truly pious, and was admitted into Brazen Nose college, in 
the university at Oxford. When he was nineteen, he be- 
came a constant preacher in the city of London. He ap- 
pears, from his early life, to have been a man of public 
spirit, planning and attempting to serve the general wel- 
fare of the church. About the year 1626, he united with 
Dr. Gouge, Dr. Sibs, and Mr. Offspring, the lord mayor 
of London, the king's sergeant at law, and with several 
other attorneys and citizens, in a design of purchasing im- 
propriations, and, with the profits of them, to maintain a 
constant, able, and laborious ministry, in those parts of 
the kingdom, where the poor people were destitute of the 
word and ordinances, and such a ministry was most need- 
ed, and would be of the greatest utility. Such incredible 

* Mr. Sherman was son of the Rev. John Sherman, of Watertown, he 
was some years speaker of the lower house, and afterwards one of tlie 
magistrates of this colony. He was one of Mr. Walker's principal hear- 
ers. 




HISTORY OF Chap. XIX. 

progress was made in this charitable design, that all the 
ciuirch lands, in the hands of laymen, would have beea 
1670. soon honestly recovered to the immediate service of the 
reformed religion. But bishop Laud, viewing the underta- 
king with a jealous eye, lest it might serve the cause of 
non-conformity, caused a bill to be exhibited in the ex- 
chequer chamber, by the king's attorney-general, against 
the feoffees, who had the management of the affair. By 
this means, an act of court was procured, condemning the 
}jroceedings, as dangerous to the church and state. The 
feoffments and contrivances made to the charitable design, 
were declared to be illegal, the company was dissolved, 
and the money was confiscated to the use of his majesty. 
But as the affair met with general approbation, and multi- 
tudes of wise and devout people extremely resented the 
conduct of the court, the cri'me was never prosecuted. 
Laud, however, watched Mr. Davenport with a jealous 
eye, and as he soon after discovered inclinations to non- 
conformity, he marked him out as an object of his ven- 
geance. Mr. Davenport, therefore, to avoid the storm, by 
the consent of his people, resigned his pastoral charge in 
Coleman-street. He hoped, by this means, to enjoy a 
quiet life; but he found his exj:)ectations sadJy disappoint- 
ed. He was so consiantly harassed by one busy and furi- 
ous pursuivant after another, that he was obliged to leave 
the kingdom, and retire into Holland. In 1633, he arrived 
at Amsterdam, and, at the desire of the pt?ople, who met 
him on his way, became colleague pastor with the aged Mr. 
Paget. After about two years, finding that he could not 
conscientiously administer baptism in that loose way, to all 
sorts of children, practised in the Dutch churches, he de- 
sisted from his ministry at Amsterdam. While he was in 
this city, he received letters- from Mr. Cotton, at Boston, 
acquainting him, that the order of the churches and com- 
monwealth was then so settled, in New-England, by com- 
mon consent, that it brought into his mind the new heaven 
and the new earth, wherein dwelleth righteousness. He, 
therefore, returned to London, and having shipped him- 
self, with a number of pious people, came into New-Eng- 
land ; and, as has been related, settled at New-Haven. 
He was a preacher of the gospel about fifty-four years, 
nearly thirty of which were spent at New-Haven. He was 
eminently pious, given to devotion in secret and private:, 
and it was supposed that he was abundant in ejaculatory 
prayer. He is characterized as a hard student and uni- 
versal scholar; as a laborious, prudent, exemplary minis- 
ter; as an excellent {jreacher, speaking with a gravity. 



i 



Chap. XTX. CONNECTICUT. 467 

energy, and agreeableness, of which few of his brethren Book I. 
were capable. It is said, he was acquainted with great v^#-~,-^^ 
men, and great things, and was great himself.* 1G70. 

The Rev. John Warhatn survived Mr. Davenport but a 
short time. He expired on the 1st of April, KwO. He 
■was about forty years minister in New-England 5 six at 
Dorchester, and thirty-four at Windsor. He was distin- 
guished for"'piety and the strictest morals ; yet, at times, 
was subject to great gloominess and religious melancholy. 
Such were his doubts and fears, at some times, that when 
lie administered the Lord's supper to his brethren, he did 
not participate with them, fearing that the seals of the 
covenant did not belong to him. It is said, he was the 
first minister in New-England who used notes in preach- 
ing; yet he was applauded by his hearers, as one of the 
most animated and energetic preachers of his day. He 
was considered as one of the principal fathers and pillars 
of the churches of Connecticut. 

After the close of the war with Philip and the Narragan- Oct. 1G76, 
set Indians, the general assembly recommended it to the J^ecom- 
ministers through the colony, to take special pains to in-^ionofa 
struct the people in the duties of religion, and to stir up reforma- 
and awaken them to repentance, and a general reforma- ^'°° °^ 
lion of manners. They, also, appointed a day of solemn "*^'^"^'^^' 
fasting and prayer, to supplicate the divine aid, that they 
might be enabled to repent, and sincerely amend their 
ways. The same measures were recommended, at the May 
.session, the next year, and the people were called to hu- 
railiation and prayer, under a deep sense of the abounding 
of sin and the dark aspects of Providence. 

The general court, about three years after, for the more May, 
effectual preservation and propagation of religion to pos- 1680. 
terity, recommended it to the ministry of this colony, upon ^atechi- 
the Lord's day, to catechise all the youth in their respect- commend^ 
ive congregations, under twenty years of age, in the as- ed. 
sembly of divines, or some other orthodox catechism. To 
continue and increase unity in religious sentiments among 
the people, and that they might have the advantage of par- 
ticipating in the variety of ministerial gifts, it was also re- County 
commended to the ministers, to attend a weekly lecture in 'c-tures 
each county, on Wednesday, in such manner as they should ,^e„^"(j 
judge most subservient to these purposes.! 

The religious state of the colony, at this time, is given 

* Magnalia, B. III. p. 51 — 57. lie left a respectable family, and iiis 
descendants have supported its dignity to the present time. Some of them 
Jiave been in the ministry, and others magistrates of this colony. 

t Records of the colony. 



468 HISTORY OF Chap. XIX, 

Book I. in an answer to the queries of the lords of trade and plan- 
^-^'^y'-N^ tations. It is to the following effect. 

1676. " Our people, in this colony, are some of them strict con- 

Relii^ioijs gregational men, others more large congregational men, 

state of the 3,^ J gome moderate presbyterians. The congregational 

men, of both sorts, are the greatest part of the people in 

the colony. There are four or five seventh day men, and 

about so many more quakers." 

" Great care is taken for the instruction of the people in 
the christian religion, by ministers catechising of them, and 
preaching to them twice every sabbatli day, and some- 
times on lecture days; and by masters of families instruc- 
ting and catechising their children and servants, which they 
are required to do by law. In our corporation are twen- 
ty-six towns, and twenty-one churches. There is in every 
town in the colony a settled minister, except in two towns 
newly begun." In some towns there were two ministers \ 
i,o that there were, on the whole, then about the same num- 
ber of ministers as of towns. There was about one minis- 
ter, upon an average, to every four hundred and sixty per- 
sons, or to about ninety families. 
Attempts ^Vhilc settlements and churches were forming in various 
io(^hris- parts of the colony, and the English inhabitants were pro- 
fiaiiizethe viding for their own instruction, some pains were taken to 
" '^"^' instruct and christianize the Connecticut Indians, A law 
was made, obliging those under the protection of the gov- 
ernment to keep the christian sabbath. The Rev. JVIr. 
_ Fitch was particularly desired to teach Uncas and his fam- 
ily Christianity. A large bible, printed in the Indian lan- 
guage, was provided and given to the Moheagan sachems, 
that they might read the scriptures. When the council of 
ministers met at Hartford, in 1657, the famous Mr. Elliot, 
hearing of the Podunk Indians, desired that the tribe might 
be assembled, that he might have an opportunity of offering 
Christ to them for their Saviour. 

By the influence of some principal gentlemen, they were 
persuaded to come together, at Hartford, and Mr. Elliot 
preached to them in their own language, and labored to 
instruct them concerning their Creator and Redeemer. 
When he had finished his sermon, and explained the matter 
to them, he desired an answer from them, whether they 
would accept of Jesus Christ for their Saviour, as he had 
been offered to them ? But their chief men, with great scorn 
and resentment, utterly refused. They said the English 
had taken away their lands, and were attempting now to 
make them servants. 

Mr. Stone and Mr. Newton, before this time, had both 



f 



Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 469 

been employed, at the desire of the colony, to teach the Book I. 
Indians in Hartford, Windsor, Farmington, and that vicini- s^^-n^^v^ 
ty; and one John Minor was employed as an interpreter, iGt)0. 
and was taken into Mr. Stone's family, that he might be 
further instructed and prepared for that service. Cate- 
chisms were prepared by Mr. Elliot and others, in the In- 
dian language, and spread among the Indians. The Rev. 
Mr. Pierson, it seems, learned the Indian language and 
preached to the Connecticut Indians. A considerable sum 
was allowed him by the commissioners of the united colo- 
nies ; and a sum was also granted by them, for the instruc- 
tion of the Indians in the county of New-Haven.* The 
ministers of the several towns, where Indians lived, in- 
structed them, as they had opportunity; but all attempts 
for christianizing the Indians, in Connecticut, were attend- 
ed with little success. They were engaged, a great part 
of their time, in'such implacable wars among themselves, 
were so totally ignorant of letters and the English lan- 
guage, and the English ministers, in general, were so en- 
tirely ignorant of their dialect, that it was extremely diffi- 
cult to teach them. Not one Indian church was ever gath- 
ered, by the English ministers, in Connecticut. Several 
Indians, however, in one town and another, became chris- 
tians, and were baptized and admitted to full communion in 
the English churches. Some few were admitted into the 
church at Farmington,! and some into the church at Derby. 
One of the sachems of the Indians at Naugatuck falls, was 
a member of the church at Derby, and it has been said 
that he was a sober well conducted man. Some few of the 
Moheagans have professed Christianity, and been, many 
j'cars since, admitted to full communioo in the north church 
in New-London. 

The gospel, however, hath had by far the most happy 
effect upon the Quinibaug, or Plainfield Indians, of any in 
Connecticut. They ever lived peaceably with the Eng- 
lish, and about the year 174.'^, in the time of the great 
awakening and reformation in New-England, they became 
greatly affected with the truths of the gospel, professed 
Christianity, and gave the strongest evidence of a real con- 
version to God. They were filled with the knowledge of 
salvation, and expressed it to admiration. They were en- 
tirely reformed as to their manner of living. They became 
temperate, and abstained from drinking to excess, which it 

* Records of the united colonies. 

t There was an Indian school formerly kept in this town, at the expense 
of the society for propas^ating christian knowledge among the Indians. The 
number of Indian scholars was sometimes fifteen or six teen. 



470 HISTORY OF Chap. XIX. 

Book I. had before been found utterly impossible to effect by any 
s^'^^^''*^ other means. They held religious meetings, and numbers 
1680. of them formed into church state and had the sacraments 
administered to them. J 

Upon the assembly's granting liberty to the minor party 
in Windsor to call and settle an orthodox minister, they 
immediately called one Mr. Woodbridge to preach among 
them. Mr. Chauncey and Mr. Woodbridge continued to 
preach, one to one party, and the other to the other, from 
1667 to 1680. Several councils had been called to ad- 
vise and unite the parties, but it seems none had judged it 
expedient to ordain either of the gentlemen ; but after a 
separation of about ten years, a council advised, that both 
ministers should leave the town, and that the churches and 
parties should unite, and call and settle one minister over 
the whole. As the parties did not submit to this advice, it 
seems, that another council was called three years after- 
wards. May, 1680, which gave the same advice, but the 
parties did not comply. The general assembly therefore 
interposed and passed the following act. 
Act of as- " This court, having considered the petition of some of 
relativ^G to ^^^^"^'sor people and the sorrowful condition of the good 
Windsor, people there, and finding, that notwithstanding all means 
Oct. 14th, of healing aftbrded them, they do remain in a bleeding state 
1600. jjj^(] condition, do find it necessary for this court to exert 
their authority towards issuing or putting a stop to the 
present troubles there ; and this court do hereby declare, 
that they find all the good people of Windsor obliged to 
stand to, and rest satisfied with the advice and issue of the 
council they chose to hear and issue their matters ; which 
advice being given and now presented to the court, dated 
January, 1677, this court doth confirm the same, and order 
that there be a seasonable uniting of the second society in 
Windsor with the first, according to order of council, by an 
orderly preparation for their admission ; and if there be ob- 
jection against the life or knowledge of any, then it be ac- 
cording to the council's advice heard and issued by Mr. 
Hooker and the other moderator's successor ; and that 
hoth the former ministers be released : And that the com- 
mittee appointed to seek out for a minister, with the ad- 
vice of the church and town collectively, by their major 
vote, do vigorously pursue the procuring of an able, ortho- 
dox minister, qualified according to the advice of the gov- 
ernor and council, and ministers, May last; and all the 
good people of Windsor are hereby required to be aiding 

I Manuscripts from Plainfield. These Indians were nujDerous at the time 
when the town was settled, amounting to 4 or 500. 



Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 471 

and assisting therein, and not in the least to op}K)se Book I. 
and hinder the same, as they will answer the contrary at s,^-v^«^^ 
their peril."* 1682. 

In consequence of this act, Mr. Samuel Mather was in- 
vited to preach to the people, and about two years after, 
was ordained to the pastoral office over the whole town. 
The two parties were generally united in him, and to com- 
plete the union of the town and churches, the assembly 
enacted, " That the people at Windsor should quietly setde Act of as- 
Mr. Mather and communicate to his support : That such as, *^embly re- 
on examination, should satisfy Mr. Mather of their cxperi- xv^n^slfr 
mental knowledge, should upon proper testimony of their May,i6ii2. 
good conversation, be admitted on their return from the 
second church. "t 

Both churches, and the whole town, were united under 
Mr. Mather, and their ecclesiastical affairs were, under his 
ministry, conducted with harmony and brotherly affection. 

Notwithstanding the result of the synod, in 1662, and the 
various attempts which had been made to introduce the 
practice of what has been generally termed owning the 
covenant, it does not appear to have obtained in the church- 
es of this colony until the year 1696. It ?ppears first to 
have been introduced by Mr. Woodbridge, at Hartford. 
The covenant proposed, bearing date, February, 1696, is 
for substance as follows, 

" We do solemnly, in the presence of God and this con- Covenant 
gregation, avouch God, in Jesus Christ, to be our God, °7.°^*!Vo^ 
one God in three persons, the Father, the Son, and the 
Holy Ghost ; and that we are by nature children of wrath, 
and that our hope of mercy with God, is only through the 
righteousness of Jesus Christ, apprehended by faith ; and 
we do freely give up ourselves to the Lord, to walk in 
communion with him, in the ordinances appointed in his 
holy word, and to yield obedience to all his commandments, 
and submit to his government. And whereas, to the great 
dishonor of God, scandal of religion, and hazard of the 
damnation of many souls, drunkenness and uncleanness 
are prevailing amongst us, we do solemnly engage before 
God, this day, through his grace, faithfully and conscien- 
tiously to strive against these evils and the temptations 
leading thereunto." 

Sixty nine persons, male and female, subscribed this in 
February; on the 8th of March, one fortnight after, eighty 
three more subscribed. In about a month, the number of 
subscribers amounted to one hundred and ninety two; 

* Records of the colony. 
1 Records of the colonv, 



472 HISTORY OF Chap. XIX* 

Book I. which appears to have been nearly the whole body of 
v-^-^..-^^ yo'ing people in that congregation. 
1G96. The like practice was, about the same time, or not ma- 
ny years after, introduced into the other church, and the 
])ractice of owning the covenant by people, and offering 
their children to baptism, was gradually introduced into 
other churches. . 

The practice of the ministers and churches at Hartford, 
in some respects, was different from that in other church- 
es. The ministers, Mr. Woodbridge and Mr. Bucking- 
ham, with their deacons, went round among the young peo- 
ple and warned them, once every year, to come and pub- 
licly subscribe, or own the covenant. When such per- 
sons as had owned or subscribed it came into family state, 
ihey presented their children to baptism, though they made 
no other profession of religion, and neglected the sacra- 
ment of the Lord's supper and other duties peculiar to 
members in full communion. In other churches, the cove- 
nant was owned by persons, sometimes before marriage, 
but more generally not until they became parents, and 
wished to have baptism administered to their children. 

The practice of making a relation of christian experi- 
ences, and of admitting none to full communion, but such 
as appeared to be chiistians indeed, yet prevailed ; and 
the number of church members, in full communion, was 
generally small. In those churches where the owning of 
the covenant was not practised, great numbers of children 
were unbaptized. 
Design of While the inhabitants and churches, in Connecticut, 
cone!re"fn^ were constantly increasing, and the calls lor a learned min- 
Connecti- istry, to supply the churches, became more and more ur- 
cut, 1698. gent, a number of the ministers conceived the [lurpose of 

^ foundine: a college in Connecticut. By this means, they 

Reasons • i i " .■ i i r i 

for it. might educate young men, irom among themselves, lor the 

sacred ministry, and for various departments in civil life, 
and diffuse literature and piety more generally among the 
people. The clergy, and people in general, by long ex- 
perience, found the great inconvenience of educating their 
sons at so great a distar)ce as Caml^ridge, and in carrying 
so much money out o( the colony, which otherwise might 
be a considerable emolument to this commonwealth. A 
well founded college might not only serve the interests of 
the churches in this government, but in the neighbouring 
colonies, where there were no colleges erected ; might not 
only prevent a large sum of money annually from being 
carried abroad, but bring something considerable into it, 
from the extensive country around them. Colleges had 



CiiAF. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 473 

been anciently considered as the schools ol' the church ; Book I. 
and not only the prophets had been encouragers and heads v-^-v-^te^ 
of them ; but the apostles and their immediate successors 1698. 
had taken great care to establish schools, wherever the gos- 
gel had been preached, for the propagation of the truth, 
and to transmit the religion of tl>e Kcdeenicr to all suc- 
ceeding ages. The ministers therefore conceived it to be 
entirely in character, and as happily corresponding with 
the great design of the first settlement of New-England and 
Connecticut, for them to be the planners and founders of a 
college. 

The design was first concerted, in 1G9B, by the Rev. 
Messieurs Picrpont of New-Haven, Andrew of Milford, and 
Russell of Branford. These were the most forward and ac- 
tive, in carrying the atihir into immediate execution. The 
design was mentioned to principal gentlemen and ministers 
in private conversation, at occasional meetings of the cler- 
gy, and in councils. In this way the aflhir was so far ripen- 
ed, that ten of the principal ministers in the colony were 
nominated and agreed upon to stand as trustees, to found, 
erect, and govern a college. The gentlemen thus agreed 
upon were the Reverend Messieurs James Noyes of Ston- ^^^''• 
ington, Israel Chauncey of Stratford, Thomas Bucking- pQj]]jj,J'g(j 
ham of Saybrook, Abrahani Pierson of Killingworth, Sam- ibrtrus- 
yel Mather of Windsor, Samuel Andrew of Milford, Timo- ^ees. 
thy Woodbridge of Hartford, James Pierpont of New-Ha- 
ven, Noadiah Russell of Middletovvn, and Joseph Webb of 
Fairfield. 

In 1700, these gentlemen convened at New-Haven, and College 
formed themselves into a body or society, to consist of founded, 
eleven ministers including a rector, and determined to^ 
found a college in the colony of Connecticut. They had 
•another meeting, the same year, at Branford, and thea 
founded the university of Yale college. The transaction 
was in this manner. Each gentleman gave a number of 
books, and laying them upon a talile, pronounced words to 
this effect, " I give these books for the founding of a col- 
lege in this colony." About forty volumes in folio were 
thus given. The trustees took possession of them, and ap- 
pointed Mr. Russell of Branford, to be keeper of their li- 
brary. 

Various other donations, both of books and money, were 
soon after made, by which a good foundation was laid for a 
public seminary. But doubts arising whether the trus- 
tees were vested with a legal capacity for the holding of 
lands, and whether private donations and contributions 
would be sufficient to effect the great design which they 

K ?. 



474 HISTORY OF Chap. XIX. 

Book I. had in view, it was, upon the best advice and mature de- 
Vi^'">^>"ii«' liberation, determined to make application to the legisla- 
T7X)0. ture for a charter of incorporation. The draught was 
made by the iionorable judge Sewall and Mr. secretary 
Addington of Boston. This was presented to the genera! 
assembly with a petition signed by a large number of min- 
isters and other principal charactei's in the colony praying 
for a charter. The petition i-epresented, " That from a 
sincere regard to, and zeal for, upholding the Protestant re- 
ligion, by a succession of learned and orthodox men, they 
had proposed that a collegiate school should be erected iu 
this colony, wherein youth should be instructed in all parts 
of learning, to qualify them for public employments in 
church and civil state ; and that they had nominated ten 
ministers to be trustees, partners or undertakers for the 
founding, endowing and ordering the said school." The 
gentlemen were particularly named, and it was desired, 
that full liberty and privilege might be granted to them for 
that end. 

To facilitate the design, the honorable James Fitch, Esq.^ 
of Norwich, one of the council, before the petition was 
heard, made a formal donation under his hand, predicated 
on " the great pains an<] charge the ministers had been at 
in settingup a collegiate school ; and therefore to encour- 
age a work so pleasing lo God, and beneficial to posteri- 
ty, he gave a tract of land, in Killingly, of about 600 a- 
cres ; and all the gl^ass and nails v/hich should be necessa- 
ry to build a college house and hall." 
T.'ie fotin- The general assembly, at their session in October, 170K 
^^'l* '^^ . incorporated the trustees nominated, granting them a char- 
corpora- ter, and vesting them with all powers and privileges ne- 
teJ hyact cessary for the government of a college, the holding of 
bi^°o'T ^^"*^^5 ^'^'^^ ^^^^ employment of all money and estates which 
1701. ' might be given for the benefit of the college. The char- 
ter ordained that the corporation should consist of minis- 
ters only, and that none should be chosen trustees under 
the age of forty years. Their number was not, at any 
time, to exceed eleven nor be less than seven. The as- 
sembly made them an annual grant of one hundred and 
twenty pounds, equal to about sixty pounds sterling. 
Nov. nth, The trustees, animated with their charter privileges and 
"n^^oTu^e' ^^'^ countenance of the legislature, met the next November, 
corpora- at Saybrook, and chose the Rev. Abraham Pierson of 
tioD. Killingworth, rector of the college, and the Rev. Samuel 

Rector Russell was chosen a trustee to complete the number of the 
corporation. They also made rules for the general gov- 
ernment and instruction of the collet;iate school. 



CiJAi'. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 47», 

It was ordered, " That the rector take special care, as Book I, 
of the mora! behaviour of the students at all times, so, with ^-^--n^-w/ 
industry, to instruct and ground them well in theoretical 1701, 
divinity ; and to that end, shall neither by himsell", nor by Orders 
any other person whomsoever, allow them to be instructed ''^^^pcctinj 
in any other system or synopsis of divinity, than such as the je^e.' 
trustees do order and appoint : But shall take eifcctual 
care, thai said students be weekly (at such seasorjs as he 
shall see cause to appoint) caused memoriter to recite the 
assembly's catechism in Latin, and Dr. Ames's Theologi- 
cal Theses, of which, as also Ames's Cases of Conscience, 
he shall make, or cause to be made, from time to time, 
such explanations as may, through the blessing of God, be 
most conducive to their establishment in the principles of 
ihc Christian Protestant religion." 

" The rector shall also cause the scriptures daily, ex- 
cept on the sabbath, morning and evening, to be read by 
the students at the times of [)rayer in the school, according 
to the laudable order and u?5age of Harvard college, making 
expositions upon the same : And uj)on the sabbath, shall 
expound practical theology, or cause the non graduated 
students to repeat sermons : And in all other ways, ac- 
cording to the best of his discretion, shall, at all times, 
studiously endeavour, in the education of the students, to 
promote the power and purity of religion, and the best 
editication of these New-England churches." 

At this meeting, it was debated where to fix the college. Co'lcge 
Though the trustees were not fully satisfied or agreed on l^u^l^t'^^ 
the most convenient place, yet they fixed upon Saybrook, Saybmok, 
•jntil, upon further consideration, they should have suffi- l^ut the 
cient reason to alter their opinion. They desired the rec- '■°<j**^''^°^^ 
tor to remove himself and family to Saybrook. Until thatniovr 
oould be efiected, they ordered, that the scholars should 
be instructed, at or near the rector's house, in Killing- 
worth. The corporation made various attempts to re- 
move the rector to Saybrook, but his people were entire- 
ly opposed to it, and such other impediments were in thn 
•way that it was not efiected. The students continued at 
Killingworth during his life. The library, for that reason, 
was removed from Branford, to the rector's house. 

The ministers had been several years in ePk'ecting their 
plaa, and a number ofj'oung men had becxi preparing foi 
college, under the instructions of one and another of ihc 
trustees. As soon as the college became furnished with a 
rector and tutor, eight of them were admitted and put into 
different classes, according to the pioficiency which they 
had respectively made, Som*^, in a year or two. hecamf' 
(.qualified for a degree. 



470 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. XIX. 



1702. 

First com 
meuce- 
nienl in 
Counecti- 
cut. 



Book I. The first commencement was at Saybrook, September 
s.<r-N^-x^ 13th, 1702. The following; gentlemen appear, at this 
time, to have received the degree of master of arts, Ste- 
phen Buckingham, Salmon Treat, Joseph Coit, Joseph 
Moss, Nathaniel Chauncey, and Joseph Morgan. Four 
of them had been previously graduated at Cambridge. 
They all became ministers of the gospel, and three of them, 
Mr. Buckingham, Mr. Moss, and Mr. Chauncey, were af- 
terwards fellows of the college. 

To avoid charge and other inconveniences, for some 
years at first, the commencements were private. Mr. Na- 
thaniel Lynde of Saybrook, was pleased generously to 
give a house and land for the use of the college, so long as 
it should be continued in that town. For the further en- 
couragement and accommodation, in 1703, thci-e was a 
general contribution through the colony, to build a col- 
lege house at Saybrook, or any other place wherever it 
should finally be judged most convenient to fix the col- 
iese.'"^ 



* This year, thai vcnrrable man, the Picverend James Fitch, paster of 
the cliurch in Norwich, finished \i\i course, at Lehanon, in the bOth year 
of his as^e. His history atid character are given in the inscription upon his 
monaniental stone. 

In hoc Sepulchro depositre sunt Reliquipe Viri vera Picverendi D. Jaco- 
Bi Fitch ; natus fuit apud iJoking, in Couiitatu Fssexiae, in An<jjli3, Anno 
Donrjini 1622, Decern. 24. Qui, postquam Linguis iiteratis optime instruc- 
ti)s fuisset, in Nov-Angliam venit, TEtate 16 ; et deinde Vitam degit, Hart- 
fordiae, per Septennium, sub Instructione Virorrim ceieberrimornm D. 
Hooker k, D. Stone", l^ostea Munere pastorali functus est apud Say- 
Brook per Annos 14. Illinc cum Ecclesiae majori Parte Norvicum mi ^rr - 
vit ; et ibi caeteros Vitas Annos transegit in Opere Evangelico. In Senec- 
tute, vero, prae Corporis iafirmitate necessarie cessabit ab Opere publico; 
landemque recessit Liberis, apud Lebanon ; ubi Semianno fere exacto ob- 
•Jormivit in Jesu, Anno 1702, Noveinbris 18, iEtat. CO. 

Vir Ingenii Acumine, Pondere Judicii, Prudentia, Charitate, Sanctis La- 
boribus, et omni moda Vitce sanctitate, Peritia quoque et Vi co'ncionandi 
Bulli sccundus. 

In English to this effect. 

In this grave are deposited the remains of that truly reverend man, Mr. 
James Fitch. Pie was born at Boking, in the county of Essex, fh England, 
the 24th of December, in the year of our Lord, 1622. Who, after he had 
been most excellently taught the learned languages, came into New-Eng- 
land, at the age of sixteen; and then spent seven years under the instruc- 
tion of those very famous men, Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone. Afterwards, 
be discharged the pastoral office, fourteen years, at Saybrook. 'J'hence he 
3'emoved, with the major part of his church, to Norwich ; where he spent 
the other years of his life in the work of the gospel. In his old age, indeed, 
he v.'as obliged to cease from his public labors, by reason of bodilj' indis- 
position; and at length retired to his children, at Lebanon ; where, after 
spending nearly half a year, he slept in Jesus, in the year 1702, on the 18th 
of November, in the 80th year of his age. 

He was a man, as to the smartness of his genius, the solidity of his 
judgment, his charity, holy labors, and every kmd of purity (5f life, and 
i>.!so as to his skill and energy of preaching, inferior to none. 



Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 477 

During the term of about seventy yeors from the settle- Book I. 
ment of Connecticut, the congregational had been the on- ^-^^/->^ 
ly mode of worship in the colony- But the society for 170C. 
propagating the gospel in foreign parts, in 1701, fixed the Introduc- 
Rev. Mr. Muirson as a missionary at Rye. Some of the ['.'?" '^'^'^'l 
people at Stratford had been educated in the church of En- England 
gland mode of worship and administering of the ordinan- into Con- 
ccs, and others were not pleased with the rigid doctrines "'''^^'^"*- 
and discipline of the New-England churches, and they 
made an earnest application to Mr. Muirson to make avis- 
it at Stratford, and preach and baptize among them. A- 
bout the year 1706, upon their invitation, he came to Strat- 
ford, accompanied with colonel Heathcotc, a gentleman 
zealously engaged in promoting the episcopal church. 
The ministers and people, in that and the adjacent towns, 
it seems, were alai-med at his coming, and took pains to 
prevent their neighbors and families from hearing hin). 
However, the novelty of the aflair, and other circumstan- 
ces, brought together a considerable assembly ; and Mr. 
Muirson baptized five and twenty persons, principally 
adults. This was the first step towards introducing the 
church worship into this colony. In April, 1707, he made 
another visit to Stratford. Colonel Heathcote was pleas- 
ed to honor him with his company, as he had done before. 
He preached, at this time, at Fairfield as well as Strat- 
ford ; and in both towns baptized a number of children 
and adult persons. Both the magistrates and ministers 
opposed the introduction of episcopacy, and advised ihe 
]5Cople not to attend the preaching of the church mission- 
aries ; but the opposition only increased the zeal of the 
church people. Mr. Muirson, after this, made several 
lournies to Connecticut, and itinerated among the people. 
But there was no missionary, from the societ)', fixed in 
Connecticut, until the year 1722, when Mr. Pigot was ap- 
pointed missionary at Stratford. The churchmen at first, 
in that town, consisted of about fifteen families, among 
•whom were a few husbandmen, but much the greatest num- 
ber were tradesmen, who had been born in England, and 
came and settled there. Some of their neighbors joined 
them, so that Mr. Pigot had twenty communicants, and 
about a hundred and fifty hearers. In 1 723, Christ Church 
in Stratford was founded, and the Rev. Mr. Johnson, af- 
lerwards Dr. Johnson, was appointed to succeed Mr. Pi- 
got.* 

The first plan of the college was very formal and mi- Original 

' *= ^ plan of 

* Manuscripts from Stratford, and Dr. Humphreys' History of the In- col!e£;r 
corporr.t*?d Society's Missionaries. 



478 HISTORY OF CbAP. XJX. 

Book I. luifc, drawn in imitation of the ancient protcstant colleges 
v.^-Nr-v^ and universities in France. It was proposed, that it should 
nOG. lie erected by. a general synod of the consociatcd churches 
of Connecticut. It was designed, that it should be under 
the government of a president and ten trustees, seven of 
whom were to be a quorum : That the synod should havo 
the nomination of the first president and trustees, and have 
a kind of general influence in all future elections, that the 
governors might be preserved in orthodox sentiments. It 
was designed also, that the synod should agree upon a con- 
fession of faith, to which the president, trustees, and tutors 
should, upon their appointment to otlice, be required to 
give their consent ; and that the college should be called 
the school of the church. Indeed, it was proposed, that 
the churches should contribute to its support. 

Though this plan was not formallv pursued, yet at a 
Proposal nieeting'of the trustees, at Guilford, 'March 17th, 1703, 
ra'irynod^' ^^^^Y wrotc a circular letter to the ministers, proposing 
1703. ' " to have a general synod of all the churches in the colo- 
ny of Connecticut, to give their joint consent to the confes- 
sion of faith, after the example of the synod in Boston, in 
1680.'' As this proposal was universally acceptable, the 
churches and ministers of the several counties met in a con- 
sociatcd council, and gave their assent to the VVestminster 
and Savoy confessions of faith. It seems, that they also 
drew up certain rules of ecclesiastical union in discipline, 
as preparatory to a general synod, which they had still in 
contemplation, 
f, , The Cambridc-e platform, which, for about sixty years, 

meetings of had been the general plan' or discipline and church fellow- 
niiniitcrs. ship in Nev/-England, made no provision for the general 
meeting of ministers, or for their union in associations or 
in consociations, yet, at an early period, they had a gene- 
ral meeting, both in Connecticut and Massachusetts, and 
began to form into associations. Their annual meetings 
were at the times of the general election at Boston and 
Hartford. At this time, they had handsome entertainments 
made for them at the public expense.* In these general 
meetings, they Vv^ent into consultations respecting the gen- 
eral welfare of the churches, the supplying them with min- 
isters, providing for their stated enjoyment of divine ordi- 
nances, and the preservation of their peace and order. 
The general interests of literature were consulted, and ad- 
vice given in cases in which it was requisite. Sometimes 

* The Jegislafure have continued this generosity to the present time. A 
genteel entertainment is made not only for the clergy of Connecticut, but 
of the neighboring coloniesj who arc present oathe occasion. 



M 



Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 479 

measures were adopted to assist the poor and nfllicted, in Book I. 
jjarticular instances of distress. Tiie atlair of civilizing v^^-n/-x^ 
and christianizinji; the Indians, came under their serious 1703. 
deliberations. Sonictitnes they consulted measures, and 
gave general directions respecting candidates for the min- 
istry, and the orderly manner of inti-oducing them into the 
churches. 

The ministers of particular neighborhoods, in various 
parts of the country, held frequent meetings, for their mu- 
tual assistance, and to instruct and advise the churches and 
people, as circumstances required. This particularly was 
the practice in Connecticut. 

The venerable Mr. Hooker was a great friend to the ^^f- ^'^^^ 
meeting and consociation of ministers and churches, as a juct^an^ 
grand mean of promoting purity, union, and brotherly af- opiaiou. 
fection, among the ministers and church«)«. During his 
life, the ministers in the vicinity of Hartford, had frequent 
meetings at his house. About a week before his death, he 
observed, with great earnestness, " We must agree upon 
constant meetings of ministers, and settle the consociation 
of churches, or else we are undone." Soon after his de- 
cease, ministers in various parts of New-England, and es- 
pecially in Connecticut, began to establish constant meet- 
ings, or associations, in particular vicinities, and agreed on 
the business to be done, and the manner in which they 
would proceed. 

They did not, however, all adopt the same mode. Some 
of the meetings, or associations, fasted and prayed, and 
discussed questions of importance for mutual instruction 
and edification. A moderator was chosen to conduct the 
business of the meetings with order and decency, to re- 
ceive all communications which might be made from the 
churches, or other similar meetings, and to call the as- 
sociated brethren together on particular em-ergencies. 
These meetings were always opened and concluded with 
prayer. 

Some of the associations were very formal and particu- 
lar in covenanting together, and in fixing the business which 
should be transacted by them. They covenanted to sub- 
mit to the counsels, reproofs, and censures of the associat- 
ed brotherhood •, and that they would not forsake the asso- 
ciation, nor neglect the appointed meetings, without suffi- 
cient reasons. The}'^ engaged, that in the meetmgs they 
•would debate questions immediately respecting thenisclves 
and their conduct : That they would hear and consider all 
cases proposed to them from neighboring churches or indi- 
viduals : answer loMrr^ directed to them from particular 



480 HISTORY OF Chap. XIX. 

Book I. churches or persons ; and discuss any question, which had 
v-^->^">*./ been proposed at a preceding meeting. In some of these 
1703. associations, it was agreed to meet statedly once in six 
weeks or two months.* As the design was for their own 
mutual improvement and the advancement of. Christianity 
in general, the associations attended a lecture in the par- 
ishes in which they convened for the instruction and edifi- 
cation of the people. In Connecticut, after the resolutio:. 
of the assembly, in 1C80, the ministers had county meet- 
ings every week. 

But these associations and meetings were merely volun- 
tary, countenanced by no ecclesiastical constitution, at- 
tended only by such ministers, in one place and another, as 
were willing to associate, and could bind none but them- 
selves. The churches might advise with them if the} 
chose it, or neglect it at pleasure. There was no regular 
way of introducing candidates to the improvement of the 
churches, by the general consent either of themselves or 
the elders. When they had finished their collegiate stud- 
ies,, if they imagined themselves qualified, and could find 
some friendly gentleman in the ministry to introduce them, 
they began to preach, without an examination or recom- 
mendation from any body of ministers or churches. If they 
studied a time with any particular minister or ministers, af- 
ter they had received the honors of college, that minister,' 
or those ministers introduced them into the pulpit at plea- 
sure, without the general consent and approbation of their 
brethren. Blany judged this to be too loose a practice, in. 
a matter of such immense importance to the divine honor,.' 
the reputation of the ministry, and the peace and edifica- 
tion of the churches. Degrees at college were esteemed 
110 sutlicient evidence of men's piety, knowledge of theolo- 
gy, or ministerial gifts and qualifications. 

Besides, it was generally conceded, that the state of the 
churches was lamentable, with respect to their general or- 
der, government, and discipline. That for the want of a 
more general and energetic government, many churches, 
ran into confusion; that councils were not sufficient to re- 
lieve the aggrieved and restore peace. As there was no 
general rule for the calling of councils, council was called 
against council, and opposite results v/ere given upon the 
;jame cases, to the reproach of councils and the wounding 
of religion. Aggrieved churches and brethren were dis- 
couraged, as in this way their case seemed to be without 
remedy. There was no such thing, in this way, as bring- 
ing their difficulties to a final issue. I 

* Magualia, B. V. p. 5C. 

t Wise's vindication, r). 165, Boston edition, 177?, 



Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 481 

For the relieving of these inconveniences, there were Book I. 
many, in the New-England churches, not only among the -^x-n/-^ 
clergy, but other gentlemen of principal character, who 1708. 
earnestly wished for a nearer union among the churches. 
A great majority of the legislature aisd clergy in Connecti- 
cut, were for the association of ministers, and the consoci- 
ation of churches. The synod, in 1662, had given their 
o{)inion I'ully in favor of the consociation of churches. The 
heads of agreement drawn up and assented to, by the unit- 
ed ministers, in England, called presbyterian and congre- 
gational, in 1692, had made their appearance on this side 
of the Atlantic ; and, in general, were highly approved. 
The VII. article of agreement, under the head of the minis- 
try, makes express provision for the regular introduction 
of candidates for the ministry. The united brethren say, 
"It is expedient, that they who enter on the work of preach- 
ing the gospel, be not only qualified for the communion of 
saints ; but also, that, except in cases extraordinary, they 
give proof of their gifts and fitness for the said work, unto 
the pastors of the churches of known abilities, to discern 
and judge of their qualifications ; that they may be sent 
forth with solemn approbation and prayer ; which we judge 
needful, that no doubt may remain concerning their being 
called unto the work ; and for preventing, as much as in 
us lieth, ignorant and rash intruders." In these articles, 
it is also agreed, " that in so great and weighty a matter, 
as the calling and choosing a pastor, we judge it ordinari- 
ly requisite, that every such church consult and advise 
with the pastors of the neighboring congregations." 

In this state of the churches, the legitilature passed an 
act, at their session in May, 1708, requiring the ministers 
and churches to meet and form an ecclesiastical constitu- 
tion. The apprehensions and wishes of the assembly will, 
in the best manner, be discovered by their own act, which 
is in the words following : 

" This assembly, from their own observation, and the Act ap- 
complaint of many others, being made sensible of the de-^°nod"'^ 
fects of the discipline of the churches of this government. May isth, 
arising from the want of a more explicit asserting of the nOB. 
rules given for that end in the holy scriptures ; from which 
would arise a permanent establishment among ourselves, 
a good and regular issue in cases subject to ecclesiastical 
discipline, glory to Christ, our head, and edification to his 
members ; hath seen fit to ordain and require, and it is by 
the authority of the same ordained and required, that the 
ministers of the several counties in this government shall 
meet together, at their respective countv towns, with such 

L 3 



m^- lilSTORY OF Chap. XIX. 

Book I. messengers, as the churches to which they belong shall 

v.^->/^x^ see cause to send with them, on the last Monday in June 

1708. next ; there to consider and agree upon those methods and 

rules for the management of ecclesiastical discipline, which 

by them shall be judged agreeable and conformable to tht; 

word of God, and shall, at the same meetings appoint two 

or more of their number to be their delegates, who shall all 

meet together at Saybrook, at the next commencement to 

be held there ; where they shall compare the results of thf; 

ministers of the several counties, and out of and from them. 

to draw a form of ecclesiastical discipline, which, by two 

or more persons delegated by them, shall be offered to this 

court, at their session at New-Haven, in October next, to 

be consideredof and confirmed by them: And the expense 

of the above mentioned meetings shall be defrayed out oi 

the public treasury of this colony." 

" A true copy of the record. 

" Test. ELEAZER KIMBERLY, Secretary." 

According to the act of the assembly, the ministers and 

churches of the several counties convened, at the time ap- 

})ointed, and made their respective drafts for discipline, and 

chose their delegates for the general nieeting at Saybrook, 

in Septemb-er. 

Tbe ministers and messengers chosen for this council, 
and its result, will appear from their minutes. 

"At a meeting of delegates from the councils of the se- 
veral counties of Connecticut colony, in New-England, iiv 
America, at Saybrook, Sept. 9th, 1708, 

PRESENT, 

■.amt-. of Eroni the council of Hartford county : — The Rev. Timo- 
viie synod, thy Woodbridge, Noadiah Russell, and Stephen Mix. Mes- 
ftppt. 9th, senger, John Hayncs, Esq. 

"' From the council in Fairfield county : — The Rev. 

Charles Chauncey and John Davenport. Messenger, dea 
con Samuel Hoyt. 

From the council in New-London county : — The Rev. 
James Noyes, Thomas Buckingham, Moses Noyes, and 
John V/oodward. Messengers, Robert Chapman, deacon 
William Parker. 

From the council of New-Haven county: — The Rev- 
Samuel Andrew, James Pierpont, and Samuel Russell. 

" The Rev. James Noyes and Thomas Buckingham be- 
ing chosen moderators. The Rev. Stephen Mix and John- 
Woodward being chosen scribes. 

" In compliance with an order of the general assembly, 
May 13th, 1708, after humble addresses to the throne of 
grace for the divine presence, assistance, and blessing up- 



€hap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 483 

on us, having our eyes upon the word of God and the con- Book L 
stitution of our churches, We agree that the confession of^-^"^"^' 
faiih owned ami assented unto by the elders and messen- 3 7j03. 
<X,eTs assembled at Boston, in New-England, May 12th, 
1680, being the second session of that synod, be recom- 
mended to the honourable general assembly of this colony, 
at the next session, for their public testimony thereunto, 
as the FAITH of the churches of this colony."* 

" We agree also, that the heads of agreement assented 
to by the united ministers, formerly called presbyterian 
and congregational, be observed by the churches through- 
out this colony." 

" And for the better regulation of the administration of 
church discipline, in relation to all cases ecclesiastical, 
both in particular churches and councils, to the full deter- 
mining and executing the ruies in all such cases, it is 
n greed," 

" L That the elder, or elders of a particular church, 
with tbe consent of the brethren of the same, have power, 
and ought to exercise church discipline, according to the 
rule of God's word, in relation to all scandals that fall out 
•within the same. And it may be meet, in all cases of dif- 
iiculty, for the respective pastors of particular churches, to 
take advice of the elders of the churches in the neighbour- 
liood, before they proceed to censure in such cases." 

" II. That the churches which are neighbouring to each 
other, shall consociate, for mutual affording to each other 
such assistance as may be requisite, upon all occasions ec- 
clesiastical. And that the particular pastors and churches, 
within the respective counties in this government, shall be 
one consociation, (or more, if they shall judge meet,) for 
the end aforesaid^" 

" 111. That all cases of scandal, that fall out within the 
circuit of any of the aforesaid consociations, shall bo 
brought to a council of the elders, and also messengers of 
the churches within the said circuit, i. e. the churches of 
one consociation, if they see cause to send messengers, 
when there shall be need af a council for the determina- 
tion of them." 

" IV. That, according to the common practice of our 
churches, nothing shall be deemed an act or judgment of 
any council, which hath not the act of the major part of the 
elders present concura-ing, and such a number of the mes- 
sengers present, as makes the majority of the council : pro- 
vided that if any such church shall not see cause to send 
any messengers to the council, or the persons chosen by 

* This was tl)e Savoy confession, '.vith some small alterations. 



484 HISTORY OF Chap. XIX. 

Book I. them shall not attend, neither of these shall be any obstruc- 
<.-*^-N/-v^ tion to the proceedings of the council, or invalidate any of 
1703, their acts." 

"V. That when any case is orderly brought before any 
council of the churches, it shall there be heard and deter- 
mined, which, (unless orderly ren)oved fi"om thence.) shall 
be a final issue ; and all parties therein concerned shall sit 
down and be determined thereby. And the council so 
hearing, and giving the result or final issue, in the said 
case, as aforesaid, shall see their determination, or judg- 
ment, duly executed and attended, in such way or manner, 
as shall, in theirjudgment, be most suitable and agreeable 
to the word of God." 

" VI. That if any pastor and church doth obstinately re- 
fuse a due attendance and conformity to the determination 
of the council, that hath the cognizance of the case, and 
detcrmineth it as above, after due patience used, they shaU 
be reputed guilty of scandalous contempt, and dealt vvitu 
as the rule of God's word in such case doth provide, ana" 
the sentence of non-communion shall be declared against 
such pastor and church. And the churches are to approve 
of the said sentence, by withdrawing from the communion 
of the pa.stor and church, which so refused to be healed." 

"VII. That, in case any dilFiculties shall arise in any of 
the churches in this colony, Avhich cannot be issued with- 
out considerable disquiet, that church, in which they arise, 
(or that minister or member aggrieved with them,) shall 
apply themselves to the council of the consociated church- 
es of the circuit, to which the said church belongs; who, 
if they see cause, shall thereupon convene, hear, and de- 
termine such cases of difficulty, unless the matter brought 
before them, shall be judged so great in the nature of it, 
or so doubtful in the issue, or of such general concern, 
that the said council shall judge best that it be referred to 
a fuller council, consisting of the churches of the other 
consociation within the same county, (or of the next ad- 
joining consociation of another county, if there be not two 
consociations in the county where the dif^culty ariseth,) 
who, together with themselves, shall hear, judge, deter- 
mine, and finally issue such case, according to the word of 
God." 

" VIII. That a particular church, in which any difficul- 
ty doth arise, may, if they see cause, call a council of the 
consociated churchss of the circuit to which the church be-» 
Jongs, before they proceed to sentence therein ; but there 
is not the same liberty to an offending brother, to call the 
cpuncil, before the church to which he belongs proceed tq 



Chap. XlX. CONNECTICUT. 483 

oxcommunication in the said case, unless with the consent Book I. 
of the church." ^..x-^/->w 

"IX. That all the churches of the respective consocia- ITOo. 
i'ions shall choose, if they see cause, one or two members 
of each chfirch, to represent them in the councils of the 
>aid churches, as occasion may call for them, who shall 
stand in that capacity till new be chosen for the same ser- 
vice, unless any church shall incline to choose their mes- 
sengers anew, upon the convening of such councils." 

" X. That the minister or ministers of the county towns, 
or where there are no ministers in such towns, the two 
Dcxt ministers to the said town, shall, as soofi as conven- 
iently may be, appoint time and place for the meeting of 
the elders and messengers of the churches in said county, 
in order to their forming themselves into one or more con- 
sociations, and notify the time and place to the elders anil 
churches of that county W'ho shall attend at the same, the 
elders in their persons, and the churches by tlieir messen- 
gers, if they see cause to send them. Which elders and 
messengers, so assembled in council, as also any other 
ceuncil hereby allowed of, shall have power to adjourn 
themselves, as need shall be, for the space of one year, 
after the beginning or (irst session of the said council, and 
no longer. And that minister who was chosen at the last 
session of any council, to be moderator, shall, with tho 
advice and consent of two more elders, (or, in case of the 
moderator's death, any two elders of the same consocia- 
tion,) call another council within the circuit, when they 
shair judge there is need thereof. And all councils may 
prescribe rules, as occasion may require, and whatever 
they judge needful within their circuit, for the well per- 
forming and orderly managing the several acts, to be at- 
tended by them, or matters that come under their cogni- 
zance." 

"XI. That if any person or persons, orderly complain- 
ed of to a council, or that are witnesses to such complaints, 
(having regular notification to appear,) shall refuse, or neg- 
lect so to do, in the place, and at the time specified in the 
warning given, except they or he give some satisfying rea- 
son thereof to the said council, they shall be judged guilty 
of scandalous contempt." 

"XII. That the teaching elders of each county shall be 
one association, (or more, if they see cause,) which associ- 
ation, or associations, shall assemble twice a year, at least, 
at such time and place as they shall appoint, to consult 
the duties of their office, and the common interest of the 
churches, who shall consider and lesolve questions and 



486 HISTORY OF Chap. XIX. 

Book I. cases of importance which shall be offered by any among 
•'-^'^v-x^ Lhemselvcs or others ; who also shall have power of exam- 
1708. iniag and recommending the candidates of the ministry to 
the work thereof. 

" XIII. That the said associated pastors shall take no- 
tice of any among themselves, that may ])e accused of 
scandal or heresy, unto or cognizable by them, examine 
the matter cai-efully, and if they fmd just occasion shall di- 
rect to the calling of the council, where such offenders 
shall be duly proceeded against." 

" XIV. That the associated pastors shall also be con- 
sulted by bereaved churches, belonging to their associa- 
tion, and recommend to such churches such persons, as 
may be fit to be called and settled in the work of the gos- 
j)el ministry among them. And if such bereaved churches 
shall not seasonably call and settle a minister among them, 
the said associated pastors shall lay the state of such be- 
reaved church before the general assembly of this colony, 
that they may take order concerning them, as shall be 
found necessary for their peace and edification." 

"XV. That it -be recommended as expedient, that all 
the associations in this colony do meet in a general associa- 
tion, by their respective delegates, one or more out of 
each association, once a year, the first meeting to be at 
Hartford, at the general election next ensuing the date here- 
of, and so annually in all the counties successively, at 
such time and place, as they the said delegates shall in 
their annual meetings appoint." 

The confession of faith, heads of agreement, and these 
articles of discipline having unanimously passed, and been 
signed by the scribes, were presented to the legislature 
the succeeding October, for their approbation and estab- 
lishment. Upon which they passed the following adopting 
act. 

At a general court holdcn at New-Haven, October 1708. 
Act of as- *' The reverend ministers, delegates from the elders and 
sembly a- messengers of this government, met at Saybrook, Septcm- 
theSar- ^^'" ^^^' 1708, having presented (o this assembly a Con- 
brook fession of Faith, and Heads of Agreement, and regula- 
piatform, tions in the administration of church discipline, as unani- 
• ^'^'^^' mously agreed and consented to by the elders and churches 
in this government; this assembly doth declare their greaf 
approbation of such an happy agreement, and do ordain, 
that all the churches within this government, that ai-c, or 
shall be, thus united in doctrine, worship, and discipline, 
be, and for the future shall be owned arid acknowledged 
established by law ; provided always, that nothing hcrciit 



Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 1S7 

shall be intended or construed to hinder or prevent any so- Book I- 
ciety or church, that is or shall be allowed by the laws ofv-^-s^-'x-^ 
this government, who soberly difler or dissent from theu- 1708» 
nited churches hereby established, from exorcising wor- 
ship and discipline, in their own way, according to their 
consciences. 

" A true copy, Test, 

" Eleazer Kimberly, Secretary." 

Though the council were unanimous in passing the plat- 
form of discipline, yet they were not all of one opinion. 
Some were for high consociational government, and in their 
sentiments nearly presbytcrians ; others were much more 
moderate and rather verging on independency ; but ex- 
ceedingly desirous of keeping the unity of the spirit in the 
bond of peace, they exercised great christian condescen- 
sion and amicableness towards each other. 

As it was stipulated, that the heads of agreement should 
be observed through the colony, this was an important 
mean of reconciling numbers to the constitution, as these 
did not carry points so far as the articles of discipline. 
These did not make the judgments of councils decisive, in 
all cases, but only maintained, that particular churches 
ought to have a reverential regard to their judgment, and 
not to dissent from it without apparent grounds from the 
word of God. Neither did these give the elders a nega- 
tive in councils over the churches ; and in some other in- 
stances they gave more latitude than the articles of disci- 
pline. These therefore served to reconcile such elders 
and churches, as were not for a rigid consociational gov- 
ernment, and to gain their consent. Somewhat different 
constructions were put upon the constitution. Those who 
"Were for a high consociational government, construed it 
rigidly accoixJing to the articles of discipline, and others 
by the heads of agreement ; or, at least, they were for 
softening down the more rigid articles, by construing thens 
agreeably to those heads of union. 

Notwithstanding the Savoy confession was adopted, as 
the faith of the Connecticut churches, yet, by adopting the 
heads of agreement, it was agreed, that with respect to 
soundness of judgment in matters of faith, it was sufficient, 
" That a church acknowledge the scriptures to be the word 
of God, the perfect and only rule of faith and practice, and 
own either the doctrinal part of those commonly called the 
articles of the church of England, or the confession or cate- 
chisms, shorter or longer, compiled by the assembly ar, 
Westminster, or the confession agreed on at the Savoy, to 
be agreeable to the ?oid rule.-' 



488 HISTORY OF Chap. XIX. 

Book I. TheSaybrook platform, thus unanimously recommended 
v^.^-N..-^/ by the elders and messengers of the churches, and adopted 
1709. by the legislature, as the religious constitution of the colo- 
ny, met with a general reception, though some of the 
churches were extremely opposed to it.* 
Feb. 1st, The elders and messengers of the county of Hartford 
1709. met in council, at Hartford, the next February, and form- 
ed into two distinct consociations and associations for the 
Afsocia- purposes expressed in the constitution. The ministers and 
tionsaud churches of the other three counties afterwards formed 
t^b"fsior^-' tl^emselves into consociations and associations. There 
uied. were therefore, soon after, five consociations and the same 

number of associations in the colony. The associations 
General jjj^^ annually, by a delegation of two elders from each asso- 
(jon_ elation, in a general association. This has a general ad- 

visory superintendency over all the ministers and church- 
es in the colony. Its advice has generally been accepta- 
ble to the ministers and churches, and cheerfully carried 
into execution. The meeting of the general association 
was anciently in September ; but the time of meeting, after 
?ome years, was altered, and for more than sixty years 
has been on the third Tuesday in June. 

The corporation of college having now obtained a con- 
fession of faith, adopted by the churches and legislature of 
the colony, adopted it for college, and the trustees and of- 
ficers of the college, upon their introduction to office, were 
required to give their assent to it, and to the Westminster 
confession and catechisms. 
Death and But before this could be effected, Mr. Pierson, the presi- 
ofrTe'^'i-'^ dent, was no more. He died on the 5th of March, 1707, 
dent Tier- to the unspeakable loss and affliction both of the college 
son. and the people of his charge. He had his education at 

Harvard college, where he was graduated, 1668. He ap- 
yjcars first to have settled in the ministry at Newark in New- 
Jersey. Thence he came to Killingworth, and was in- 
.stalled in 1G94. He had the character of a hard student, 
good scholar, and great divine. In his whole conduct, he 
was wise, steady, and amiable. He was greatly respected 
as a pastor, and he instructed and governed the college 
with general approbation. 

Upon the death of rector Pierson. the Rev. Mr. Andrew 

' Tliough I^TcPsrs. Andrew, Pierpont, and Rus'sell, were influential char- 
acters, yet it is observable, that the churches, in that county, sent no mes- 
sengers to tiie synod ; and the traiiition is that the church and people of 
-Vorwich were so offended with their minister, Mr. John Woodward, for 
consenting to it, tliat they never would forgive him and be reconciled : 
but made such opposition to his ministry, tha*, by the advice of council. 
lie resigned it and left the town. 



Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 489 

was chosen rector pro tempore. The senior class were Book I. 
removed to Milford, to be under his immediate instruction, v,^~v--x^ 
vintil the commencement. The other students were re- 1709. 
moved to Saybrook, and put under the care and instruc- Students 
t ions of two tutors. Mr. Andrew moderated at the com- '"^'""^'^'^ 
mencements and gave general directions to the tutors. Mr. brook." 
Buckingham also, who was one of the trustees, and resided 
at Saybrook, during his life, had a kind of direction and in- 
spection over the college. In this state it continued, 
without any material alteration, until about the year 1715. 

The ministers of Connecticut were exceedingly atten- 
tive to the morals and qualifications of those, whom they 
recommended to the improvement of the churches, or or- 
dained to the pastoral office. The general association, in Sept. 12, 
1712, at a meeting of theirs, at Fairlield, agreed upon the I'^'i'^- 
following rules, and recommended them to the considera- 
tion of the several associations for their approbation and 
concurrence. 

" Rules agreed upon for the examination of candidates 
for the ministry. 

" Agreed upon, that the person to be examined concern- Directiona 
ing his qualifications for the evangelical ministry, shall be respecting 
dealt with, in his examinations, with all candor and gentle- jatesfor 

I^GSS. theminis- 

" 1. That he be able to give satisfaction, to the associ- try. 
ation examining him, of his skill in the Hebrew, Greek, 
and Latin tongues. 

" 2. That he be able to give satisfaction, to the associ- 
ation examining him, of his skill in Logic and Philoso- 
phy. 

" 3. He shall be examined what authors, in divinity, he 
hath read ; and also concerning the main grounds or prin- 
ciples of the christian religion ; and shall therein offer just 
matter of satisfaction to the association examining him ; 
and shall give his assent to the confession of faith publicly 
owned and declared to be the confession of the faith of the 
united churches of this colony. 

'' 4. That if the life and conversation of the person to be 
examined be not well known to the association examining 
liim, then said jierson shall offer sufficient evidence to said 
association of his sober and religious conversation. 

" 5. That the person to be examined shall publicly pray, 
and also preach, in the presence of the association exam- 
ining him, fi-om some text of scripture which shall be given 
him by said association, and at such time and place as 
they shall appoint, in order io prove his gifts for fhe min- 
isterial work. 

M - 



490 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. XIX. 



Book I 

1712. 
Kespect- 
ing minis- 
ters to be 
ordained. 



Donations 
made to 
the col- 
lege. 



■' Rules relating to the ordination of a person to the 
' work of the ministry. 

" Agreed, 1 . In case of ordination, those who are to or- 
dain ought to be satisfied, that the person to be ordained is 
apt to teach, and of his inclination to the work of the min- 
istry. 

" 2. That they shall be satisfied ^vith his prudence anil 
fitness for the management of so great a trust, as that of the 
work of the ministry. 

" 3. The persons to ordain shall be satisfied, that his 
preaching and conversation be acceptable to the people 
over whom he is to be ordained. 

"4. That he shall be able to explain such texts of scrip- 
ture as shall be proposed to him. 

" 5. That he shall be able to resolve such practical caa 
es of conscience as shall be proposed to him. 

" 6. That he shall shew, to the satisfaction of the pas- 
tors to ordain him, his competent ability to refute danger- 
ous errors, and defend the truth against gainsayers. 

" 7. That he shall give his consent to the church disci- 
pline of this colony as established by law ; yet the pastors 
to ordain are not to be too severe and strict with him to be 
ordained, upon his sober dissent from some particulars in 
said discipline." 

Such has been the pious care of the venerable fathers 
of the churches in Connecticut, to preserve in them a learn- 
ed, orthodox, experimental ministry. The associations 
have examined all candidates for the ministry and recom- 
mended them to the churches previously to their preaching 
in them. In their examinations, they have caiefully en- 
quired into their knowledge in divinity, their experimental 
acquaintance with religion, their ministerial gifts and quali- 
fications, and have paid a special attention to their morals, 
and good character. Hence these churches have been 
distinguished and singularly happy in a learned, pious, la- 
borious, and prudent ministry. 

Aboi't this time a very valuable addition of books was 
made to the college library, at Saybrook. In 1713, Sir 
John Davie, ofGroton, who had an estate descended to 
him in England, with the title of baronet, gave a good col- 
lection. The next year a much greater donation was 
made by the generosity and procurement of Jeremiah 
Dummer, Esq. of Boston. He was then in London, in 
the capacity of an agent for several of the New-England 
colonies. He sent over above 800 volumes. About 120 
of them were procured at his own charge. The rest were 
from principal gentlemen in England, through his solicita- 



Chap. XIX. CONNECTICUT. 491 

lion and influence. Particularly from Sir Isaac Newton, Book T. 
Sir Richard Blackrnore, Sir Richard Steele, Doctors Bur- ^-^~v-x»^ 
net, Halley, Bentlcy, Kennet, Calamy, and Edwards; and 1713. 
Irom the Rev. Mr. Henry and Mr. Whiston. These sev- 
erally gave a collection of their own works, and governor 
Yale put in about 40 volumes. The library now consisted 
of about nine hundred volumes. 

From 1702 to 1713 inclusively, forty six young gentle- Number 
men were graduated, at Saybrook. Of these, thirty fdurg'^duated 
became ministersof the gospel, and two were elected ma- f^^^^'f 'l"'"^ 
gistrates. Notwithstanding the infant state of the college, the year 
numbers of them, through their native strength of genius HM. 
and the instructions of those excellent tutors, Mr. John 
Hart and Mr. Phineas Fisk, became excellent scholars, 
and shone not only as distinguished lights in the churches, 
but made a figure in the republic of letters. Seven of them 
afterwards were fellows of the college, at New- Haven ; 
and another of them was that excellent man, the Rever- 
end Jonathan Dickinson, president of the college in New- 
Jersey. 

The number of ordained ministers in the colony, this Number of 
year, exclusive of those in the towns under the govern- ortlamed 
ment of Massachusetts, was forty three. Upon the low- ^it'is^" 
est computation there was as much as one ordained minis- 
ter to every four hundred persons, or to every eighty fami- 
lies. It does not appear, that there was one bereaved 
church in the colony. Besides, there were a considerable 
number of candidates preaching in the new towns and par- 
ishes, in which churches were not yet formed. At or a- 
fcout this time, Mr. Thomas Towsey began to preach at 
Newtown, Mr. Joseph Meacham at Coventry, Mr. John 
Bliss at Hebron, and Mr. John Fisk at Killingly, at which 
jjlaccs churches were soon after gathered and those gen- 
tlemen ordained. Several other candidates were preach- 
ing in other places. 



492 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. XIX. 



A Catalogue of the minisUrs of Connecticut, from 1630, to 1713. 

inclusively. 



COUNTY OF HARTFORD. 



Minister's JVames. 



Thomas Hooker 
Samuel Stone* 
Joseph Haynes 
Samuel Whiting 
Mr. Foster 

Timothy Woodbridge 
Samuel Whiting ? 

Tho's Buckingham ^ 
John Warham 
Ephraim Hewet 
Samuel Mather 
Timothy Edwards* 
Henry Smith 
Jonatiian Russell 
Gersliom Bulkleyf 
Joseph RowlandsonI 
John Woodbridge 
Stephen Mix 
Roger Newton 
Samuel Hooker 
Samuel Whitman 
William Burnham 
Nathaniel CoHins 
Noadiah Russell 
Timothy Stevens 
Joseph Peck 
John Southmayd 
Dudley Woodbridge 
Timothy Woodbridge 
Jeremiah Hobart!:^ 



A'ames of towns. 



Hartford 
1st church 

2d do. 

Windsor 
2d church 

Weathersfield 



Farmington 

Kensington 2d ch 
Middletown* 
Glastenbury 
Waterbury 

Simshury 
Had dam 



Ordair 


ed or 


Instalted. 


Oct. 11, 


1633 


do. 


do. 


Nov. 18, 


16B5 




1669 




16.59 




1682 


May, 


1694 


Inst. 


1666 


Inst. 




Inst. 


1679 


Ord. 


1694 


Oct. 13, 


1652 


July 


1661 


Dec. 10, 


1706 


Dec. 10, 


1712 


Nov. 4, 


1668t 


Oct. 4, 


1688 


Oct. 


1693 


Aug. 26, 


1669t 


May 30, 


1705 


March 3 


1696 




1712 


iNov. It, 


noof 



Died 


or 


Removed. 


July, 


1647 


July 20, 


166.3 


May 24, 


1679 


April 30, 


1732 




1709 


Nov. 19, 


1731 


April 1, 


1670 


Sept. 4, 


1644 


March 18, 


1728 


Jan. 27, 


1758 




1641 


5Dis. 
I Died 


1667 } 


1713 I 


Aug. 28, 


1738 


Removed 


1657 


Nov. 6, 


1607 


Dec. 18, 


1684 


April 16, 


1725 


June 7, 

1 


1699 


Aug. 3, 


1710 


Aug. 28, 


1742 


Died Nov 


6,1715 



As the gatherinp:, or forming of tiie churrhcs, as far as can be found, was universal- 
ly on tlie (Jay of ordination, no column is made to certify the time of their formation ; 
but wherever this mark t is set after the fisiires expressing the time of ordination, it 
gives notice that the church was formed at the' same time. 

*Mr. Edwards war nearlj' sixty-four years in the ministry, and able to preach un- 
til he was about 84 years of age. 

t Mr. Bulkley was son of the Rev. Peter Bulkley, of Concord, in Massachusetts, 
and a gentleman of a very eminent character. It is thus given upon his monument : 
*' Who was of lare abilities, extraordinary industry, excellent in learning, master of 
many languages, exquisite in his skill in divinity, physic and law, and of a most exem- 
plary and christian life." By reason of infirmity he resigned tlie ministry many years 
before his death. 

^ Mr. Ilowlandson, the fourth minister of Weathersfield, removed from Lancaster, 
in Massachusetts, after that town was burnt by the Indians, in 1676. 

*tMr. Samuel Stow preached some years at Middletown, but as he was dismissed 
"before the church was gathered, he is not reckoned in the list of its ministers. 

i The Rev. Mr. Hohart was first ordained at Topstield, in Massachusetts. Thence 
he removed to Long-Island, and afterwards to Haddam, %vhere he died in the min- 
y-*ry^ at a very advanced age. Before him, Mr. iSiicholasNoyes preached thirteen 



Chap. XIX. 



CONNECTICUT. 



493 



Mmisler''s JVumcs. 


JVames of Towns. 


JVhcn ordained, 
or installed. 


Samuel Whiting 


Windham 


Dec. 4, 17 oof 


John Bulkley 


Colchester 


Dec. 20, nOii\ 


Stephen Hosmer 


East-Haddam 


Mays, 1704t 


Joseph Coit 


Plainfield 


Jan. G, ITOef 


Kleazar Williams 


Mansfield 


Oct. 18, ITIOJ 


N.athaniel Chauncey 


Durham 


Feb. 7, 171 ij 


Samuel Easterbrook 


Canterbury 


June 13, 1711 



Died, or removed- 



Sept. 27, 1725 
June, 1731 

Dismissed, 1742 

Died Feb. 1, 175C 
D.June 26, 1727 



COUNTY OF NEW-HAVEN. 



John Davenport 
Wniiiam Hook 
Nicholas Street* 
James Pierpont 
Peter Prudden 
Roger Newton 
Samuel Andrew 
Henry Whitfield 
.lohn Higginson 
Joseph Elliot 
Thomas Ruggles 
John Hart 
Abraham Pierson 
Samuel Russell 
John Bowers 
John James 
Joseph Moss 
Samuel Street 
Samuel Whittelsey 
James Hemingway 



New-Haven 
IVIilford 

Guilford 

E.GuUfordadS, 
Branford 

Derby 

WallingfordJ 
East-Haven 



ilnst. 
Ord. 
Ord. 
July 2, 
April 18, 
In.Au.22, 
Nov. 18, 



1639 
1614 
16.'>9 
16!!;> 
1610 
IGCO 
1685 



Nov. 20, 
Nov. 

March, 



May, 



1664 
1695 
1707 
1 641 

1687t 



1674 
1710 
17071 



Removed, 

Di. Ap. 22, 

Di. Nov. 22, 

June 7, 
Jan. 21, 
Rtimoved, 
Removed, 
May 24, 
June 1, 
March, 
Removed, 
June 25, 



Jan. Ifi, 
April 15, 
Oct. 7, 



166B 
1656 
1674 
1714 
1656 
1683 
1738 
1650 
1650 
1694 
1721; 
1732 
1665 
1731 



1717 
1752 
17.54 



COUNTY OF NEW-LONDON. 



1 



New-London 



1648 



Oct. 5, 1670 
Nov. 25, 1691 
Feb. 1709 



Removed, 1666 
Died, 1683 

Rem. Jan. 17U7 
Died, April, 1753 
ind ho left the town, 



Richard Bl5nman 

Gershora Bulkley 

Simon Bradstreett 

Gurdon Saltonstall 

Eliphalet Adams 

years in the town ; but during this time no church was formed ; 

and was afterwards ordained to the pastoral office in a church at Salem, in Massa- 
chusetts. 

* After the removal of Mr. Davenport, Mr. Street continued the only instructor of 
the church until his death ; and after his d<'cea!=t; the church and people were eleven 
years without a pastor. A great variety of preachers were invited info (lie town, but 
none could unite them until Mr. Pierpont was called. Under his ministry they enjoy- 
ed great peace, and were edified. 

X The committee of New-Haven for settling the town of Wallingford, for the safety 
of the church, obliged the undertakers, and all the successive planters, to subscribe the 
following engagement, viz. " He or they shall not by any means disturb the church, 
%vhen settled there, in their choice of minister or ministers, or other church officers ; or 
in any of their other church right?, liberties or administrations ; nor shall withdraw 
due maintenance from such ministry." This shows how strongly the churches in this 
part of the colony were, at that time, opposed to towns and parishes having any thing 
to do in the choice of a minister, or in any church aftairs. 

t There seems to have been no church formed in New-London until the ordiaatiori 
of Mr. Bradstreet, andit is probable that neither Mr, Blynman nnr Mr. Bnlklf^y wrve 
installed or ordained ib the town 



4S4 



HISTORY OF 



Chap. XIX. 



Minister's Aa/nes. 



JVatnes of Towns 



Saybrook 
Stonington 
i NorAj/ich 

}\.. . 

V Killingworth 



Groton 
Lj'me 
i Preston 
Lebanon 



JVhen ordained, r». , , 

or installed. ' Died, or remov ed 



Sept. 10, 16741 
16G0 

Dec. c, icag 

16(56 

1691; 

1700 
1711 
lG93f 
Dec. 10, 1724 
Nov. 16, 1G98 
Nov. 27, 1700 
Dec. 5, 1711 



Inst. 
Oct. 26, 
Nov. 8, 



COUNTY OF FAIRFIELD. 



Fairfield 



Stratford 
2d church 
Stamford 

Norwalk 

Greenwich 
Danbury 
Woodbury 
Rye 



Sept. so, 1665 
Aug. 15, 1694 
1640t 



James Fitch 
Thomas Buckingham 
James Noyes| 
James Fitch 
John Woodward 
John Woodl)nds;e 
Abraham Pierscju 
Jared Elliott 
Ephraim Woodbridgc 
Moses Noyes 
Samuel Pierpont!> 
Salmon Treat 
Joseph Parsons 
Samuel Wells 



Mr. Jopesf 

Samuel Wakcman 

Joseph Webb 

Adam Blackman 

Israel Chauncey 

Timothy Cutler 

Zachariah Walker 

Richard Denton j) 

John Bishop 

John Davenport 

Tliomas Hanford 

Stephen Buckingham 

Josi^ph Morgan 

Seth Shove 

Zachariah Walker 

John Bowersiy 

Ministers within the boundaries of Connecticut, but under the jurisdiction of Massachu- 

sells, 171,1113. 
Nathaniel Collins** irnfield 1697f Res. died, 1757 

Benjamin Ruggles Suffield May, 1698t Sept. 5, 170S 

Josiah Dwight iWoodstock 

Within the boundaries of the colony, including those under the jurisdiction of 
Massachusetts, there were forty-six churches, which had been illuminated witli 
about ninety ministers. Tlie churches enjoyed peace, and increased in num 
bers, knowledge and beauty. 

I The Rev. Mr. Noyes preached at Stonington more than ten years before his ordi- 
nation. It appears by the church records, that he preached in the town 35 years and 
6 month?. 

i Mr. Pierpont, returning from a vi^it wiiich he had made his friends, at New-Hav- 
en, was drowned in Connecticut river, March, 1725. He attempted to cross the river 
in a canoe, but an unexpected gust of wind arose, by which it was overset. His body 
wafted to Fisher's Island, where it was taken up and buried. 

tJVIr. Jones was episcopally ordained in England, and came into this country at aa 
early period, but as the first records of Fairfield were burnt, no particular account caa 
be given of his installation, or the time of his death. 

II Mr. Denton died at Hampstead, upoa Long-Island, about the year 1663, where he 
left posterity. 

IF Mr. Bowers removed from Derby, and settled at Rye, about the year 1688. Mr- 
Webb then preached at Derby about twelve years, but was not ordained. 

**Mr. CoMins, after laboring more than twenty years at Enfield, resigned his minis- 
try in that place, but preached to other congregations, aad continued in it until his death. 



Fan. 11, 



Nov. 17, 

Oct. 13, 
Mays, 



1665 
1709 

1641 
1644 
1694 
1654 
1697 

1697t 
1670 



D.Dec. SO, 1719 

1702 
Dis. Sept. 13, 1716 
Rem. to W. 1679 
Died May 5, 1707 
April 22, 176S 

1724 

March, 1725 

Res.Mar.l4, 1744 
Dismissed 1708 

1722 



March 8, 169.: 

Sept. 19, 1732 

Died, 1665 

March 14, 1722 

R. toY. C. 1719 
R. to Woodbury 

Removed, 1644 

Died, 1691 

D. Feb. 5, 1731 

Res. Feb. 24, 1727 

Oct, 3, 1735 



APPENDIX. 



ORIGINAL PAPERS 

ILLUSTRATING THE rRECEDIiVG HISTORY. 

NUMBER I. 

TJie old patent of Connecticut, 1631. 

To all people, unto whom this present writing shall corne^ 
Robert, Earl of Warwick, sendeth greeting, in pur Lord 
God everlasting. 

KNOW ye, that the said Robert, Earl of Warwick, for 
divers good causes and considerations him thereunto 
moving, hath given, granted, bargained, sold, enfeoffed, alien- 
ed, and confirmed, and by these presents doth give, grant, bar- 
gain, sell, enfeoff, aliene, and confirm, unto the right honorable 
William, Viscount Say and Seal, the right honorable Robert, 
Lord Brook, the right honorable Lord Rich, and the honora- 
ble Charles Fiennes, Esq. Sir Nathaniel Rich, Knt. Sir Rich- 
ard Saltonstall, Knt. Richard Knightly, Esq. John Pym, Esq. 
John Hampden, John Humphrey, Esq. and Herbert Pelham, 
Esq. their heirs and assigns, and their associates forever, all 
that part of New-England, in America, which lies and extends 
itself from a river there called Narraganset river, the space of 
forty leagues upon a straight line near the sea shore towards 
the southwest, west and by south, or west, as the coast lieth to- 
wards Virginia, accounting three EiUglish miles to the league ; 
and also all and singular the lands and hereditaments whatso- 
ever, lying and being within the lands aforesaid, north and 
south in latitude and breadth, and in length and longitude of 
and within, all the breadth aforesaid, throughout the main 
lands there, from the western ocean to the south sea, and all 
lands and grounds, place and places, soil, wood, and woods, 
grounds, havens, ports, creeks and rivers, waters, fishings, and 
hcrpditament<; whatsoever, lying within the said space, and 



496 APPENDIX. 

every pari and |)arcel thereof. And also ali islands lying ii» 
America aforesaid, in the said seas, or either of them, on the 
western or eastern coasts, or parts of the said tracts of lands, 
by these presents mentioned to be given, granted, bargained, 
sold, enfeofibd, aliened, and confirmed, and also all mines and 
minerals, as well, loyal mines of gold and silver, as other 
mines and minerals whatsoever, in the said land and premis- 
es, of any part thereof, and also the several rivers within the 
iiaid limits, by what name or names soever called or known, 
and all Jurisdictions, rights, and royalties, liberties, freedoms, 
immunities, powers, privileges, franchises, precminencies, and 
commodities whatsoever, which the said Robert, Earl of War- 
wick, now hath or had, or might use, exercise, or enjoy, in or 
within any part or parcel thereof, excepting and reserving to 
his majesty, his heirs, and successors the fifth part of all gold 
and silver ore, that shall be found within the said premises, or 
any part or parcel thereof: To have and to hold the said part 
of New-England in America, which lies and extends and is a- 
butted as aforesaid. And the said several rivers and every 
part and parcel thereof, and all the said islands, rivers, ports, 
havens, waters, fishings, mines, minerals, jurisdictions, pow- 
ers, franchises, royalties, liberties, privileges, commodities, 
hereditaments and premises, wluitsoever with the appurtenan- 
ces, unto the said William, Viscount Say and Seal, Robert, 
Lord Brook, Robert, Lord Rich, Chai-les Fiennes, Sir Nathan- 
iel Rich, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Richard Knightly, John 
Pym, John Hampden, John Humphrey and Herbert Pelham, 
their heirs and assigns and their associates,- to the only proper 
and absolute use and behoof of them the said William, Vis- 
count Say and Seal, Robert, Lord Brook, Robert, Lord Rich, 
Charles Fiennes, Sir Nathaniel Rich, Sir Richard Saltonstall, 
Richard Knightly, John Pym, John Hanjpden, John Hum- 
jihrey, and Herbert Pelham, their heirs and assigns, and their 
associates for ever more. In witness whereof the said Robert, 
Earl of Warwick, hath hereunto set his hand and seal, the 
ninctcentli day of March, in the seventh year of the reign of 
our sovereign Lord Charles, by the Grace of God, King of 
England, Scotland, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, 
&c. Annoq. Domini, 1631. 

Signed, sealed, and delivered, in the presence of 

H^\LTER Williams. 

Thomas Howson. 

Robert Warwick. ,1 Seal. 



APPENDIX. 497 



NUMBER 11. 

Mr. Winthrop^s commission to erect a fort at the mouth of Con' 
ncclicut river, with articles of agreement betrceenhim and their 
lordships Say and Seal, Brook, ^-c. 1635. 

KNOW all men, by these presents, that we, Arthur Hassel- 
ring. Baronet, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Knt. Henry Lawrence, 
Henry Darley, and George Fenwick, Esquires, in our own 
names, and in the name of the right honorable Viscount Say 
and Seal, Robert, Lord Brook, and the rest of our company, 
do ordain and constitute John Winthrop, Esq. the younger, 
governor of the river Connecticut, with the places adjoining 
thereunto, for, and during the space of one whole y^^r, after 
his arrival there, giving him, from and under us, full power 
and authority, to do and execute any such lawful act and 
thing, both in respect of the. place and people, as also of the 
affairs we have, or shall have there, as to the dignity or office 
of a governor doth, or may appertain. In witness whereof 
we have hereunto put our hands and seals, this 18th day of 
July, 1G3j. 

Richard Saltonstall, Arthur Hasselring, 

Henry Lawrence, George Fenwick, 

Henry Darley. 
Five seals appendant, impressed in one large piece of wax. 

Articles made bi tro'-en the right honorable the lord Viscount Sat/ 
and Seal, Sir Arthur Hassclring, Baronet, Sir Richard Sal- 
tonstall, Kaight, Henry Lawrence, Henry Darley, and George 
Fc7iwic/c, Esquires, on the one part, and John Winthrop, Esq. 
the younger, of the other, the 1th July, 1635. 
First, That we, in our names, and the rest of the company, 
do by these presents appoint John Winthrop, the younger, 
governor of the river Connecticut, in New-England, and of the 
harbour and places adjoining, for the space of one year, from 
his arrival there. And the said John Winthrop doth under- 
take and covenant for his part, that he will, with all conven- 
ient speed, repair to those places, and there abide as afore- 
said for the best advancement of the company's service. 

Secondly, That so soon as he comes to the bay, he shall en- 
deavour to provide able men to the number of fifty, at the least, 
for making of fortifications, and building of houses at the river 
Connecticut, and the harbour adjoining, first for their own 
present accommodations, and then such houses as may receive 
men of quality, which lattqr liouscs we would have to be build- 
od within the fort. 

Na 



498 APPENDIX. 

Thirdly, That he shall employ those men. according to his 
best ability, lor the advancement of the company's service, es- 
pecially in the particulars ahovementioned, during the time of 
liis government; and shall also give a true and just account o.f 
all the monies and goods committed to his managing. 

Fourthly, That for such as shall plant there now, in the be- 
ginning, he shall take care that they plant themselves either at 
ihe harbour, or near the mouth of the river, that these places 
may be the better strengthened for their own safety, and to 
that end, that they also set down in such bodies together, as 
they may be most capable of an entrenchment; provided that 
there be reserved unto the fort, for the maintenance of it, one 
thousand or fifteen hundred acres, at least, of good ground, as 
near adjoining thereunto as may be. 

Fifthly, That forasmuch as the service will take him off from 
his own employment, the company do engage themselves, to 
give him a just and due consideration for the same. In wit- 
ness whereof we have interchangeably hereunto subscribed our 
names. 

W. Say and Seal, George Fenwick, 

Henry Lawrence, Arthur Hasselring. 

Richard Saltonstall, Henry Darley. 

NUMBER III. 

The original consiiiution of Comiccticut, formed by voluntary 
compact, 1639. 

FORASMUCH as it hath pleased the Almighty God, by the 
wise disposition of his divine providence, so to order and dis- 
pose of things, that|we the inhabitants and residents of Wind- 
sor, Hartford, and AVeathcrsfielcUare now cohabiting, and 
dwelling in and upon the river Connecticut, and the lands 
thereunto adjoining, and well knowing where a people are gath- 
ered together, the word of God requireth that, to maintain the 
peace and union of such a people, there should be an ordcrl} 
and decent government established according to God, to order 
and dispose of the affairs of the people at all seasons, as occa- 
sion should require ; do therefore associate and conjoin our- 
selves to be as one public State or Commonwealth ; and do, 
for ourselves and our successors, and such as shall be adjoin- 
ed to us at any time hereafter, enter into combination and con- 
federation together, 16 maintain and preserve the liberty and 
purity of the gospel' of our Lord Jesus, which we now pro- 
fess, as also the discipline of the churches, which, according to 
the truth of said gospel, is now practised amongst us; as also 
in our civil affairs to be guided and governed according to suet'. 



APPENDIX. 499 

laws, rules, orders, and decrees, as shall be made, ordered, and 
decreedTas followeth : 

I. ITis ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that there shall be 
yearly two general assemblies or courts, the one on the second 
Thursday of April, the other the second Thursday of Septem- 
ber following : The first shall be called the Court of Elec- 
tion, wherein shall be yearly chosen, from time to time, so 
many raagisti-ates and other public officers, as shall be found 
requisite, whereof one to be cho?en governor for the year en- 
suing, and until another be chosen, and no other magistrate to 
be chosen for more than one year; provided always, there be 
six chosen besides the governor, which being chosen and sworn 
according to an oath recorded for that purpose, shall have 

f>ower to administer justice according to the laws here estab- 
ished, and for want thereof according to the rule of the word 
of God : which choice shall be made by all that are admitted 
freemen, and have taken the oath of fidelity, and do cohabit 
within this jurisdiction, having been admitted inhabitants by 
the major part of the town where they live, or the major part 
of such as shall be then present. 

IF. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that the election 
of the aforesaid magistrates shall be in this manner; every 
person pi-escnt and qualified for choice, shall bring in (to the 
persons deputed to receive them) one single paper, with the 
name of him written on it whom he desires to have governor, 
and he that hath the greatest number of papers shall be gover- 
nor for that year; And the rest of the magistrates or public 
officers to be chosen in this manner; the secretary for the time 
being, shall first read tlie names of all that are to be put to 
choice, and then sliall severally nominate them distinctly, and 
every one that would have the person nominated to be chosen 
shall bring in one single paper written upon, and he that would 
not have him chosen shall bring in a blank, and every one that 
has more written papers than blanks, shall be a magistrate for 
that year, which papers shall be received and told by one or 
more that shall be then chosen, by the court, and sworn to be 
faithful therein ; but in case there should not be six persons as 
aforesaid, besides the governor, out of those which are nomi- 
nated, then he or they which have the most written papers, 
shall be a magistrate or magistrates for the ensuing year, to 
make up the aforesaid number. 

HI. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that the secreta- 
ry shall not nominate any person new, nor shall any person 
be chosen newly into the magistracy, which was not propound- 
ed in some general court before, to be nominated the next elec- 
tion : And to that end it shall be lawful for each of the towns 
aforesaid, by their deputies, to nominate any two whom the" 



506 i^PPENDIX. 

conceive i'd to he put to election, and tiie court may add so ma- 
ny more as they judge requisite. 

IV. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that no person be 
chosen governor above once in two years, and that the gover- 
nor be always a member of some approved congregation, and 
formerly of the magistracy within this jurisdiction, and all the 
magistrates freemen of this commonweiikh 5 and that no mag- 
istrate or other public otHcer, shall execute any })art of his or 
their office before they are severally sworn, wliich shall be 
done in the face of the court if they be present, and in case of 
absence, by some deputed for that purpose. 

V. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that to the afore- 
said court of election, the several towns shall send their depu- 
ties, and when the elections are ended they may proceed in 
any public service, as at other courts ; also, the otiier general 
court in Sej^tember, shall be for making of laws, and any other 
public occasion which concerns the good of the common- 
wealth. 

VI. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that the gover- 
nor shall, either by himself or by the secretary, send out sum- 
mons to the constables of every town, for the calling of those 
two standing courts, one month at least, before their several 
limes ; and also, if the governor and the greatest part of the 
magistrates see cause, upon any special occasion, to call a 
general court, they may give order to the secretary so to do, 
within fourteen days warning; and if urgent necessity so re- 
Cjuire, upon a shorter notice, giving suflicient grounds for it 
to the deputies when they meet, or else be questioned for the 
same. And if the governor, or major part of the magistrates, 
jihall either neglect or refuse to call the two general standing 
courts, or either of them, as also at other times when the oc- 
casions of the commonwealth require, the freemen thereof, or 
the major part of them, shall petition to them so to do ; if then 
it bo either denied or neglected, the said freemen, or the ma- 
jor part of ihem, shall have power to give order to the consta- 
bles of the several towns to do the same, and so may meet to- 
gether and choose to themselves a moderator, and may pro- 
ceed to do any act of powder which any other general courts 

may. 

VII. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that after there 
are warrants given out for any of the said general courts, the. 
constable or constables of each town, shall forthwith give no- 
tice distinctly to the inhabitants of the same, in some public 
assembly, or by going or sending from house to house, that at 
a place and time by him or them limited and set, they meet 
and assemble themselves together, to elect and choose certain 
deputies to be at the general court then following, to agitate 



APPENDIX. 601 

the affairs of the commonwealth, which said deputies shall be 
chosen by all that are admitted inhabitants in the several towns, 
and have taken the oath of fidelity ; provided, that none be 
chosen a deputy for any general court which is not a freeman 
of this commonwealth : The aforesaid deputy shall be chosen 
in manner following ; every person that is present and qualifi- 
ed, as before expressed, shall bring the names of such, written 
on several papers, as they desire to have chosen, for that em- 
ployment; and those three or four, more or less, being the 
iiumbcr agreed on to be chosen, for that time, that have the 
greatest number of papers written for them, shall be deputies 
for that court ; whose names shall be indorsed on the back 
side of the warrant, and returned into the court with the con- 
stable or constables hand unto the same. 

VIII. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that Windsor, 
Hartford, and Weathersfield, shall have power, each town, to 
send four of their freemen as their deputies, to every general 
court; and whatsoever other towns shall be hereafter added to 
this jurisdiction, they shall send so many deputies as the court 
shall judge meet ; a reasonable proportion to the number of 
freemen that are in said towns, being to be attended therein ; 
v/hich deputies shall have the power of the whole town to give 
their votes, and allowance to all such laws and orders, as may 
be for the public good, and uoto which the said towns are to 
be bound. 

IX. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that the deputies 
thus chosen, shall have power and liberty to appoint a time 
and a place of meeting together, before any general court, to 
advise and consult of all such things as may concern the good 
of the public ; as also to examine their own elections, whether 
according to the order ; and if they or the greatest part of them 
find any election to be illegal, they may seclude such for the 
present from their meeting, and return the same and their rea- 
sons to the court ; and if it prove true, the court may fine the 
party or parties so intruding upon the town, if they see cause, 
and give out a warrant to go to a new election in a legal way, 
either in part or in whole; also the said deputies shall have 
power to fine any that shall be disorderly at their meeting, or 
lor not coming in due time or place, according to appointment; 
and they may return said fine into the court, if it be refused to 
be paid, and the treasurer to take notice of it, and to estreat or 
levy the same as he doth other fines. 

X. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that every gene- 
ral court (except such as, through neglect of the governor and 
the greatest part ol the magistrates, the freemen themselves do 
call,) shall consist of the governor, or some one chosen to 
moderate the court, and four other magistrates at least, with the 



502 APPENDIX. 

major part of the deputies of the several towns lcc;ally chosen ; 
and in case the freemen, or the major part of tliem, through 
neglect or refusal of the governor and major part of the magis- 
ti-ates, shall call a court, that shall consist of the major part of 
the freemen that are present, or their deputies, with a modera- 
tor chosen by them ; in which said general court shall consist 
the Supreme Power of the Commowvealth, and they only 
shall have power to make laios or repeal them, to grant levies, 
to admd freemen, to dispose of lands undisposed of, tx) several 
towns or persons, and also shall have power to call other courts, 
or magistrate, or any other person whatsoever, into c{uestion 
for any misdemeanor ; and may forjust causes displace ordeal 
otherwise, accordir)g to tlie nature oi' the oflcnce ; and also may 
deal in any other matter that concerns the good of this com- 
monwealth, except election of magistrates, which shall be done 
by the whole body of freemen ; in which court the governor 
or moderator shall have power to order the court, to give liber- 
ty of speech, and silence unreasonable and disorderly speak- 
ing, to put all tilings to vote, and in case the vote be equal to 
have a casting voice ; but none of these courts shall be ad- 
journed or dissolved without the consent of the major part of 
the court. 

XL his ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that when any 
general court, upon the occasions of the commonwealth, liave 
agreed upon any sum or sums of money to be levied upon the 
several towns within this jurisdiction, that a committee be cho- 
sen to set out and appoint what shall be the propoition of eve- 
ry town to pay, of the said levy, provided the committee be 
made up of an equal number out of each town. 14th January, 
1638.* 

NUMBER IV. 

The fundament a I articles, or original consfitation oj the colomj 
of Keici-Haven, June 4th, 1839. 

TnE4thdayof the 4th month, called June, 1639, all the 
free planters assembled together in a general meeting, to con- 
sult about settling civil government, according to God, and the 
nomination of persons that might be found, by consent of all, 
fittest in all respects for the foundation work of a church, which 
•was intended to be gathered in Quinipiack. After solemn in- 
vocation of the name of God, in prayer for the presence and 
help of his spirit and grace, in those weighty businesses, they 
V'ere reminded of the business whereabout they met, (viz.) for 
the establishment of such civil order as might be most pleas- 
* This as we now date was 1G39, 



APPENDIX. 503 

ing unto God, and for the choosing the fittest men for the 
foundation work of a church to bo gathered. For the better 
enabling them to discern the mind of God, and to agree ac- 
cordingly concerning the establishment of civil order, Mr. 
John Davenport propounded divers queries to them publicly, 
praying them to consider seriously in the presence and fear of 
God, the weight of the business they met about, and not to be 
rash or slight in giving their votes to things they understood 
not ; but to digest fully and thoroughly what should be pro- 
pounded to them, and without respect to men, as they should 
be satisfied and persuaded in their own minds, to give their an- 
swers in such sort as they would be willing should stand upon 
record for posterity. 

This being earnestly pressed by Mr. Davenport, Mr. Ro- 
bert Newman v/as intreated to write, in characters, and to 
read distinctly and audibly, in the hearing of all the people, 
what was propounded and accorded on, that it might appear, 
that all consented to matters propounded, according to words 
written by him. • 

Query \. Whether the scriptures <lo hold forth a perfect rule 
for the direction and government of all men in all duties which 
they are to perform to God and men, as well in families and 
commonwealth, as in matters of the church ? This was assent- 
ed unto by all, no man dissenting, as was expressed by hold- 
ing up of the hands. Afterwards it was read over to them, that 
they might see in what words their vote was expressed. They 
again expressed their consent by holding up their hands, 
no man dissenting. 

Query II. Whereas, there was a covenant solemnly made 
by the whole assembly of free planters of this plantation, the 
first day of extraordinary humiliation, which we had after we 
came together, that as in matters that concern the gathering 
and ordering of a church, so likewise in all public officers which 
concern civil order, as choice of magistrates and officers, mak- 
ing and repealing laws, dividing allotments of inheritance, and 
all things of like nature, 'vve would all of us be ordered by 
those rules which the scripture holds forth to us ; this cove- 
nant was called a plantation covenant, to distinguish it from a 
churh covenant, which could not at that time be made, a 
church not being then gathered, but was deferred till a church 
might be gathered, according to God : It was demanded 
whether all the free planters do hold themselves bound by that 
covenant, in all businesses of that nature which are expressed 
in the covenant, to submit themselves to be ordered by the 
rules held forth in the scripture T 

This also was assented unto by all, and no man gainsayed 
it: and they did testify the same by holding up their hands. 



504 APPENDIX. 

both when iiAvas first propounded, and confirmed the samoby 
holding up their hands when it was read unto them in public. 
John Clark being absent, when the covenant was made, doth 
now manifest his consent to it. Also, Richard Beach, Andrew- 
Law, Goodman Banister, Arthur Halbridge, John Potter, Ro- 
bert Hill, John Brocket, and John Johnson, these persons, be- 
ing not admitted planters when the covenant was made, do now 
express their consent to it. 

Query III. Those who have desired to be received as free 
planters, and are settled in the plantation, with a purpose, 
resolution and desire, that they may be admitted into church 
fellowship, according to Christ, as soon as God shall fit them 
thereunto, were desired to express it by holding up hands. 
Accordingly all did express this to be their desire and purpose 
by holding up their hands twice, (viz.) at the proposal of it, 
and after when these written words were read unto them. 

Query IV. All the free planters were called upon to express, 
■whether they held themselves bound to establish such civil or- 
der as might best conduce to the securing of the purity and 
peace of the ordinance to themselves and their posterity ac- 
cording to God ? In answer hereunto they expressed by hold- 
ing up their hands twice as before, that they held themselves 
bound to establish such civil order as might best conduce to 
the ends aforesaid. 

Then Mr. Davenport declared unto them, by the scripture, 
•what kind of persons might best be trusted with matters of gov- 
ernment; and by sundry arguments from scripture ])rovcd that 
such men as were described in Exod. xviii. 2, Deut. i. 13, 
■with Deut. xvii. 15, and 1 Cor. vi. 1, 6, 7, ought to be intrust- 
ed by them, seeing they were free to cast themselves into that 
mould and form of commonwealth which appeared best for 
them in reference to the securing the peace and peaceable im- 
provement of all Christ his ordinances in the church according 
to God, whercunto they have bound themselves, as hath beea 
acknowledged. 

Having thus said he sat down, praying the company freely to 
consider, whether they would have it voted at this time or not. 
After some space of silence, Mr. Theophilus Eaton answered, 
it might be voted, and some others also spake to the same 
purpose, none at all opposing it. Then it was propounded to 
vote. 

Query V. Whether free burgesses shall be chosen out of 
the church members, they that are in the foundation work of 
the church being actually free burgesses, and to choose to 
themselves out of the like estate of church fellowship, and the 
power of choosing magistrates and officers from among them- 
:!iclvcs, and the power of making and rcpe^iling lav/s, ac- 



APPENDIX. , 505 

cording to the word, and the dividing of inheritances, and do-' 
ciding of difTeronccs that may arise, and all the businesses of 
like nature are to be transacted by those free burgesses? This 
was put to vote and agreed unto by lifting np of hands twice, 
as in the former it was done. Then one man stooil up and ex- 
pressed his dissenting from the rest in part; yet granting, 1. 
That magistrates should be men fearing God. 2. That the 
church is the company where, ordinarily, such men may be 
expected. 3. That they that choose them ought to be men 
fearing God : only at this he stuck, that free planters ought not 
to give this power out of their hands. Another stood up and 
answered, that nothing was done, but with their consent. 
The former answered, that all the iree planters ought to re- 
sume this power into their own hands again, if things were not 
orderly carried* Mr. Theophilus Eaton answered, that in all 
places they choose committees in like manner. The compa- 
nies in London choose the liveries b}^ whom the public magis- 
trates are chosen. In this the rest are not wronged, because 
they expect, in time, to be of the livery t.hemselves, and to 
have the same power. Some others intreated the former to 
gjve his arguments and reasons whereupon he dissented. He 
refused to do it, and said, they might not rationally demand it, 
seeing he let the vote pass on freely and did not speak till after 
it was past, because he would not hinder what they agreed 
upon. Then Mr. Davenport, after a short relation of some 
former passages between tiiera two about this question, prayed 
the company that nothing might be concluded by them on this 
weighty question, but what themselves were persuaded to be 
agreeing with the mind of God, and they had heard what had 
been said since the voting; he intreated them again to con- 
sider of it,^ and put it again to vote as before. Again all of 
them, by holding up their hands, did show their consent as be- 
fore. And some of them confessed that, whereas they did wa- 
ver before they came to the assembly, they were now fully 
convinced, that it is the mind of God. One of them said that 
in the morning before he came, reading Deut. xvii. 15, he was 
convinced at home. Another said, that he came doubting to 
the assembly, but he blessed God, by what had been said, he 
was now fully satisfied, that the choice of burgesses out of 
church members, and to instruct those with the power before 
spoken of, is according to (he mind of God revealed in the scrip- 
tures. All having spoken their apprehensions, it was agreed 
upon, and Mr. Robert Newman was desired to write it as an 
order whereunto every one that hereafter should be admitted 
here as planters, should submit, and testify the same by sub- 
scribing their names to the order : Namely, that church mem- 
bers only shall be free buriiesses, and that they only shall 

^0 3 



506 APPENDIX, 

choose magistrates- and officers among themselves, to have- 
power of transacting all the public civil aiiairs of this plantation; 
of making and repealing laws, dividing of inheritances, decid- 
ing of diflVrences that may arise, and doing all things and bu- 
sinesses of like nature. 

This being thus settled, as a fundamental agreement con- 
cerning civil government, Mr. Davenport proceeded to pro- 
pound something to consideration about the gathering of a 
church, and to prevent the blemishing of the first beginnings 
of the church work, Mr.. Davenport advised, that the names of 
such as were to be admitted might be publicly propounded, to 
the end that they who were most approved might be chosen ; 
for the town being cast into several private meetings, wherein 
they that lived nearest together gave their accounts one to an- 
other of God's gracious work upon them, and prayed together 
and conferred to their mutual edification, sundry of them had 
knowledge one of another ; and in every meeting some one was 
more approved of all than any other; for this reason, and to 
prevent scandals, the whole company was intreated to consider 
whom they found fittest to nominate for this work. 

Query VI. Whether are you all willing and do agree in this^ 
that twelve men be chosen, that their fitness for the foundation 
work may be tried ; however, there may be more named, yet it 
may be in their power who are chosen, to reduce them to twelve, 
and that it be in the power of those twelve to choose out ot' 
themselves seven, that shall be most approved of by the major 
part, to begin the church ? 

This was agreed upon by consent of all, as was expressed 
by holding up of hands, and that so many as should be thought 
lit for the foundation work of tiie church, shall be propounded 
by the plantation, and written down and pass without excep- 
tion, unless they had given public scandal or oflence. Yet so 
as in case of public scandal or offence, every one should have 
liberty to propound their exception, at that time, publicly 
against any man, that should be nominated, when all their 
names should be writ down. But if the olfence were private,^ 
that men's names might be tendered, so many as were offend- 
ed were intreated to deal with the ot&ndcr privately, and if he 
gave not satisfaction, to bring the matter to the twelve, thai 
they might consider of it impartially and in the fear of God. 



APPENDIX. S07 

NUMBER V. 

Y'hejirst agreement with George Fenwick, Esq, 1644. 

Articles of agreement made and concluded betwixt George 
Fenwick, Etq. of Saybrook fort, on the one part, and Ed- 
ward Hopkins, JohnHaynes, John Mason, John Steele, and 
James Boosy, for and on the behalf of the •jurisdiction of 
Connecticut river, on the other part, the 5th of December, 
1644. 

THE said George Fenwick, Esq. doth, by these presents, 
convey and make over to the use and for the behoof of the ju- 
risdiction of Connecticut river aforesaid, the fort at Saybrook, 
with the appurtenances hereafter mentioned, to be enjoyed by 
them forever. Two demiculvering cast pieces, with all the 
shot thereunto appertaining, except fifty, which are reserved 
for his own use; tv/o long saker cast pieces, with all the shot 
■ thereunto belonging ; one murderer, with two chambers and 
two hammered pieces ; two barrels of gun powder, forty mus- 
kets, with bandoleers and rests, as also four carabines, swords, 
and such irons as are there for a draw bridge ; one sow of lead, 
and irons for the carriages of ordnance, and all the housing 
within the palisado. 

It is also provided and agreed, betwixt the said parties, that 
all the land upon the river of Connecticut shall belong to the 
said jurisdiction of Connecticut, and such lands as are yet un- 
disposed of shall be ordered and given out by a committee of 
five, whereof George Fenwick, Esq. aforesaid is always to be 
one. 

It is further provided and agreed, that the town of Saybrook 
shall be carried on according to such agreements, and in that 
way which is already followed there, and attended betwixt Mr. 
Fenwick and the inhabitants there. 

It is also provided and agreed, betwixt the said parties, that 
George Fenwick, Esq. shall have liberty to dwell in, or make 
use of, any or all the housing belonging to the said fort, for 
the space of ten years ; he keeping those which he makes use 
of in sufficient repair, (extraordinary casualties excepted ;) 
and in case he remove his dwelling to any other place, that he 
should give half a year's warning thereof, that provision may 
be made accordingly; only it is agreed, that there shall be 
some convenient part of the housing reserved for a gunner, 
and his family to live in, if the jurisdiction see fit to settle one 
there. 

It is further provided and agreed, betwixt the said parties, 
that George Fenwick, Esq. shall enjoy to his own proper use, 
these particulars following : 



508 APPENDIX. 

1st. Tiie house near adjoining to the wharf, with the wharf 
and an acre of ground thereunto belonging; provided, that the 
said acre of ground take not up above eight rods in breadth by 
tlie water side. 

2d. The point of land, and the marsh lying under the barn 
already l)uiit by the said George Fenwick. 

3d. The island coininoidy called six mile island, with the 
meadow thereunto adjoining, on the east side the river. 

4th. The ground adjoining to the town lield, which is alrea- 
dy taken, otf and incIose(i whh three rails, by the said George 
Fenwick; only there is liberty granted to the said jurisdic- 
tion, if they see fit, to build a fort upon the western point, 
whereunto there shall be allov/ed an acre of ground for a house 
lot. 

5th. It is also provided and agreed, that the said George 
Fenwick, Esq. shall have free warren in his own land, and 
liberty for a tloater for his own occasions ; as also the like 
liberty is reserved for any others of the adventurers, that may 
come unto liicse parts, with a double house lot in such plage - 
where they make choice to settle their abode. 

All the forementioned grants (except before excepted) the 
said George Fenwick, Esq. doth engage liimself to make good 
to the jui'isdiction aforesaid, against all claims that may be 
made, by any other to the premises by reason of any disburse- 
iTients made upon the place. 

The said George Fenvvick doth also promise, that all the 
lands from Narraganset river to the fort of Saybrook, mention- 
ed in a patent granted by the earl of Warwick to certain no- 
bles and gentlemen, shall fall in under the jurisdiction of Con- 
necticut, if it come into his power. For, and in regard of the 
premises, and other good considerations, the said Edward 
Ho{)kins, John Haynes, John Mason, John Steele, and James 
Boosy, authorized thereunto, by the general court for the ju- 
risdiction of Connecticut, do, in behalf of the said jurisdiction, 
promise and agree, to and Vv'ith the said George Fenwick, 
Esquire, that for and during the space of ten full and comj)lete 
years, to begin from the first of March next ensuing the date 
of these presents, there shall be allowed and paid to the said 
George Fenvvick, or iiis assigns, the particular sums hereafter 
fbllovving. 

1st. Each bushel of corn, of all sorts, or meal, that shall pass 
out of the river's mouth, shall pay twopence fier bushel. 

2d. Every hundred of biscuit that shall in like manner pass 
out of the river's mouth, shall pay six pence. 

3d. Each milk cow, and mare, of three years or upwards, 
within any of the towns or farms upon the liver, shall pay 
twelve pence per annum during the foresaid term. 



APPENDIX. 509 

4th. Eacli hog or sow, that is killed by any particular per- 
son, within the limits of the river, And the jurisdiction afore- 
said, to be improved either for his ovvi» particular use, or to 
make market of, shall in like manner pay twelve pence per 
annum. 

5th. Each hogshead of beaver, traded out of this jurisdic- 
tion, and passed by water down the river, shall pay twenty 
shillings. 

6th. Each pound of beaver, traded within the limits of the 
river, shall pay two pence. Only it is provided, that in case 
the general trade with the Indians, now in agitation, proceed, 
this tax upon beaver, mentioned in this, and the foregoing ar- 
ticles, shall fall. 

7th. The said committee, by the power aforesaid, consent 
and agree, to and with the said George Fcnwick, Esq. that he, 
the said George Fenwick, and his heirs, shall be free of any 
impositions or customs, that may hereafter, by the jurisdiction, 
be imposed at the fort. 

It is agreed that the aforesaid payments shall be made in 
manner following : What shall be due from the grain that is 
exported, shall be paid in grain, according to the proportion 
of the several kinds of grain that do pass away, at the common 
current price; neither attending such prices on the one hand, that 
the court may set; nor yet on the other hand, such as corn may be 
sold at, through the necessities of men : And in case of any 
difference, then the price shall be set by two good men, the one 
chosen by Mr. Fenwick, and the other by the court. What 
shall be due otherwise, shall be paid in beaver, wampum, bar- 
iey, wheat or pease ; the former consideration for the price, to 
be herein also attended. And it is provided and agreed, that 
a strict order and course shall be taken in observing v»hat 
grain is put aboard any vessel that goelh down the river, from 
any of the towns: and due notice being taken thereof, every 
boat or vessel shall be enjoined to take a note of some person 
deputed by the court in each town, what quantities and kinds 
of grain are aboard the said vessel; and to deliver to Mr. 
Fenwick, or his assigns, at Saybrook, so much as will be due 
to him according to the forementioned agreements. And like- 
wise, for the other payments, due care shall be taken, that they 
be made at the place aforesaid, in as convenient a way as may 
comfortably be attended, and that all indirect courses be pre- 
vented, whereby the true intent and meaning of these agree- 
ments may be evaded. In witness whereof the parties before 
mentioned have hereunto put their hands, the day and year 
abovesaid. Edward Hopkins, John IIavnes, 

John Mason, John Steele, 

George Fenwick. James Boosy.*' 

* Records of the colony of Conaeclicut, folio toL II. pp. 53; 60, Gl and 62o 



510 APPENDIX. 



NUMBER VI. 



The second agreement with George Fenwick, Esquire, Februari/ 
nth, 1646. 

IT was agreed betwixt Edward Hopkins, on the behalf of 
George Fenwick, Esq. and John Cullick, John Talcott, John 
Porter, and Henry Clark, James Boosy, and Samuel Smith, on 
the behalf of the jurisdiction of Connecticut, that the agree- 
ment formerly made with Mr. Fenwick, shall be afterwards, 
and what was to be received by him according to that, reduc- 
ed to the terms hereafter expressed: — viz. — There shall year- 
ly, for ten years, be paid to Mr. Fenwick, or his assigns, one 
hundred and eighty pounds per annum, to be paid every year 
before the last of June, as it shall be required by the assigns 
of the said George Fenwick, cither to such vessels as shall be 
appointed, or to such house or houses, in Weadiersfield or 
Hartford, as he shall direct and order. To be paid one third 
in good wheat, at 4s. per bushel ; one third in pease, at 3s. per 
bushel ; one third in rye or barley, at 3s. per bushel : And if 
rye or barley be not paid, then to pay it in wheat and pease, 
in an equal proportion ; and this present year some Indian corn 
shall be accepted ; but as little as may be. Also, there is to 
be received by the said George Fenwick what is due from 
Springfield, for the aforesaid term of ten years. As also, what 
else may be due upon the beaver trade, according to the for 
raer agreement with him. Also, whereas the town of Saybrook 
js to pay in this sum of 1801. for this year, lOl. when that town 
increaseth, so as they pay a greater proportion, in other rates, 
in reference to what these towns, Windsoi-, Hartford, Weath- 
ersfield, and Farmington do pay, they shall increase their pay 
to Mr. Fenwick accordingly. Also, whereas Mattabeseck 
may hereafter be planted, they shall pay unto Mr. Fenwick in 
'..he same proportion they pay .other rates to these towns. 
These four towns being accounted at one hundred and seventy 
pounds.* Edward Hopkins, 

John Cullick, 
John Talcott, 

■*■ Records of the colony of Connecticut, folio vol. ii. p- 63 



APPENDIX. an 



NUMBER Vir. 



Petition to his majesty, King Charles 11. iQ,Q>\,for charter privi- 
leges. 

The humble petition of the General Court, at Hartford uporv 

Connecticut, in New-England, to the high and mighty Prince 

Charles the second, humbly shewing: — 

THAT whereas your petitioners have not had, for many- 
years past, since their possession and inhabiting these western 
and inland parts of this wilderness, any opportunity, by reasou 
of the calamities of the late sad times, to seek for, and obtain 
such grants, by letters patent from your excellent majesty^ 
their sovereign lord and king, as might assure them of such 
liberties and privileges, and sufficient powers, as might en- 
courage them to go on through all difficulties, hazards, and ex- 
penses, in so great a work of plantation, in a place so remote 
from the christian world, and a desert so difficultly subdued, 
and no way improveable for subsistence, but by great cost and 
hard labour, with much patience and cares. 

And whereas, besides the great charge that hath been ex- 
pended by our fathers, and some of their associates yet survi- 
ving, about the purchases, building, fortifying, and other mat- 
ters, of culturing and improving to a condition of safety and 
subsistence, in the places of our present abode, among the 
heathen, whereby there is a considerable and real addition to 
the honour and enlargement of his majesty's dominion, by the 
sole disbursements of his majesty's subjects here; of their own 
proper estates, they have laid out a very great sum for the 
purchasing a jurisdiction right of Mr. George Fenwick, which' 
they were given to understand was derived from true royal au- 
thority, by letters patent, to certain lords and gentlemen there- 
in nominated, a copy whereof was produced before the com- 
missioners of the colonies, and approved by them, as appears 
by their records, a copy whereof is ready to be presented at 
your majesty's command, though, either by fire at a house 
where it had been sometimes kept, or some other accident, is 
iiovv lost; with which your poor subjects were rather willing 
to have contented themselves, in those afflicting times, than to 
seek for power or privileges from any other than their lawful 
prince and sovereign. 

May it, therefore, please your most gracious and excellent 
majesty, to confer upon your humble petitioners, who unani- 
mously do implore your highnnss's favour and grace therein^ 
those liberties, rights, authorities, and privileges, which were 
granted by the aforementioned letters patent, to certaiu lords 



oi2 APPENDL^. 

Jind gcritlenien, so purchased as aforesaid, or which were en- 
joyed from those letters patent, granted to the Massachusetts 
plantation, by our fathers, and some of us yet surviving, when 
there, in our beginning inhabiting; and upon which those 
large encouragements, liberties, and privileges, so great a 
transplantation from our dear England was undertaken, and 
supposed to be yet our inheritance, till the running of that west- 
ern line, the bounded limits of those letters patent, did, since 
our removal thence, determine our lot to be fallen without the 
limits of that so bounded authority. 

May it please your majesty graciously to bestow upon your 
liumble supplicants such royal munificence, according to the 
tenor of a draft or instrument, which is ready here to be ten- 
<lered, at your gracious order. 

And whereas, besides those many other great disbursements 
as aforesaid, in prosecution of this wilderness work, your poor 
petitioners were forced to maintain a war against one nation 
of the heathens, that did much interrupt the beginnings of your 
servants, by many bloody and hostile acts, whereby divers of 
our deaK countrymen were treacherously destroyed, and liave, 
also, been ever since, and are still, at much charge in keeping 
such a correspondence of peace and amity with the divers 
sorts of the heathen nations, that arc round about your planta- 
tions, thus far extended into the bowels of the country, besides 
the maintenance of all public charges for church and civil af- 
fairs, which are very great in respect of our great poverty. 

May it please your most excellent majesty, out of your 
])rinccly bounty, to grant such an immunity from customs, as 
may encourage the merchants to supply our necessities in such 
commodities as may be wanting here, for which we have nei- 
ther silver nor gold to pay ; but the supply in that kind may 
enable, in due time, to search the bowels of the earth for some 
good minerals, whereof there seems to be fair probabilities, 
or produce some such other staple commodities, as may, in 
future time, appear to be good ciiects of your majesty's good- 
ness and bounty. If your poor colony may find this gracious 
acceptance with your majesty, as to grant their humble desire, 
whereby they may be encouraged to go on cheerfully and 
strenuously in their plantation business, in hope of a com- 
fortable settlement for themselves and their posterity, that un- 
der your royal protection they may prosper in this desert ; they 
j;hall, as is their acknowledged duty, ever pray for your great 
franc[uilHty and [)erpetual happiness; and humbly craving 
leave, they subscribe themselves your majesty's loyal subjects 
and serv.uUs, the general court of the colony of Connecticut, 
in New-England, per their order signed.* 

Jan. 7th, 1661." DanYel Clark. Sec'ry. 

Oiu Book of Palent5. Letter?, A-c. p. 12—14. 



APPENDIX. S13 

NUMBER VIII. 

7%t letter of Connecticut to Lord Sat/ and Seal, June 7, 1661. 

Right Honorable, 
THE former encouragements that our fathers, and some of 
their yet surviving associates, received from your honor to 
transplant themselves and families into these inland parts of this 
vast wilderness, where (as we have been given to understand) 
your honor was, and as we conceive and hope are still inter- 
ested, by virtue of patent power and authority, doth not only 
persuade us, but assure us of your patronage and favor, in 
that which may come within your power, wherein our comfort 
and settlement, and the well being of our posterity and the 
whole colony, both in civil and ecclesiastical policy, is so 
deeply concerned : Honorable Sir, not long after that some 
persons of note amongst us, and well known to yourself, whose 
names in that respect we forbear to write, had settled upon this 
river of Connecticut, and some plantations up the river were 
possessed, and in some measure improved, Mr. George Fen- 
wick took possession of Saybrook fort, there residing for cer- 
tain or several years ; at length he was moved, for ends best 
known to himself, to return to England, and thereupon pro- 
pounded by himself, our agent, the sale of the fort, with the 
housing there, and several appurtenances, together with all 
the lands on the river, and so to the Narraganset Bay, with ju- 
risdiction power to this colony, which was exceedingly oppos- 
ed by several amongst us, whom some of us have heard to af- 
firm that such a thing would be very distasteful to your honor, 
with the rest of the noble patentees, who had very bountiful 
intentions to this colony ; nevertheless, though there was a 
stop for the present, yet in some short time (God removing 
some from us by death, that were interested in the hearts and 
affections of several of those nobles and gentlemen the paten- 
tees in England) the business of purchase was revived by Mr. 
Fenvvick, and expressions to this purpose given out by him, or 
his agents, or both ; that he had power to dispose of the prem- 
ises, the rest of the patentees deserting, it fell into his hands 
by agreement, and in case the towns on the river refused to 
comply with such terms as he proposed for the purchasing of 
the said fort, &;c. it was frequently reported that he purposed 
either to impose customs on the river or make sale thereof to 
the Dutch our noxious neighbours ; at last, for our peace, and 
settlement, and security, (as we hoped) we made, by our com- 
mittee, an agreement with the said Mr. Fenwick, a copy where- 
of is rcadv to be presented unto your honor, which co jt tliis riv- 

P Z 



514 APPENDIX. 

er one thousand six hundred pounds, or thereabouts, U'hcrem 
5'our honor may see the great abuse that we received at Mr. 
Fenwick's hands, he receiving a vast sum from a poor people, 
and \vc scarcely at all advantaged thereby, nay, we judge ouif 
condition worse than if we had contented ourselves with the 
patronage of the grand patentees, for we have not so much a i^. 
a copy of a patent to secure our standing as a commonwealth. 
i)or to ensure us of the continuance of our rights and privileges 
and immunities which we thought the jurisdiction power and 
authority, which Mr. Fenwick had engaged to us, and we paid 
for at a dear rate, nor any thing under his hand to engage him 
and his heirs, to the performance of that which was aimed at 
and intended in our purchase : the lands up the river, for a 
long tract, the Massachusetts colony doth challenge, and have 
run the line, which, as they say, falls into one of our towns ; 
on the other side towards Narraganset, we know not how to 
claim, beingdestituteof patent and a copy to decide the bounds. 
Be pleased, noble sir, to consider our condition, who have ta- 
ken upon us this boldness to address to his majesty, our sove- 
reign lord, and to petition his grace and favor towards us, iii 
granting us the continuance of his protection and the continu- 
ance of those privileges and immunities, that we have hitherto 
enjoyed in this remote western part of the world ; and like- 
wise for a patent whereby we may be encouraged and strength- 
ened in our proceedings. Right honorable, our humble re- 
quest to yourself is, that you would be pleased to counte- 
nance our enterpHse, and so far to favor us as to counsel and 
advise our agent, who is to represent this poor colony and to 
act in our behalf, John Winthrop, Esq. our honored governor^ 
whom we have commissioned and also directed to await your 
honor's pleasure for advice and counsel, both respecting our 
petition to the king's majesty, as also respecting the case fore- 
mentioned, that if there be any relief for us, we may not lose 
such a considerable sum of money, and be exposed to further 
expense for the obtaining a patent. If we may find this favor 
with your honor to afford your advice and counsel, and help- 
fulness to bring to pass our desires, we shall still acknowledge 
your enlarged Ixiunty and favorable respect to us and ours, 
and ever pi'ay an inundation of mercies may flow in upon your 
lordshi[) from the author and fountain of blessing. With 
all due respects, we subscribe, sir, your lordship's humble ser- 
vants, the general assembly of the colony of Connecticut. Per 
'heir order signed, 

Per Daniel Clark, Secretary.* 
* Old book of letters, &c, p. 9— II. . 



APPENDIX. S15 



NUMBER IX. 

Letter of Lord Say and Seal to Governor Winthrop, December 
11th, 1661. 

Mr. Winthrop, 
I RECEIVED your letter, by Mr. Richards, find I would 
have been glad to have had an opportunity of beinf;; at Lon- 
<lon myself to have done you and my good friends, in New- 
England, the best service I could ; but my weakness hath been 
.such, and my old disease of the gout falling upon me, I did 
desire leave not to come up this winter, but I have wrote to 
the Earl of Manchester, lord chamberlain of his majesty's 
household, to give you the best assistance he may ; and in- 
deed he is a noble and worthy lord, and one that loves those 
that are godly. And he and i did join together, that our godly 
friends of New-England might enjoy their just rights and liber- 
ties ; and this colonel Crowne, who, I hear, is still in London, 
can fully inform you. Concerning that of Connecticut, I am 
not able to remember all the particulars; but I have written 
to my lord chamberlain, that when you shall attend him, 
(which I think will be best for you to do, and therefore I have 
inclosed a letter to him, in yours) that you may deliver it, and 
I have desired him to acquaint you where you may speak with 
Mr. Jesup, who, when we had the patent, was our clerk, and 
he I believe, is able to inform you best about it, and I have 
desired my lord to wish him so to do. 1 do think he is now in 
London. My love remembered unto you, I shall remain, 
Your very loving friend, 

W. Say and Seal. 

NUMBER X. 

Letter of New-Haven to Connecticut j November 5th, 1662. 

Honored Gent. 
WE have heard both the patent and that writing read, which 
those gentlemen (who said they were sent from your general 
assembly) left with our committee, and have considered the 
contents according to our capacities. By the one we take no- 
tice of their declared sense of the patent, and also of your de- 
sire of our uniting with yourselves upon that account ; by the 
other, we understand, that his majesty hath been graciously 
pleased (at your earnest petition) to grant liberty to the colo* 
ny of Connecticut, to acquire, have, possess, purchase, &c. 
whatever lands, &c. you have gained or shall gain by lawful 
means, within the precincts or lines therein m^tntioned : And 



516 APPENDIX. 

also, of his abunclant grace, to allow and establisb you to bo 
one body politic for managing all your public affairs and gov- 
ernment, in a religious and peaceable manner, to the intents 
and purposes by his majesty, and the adventurers therein pro- 
fessed, over all persons, matters, and things, so gained by i)ur- 
chase or conquest, at your own proper costs and charges, ac- 
cording as yourselves informed you had already done. Now 
whatever is so yours, we have neither purpose nor desire to 
oppose, hurt, or hinder in the least; but what ourselves (by 
like lawful means) have attained, as to inheritances, or jurist 
diction, as a distinct colony, upon otir most solemn and reli- 
gious covenants, .-o well known to his majesty, and to all, we 
must say, that we do not find in the patent any command given 
to you, nor prohibition to us, to dissolve covenants, or alte^ 
the orderly settlements of New-England, nor any sufficient rea- 
son, why we may not so i-emain to be as formerly ; also your 
beginning to procure, and proceeding to improve the patent 
without us, doth confirm this belief; but rather it seems that a 
way is left open to us to petition for the like favor, and to enter 
pur appeal from your declared sense of the patent, and signify 
our grievances. Yet, if it shall appear (after a due and full in- 
formation of our state) to have been his majesty's pleasure so 
to unite us, as you understand the patent, we must submit ac- 
cording to God ; but, for the present, we cannot answer oth- 
erwise than our committee hath done, and likewise to make the 
same request unto you, that we may remain distinct as former- 
Jy, and may be succoured by you as confederates ; at least, 
that none occasion be given by yourselves for any to disturb 
xis in our ancient settlements, until that, either by the honored 
B-Ir. Winthrop, by our other confederates, or from his majesty, 
we may be resolved herein: All which means are in our thoughts 
to use, except you prevent, for the gaining of a right under- 
standing, and to bring a peaceable issue or reconcilement of 
this matter; and we wish you had better considered than to 
act so suddenly, to seclude us from patent privileges at first, 
if we are included, as you say, and to have so proceeded since, 
as may seem to give advantage unto disaffected persons to 
slight or disregard oath and covenants, and thereby to rend 
and make division, manage contention and troubles in the 
townships and societies of this colony, and that about religious 
"worships, as the inclosed complaint may declare, which seems 
to us a great scandal to religion before the natives, and preju- 
dicial to his majesty's pious intention, as also to hold forth a 
series of means very opposite to the end pretended, and very 
much obscured from the beauty of such a religious and peace- 
able walking among English brethren, as may either invite the 
H2,tives to the christian faith, or unite our spirits in this junc 



APPENDIX. 517 

iurc; and this occasion given before any conviclion tendered, 
or publication of the patent among us, or so much as a treaty 
with us in a christian, neighbourly way. No pretence for our 
dissolution of government, till then could rationally be imagin- 
ed. Such carriage may seem to be against the advice and 
mind of his majesty in the patent ; as also of your honored 
governor, and to cast reflection upon him, when we compare 
these things v/ith his letters to some here : for the avoidin«; 
whereof, we earnestly request that the whole of what he hath 
written to yourselves, so far as it may respect us in this busi- 
ness, may be fully communicated to our view in a true copy or 
transcript of the same. We must profess ourselves grieved 
hereat, and must desire and expect your effectual endeavours 
to repair these breaches, and restore us to our ibrmcr condi- 
tion as confederates, until that by all, or some of these ways 
intimated, we may attain a clear resolution in this matter. Un- 
to what we have herein propounded, we shall add, that wc do 
not, in the least, intend any dislike to his majesty's act, but 
show our sense of your actings, first and last, so much to our 
detriment, and to manifest the consequent elfects to God's dis- 
honour, as also to give you to know how we understand the 
patent, hoping that you will both candidly construe, and friend- 
ly comply, with our desires herein, and so remove the cause 
of our distraction and sad affliction, that you have brought up- 
on this poorcolony; then shall we forbear to give you further 
trouble, and shall pray to the God of spirits to grant us all hu- 
mility, and to guide us by his heavenly wisdom to a happy 
issue of this affair, in love and peace. Resting, 
Gentlemen, your very loving 
friends and neighbours, 
The Freemen of the colony of New-Haven. 
Per vTames Bishop, Secretary, in the name, and by order and 

consent of the committee and freemen of New-Haven 

colony. 

NUMBER XI. 

New-HaverCs remonstrance against Connecticut, May Glh, 1G63., 

Gentlemen, 
THE professed grounds and ends of your and our coming in- 
to these parts are not unknown, being plainly expressed in the 
prologue to that solemn confederation entered into by the four 
colonies of New-England, printed and published to the world, 
viz. to advance the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, and 
to enjoy the liberties of the gospel in purity with peace, for 
■jvhich we left our dear native country, and were willing to un > 



518 APPENDIX. 

dergo the difficulties we have since met with, in this wilder- 
ness, yet fresh in our remembrance ; being (he only ends we 
still pursue, having hitherto found by experience so much of 
the presence of God with us, and of his goodness and compas- 
sion towards us in so doing, for these many years. Yet, con- 
sidering how unanswerable our returns have been to God, how 
unfruitful, unthankful, and unholy, under so much means oi 
grace, and such liberties, we cannot but lament the same, 
judge ourselves, and justify God, should he now at last (after 
so long patience towards us) bring desolating judgments upon 
us, and make us drink of the dregs of that cup of indignation, 
he hath put into the hands of his people in other parts of the 
worltl, or suftbr such contentions (in just displeasure) to arise 
among us, as may hasten our calamity, and increase our wo : 
which we pray the Lord in mercy to prevent. And whereas, 
in the pursuance of the said ends, and upon other religious anci 
civil considerations, as the security of the interest of each col- 
ony, within itself in ways of righteousness and peace, and ali 
and every of the said colonies from the Indians and other ene- 
mies, they did judge it to be their bounden duty, for mutuai 
strength and helpfulness, for the future, in all their said con- 
cernments to enter into a consociation among themselves, 
thereupon fully agreed and concluded by and between the 
parties or jurisdictions, in divers and sundry articles, and at 
last ratified as a perpetual confederation by their several sub- 
scriptions : ^Vhcreunto we conceived ourselves bound to ad- 
here, until with satisfaction to our judgments and consciences, 
%vc see our duty, with the unanimous consent of the confede- 
rates, orderly to recede, leaving the issue unto the most wise 
and righteous God. As for the patent, upon your petition, 
granted to you by his majesty, as Connecticut colony, so far, 
and in that sense we object not against it, much less against his 
majesty's act in so doing, the same being a real encouragement 
to other of his subjects to obtain the like favor, upon their hum- 
ble petition to his royal highness, in the protection of their per- 
sons and purchased rights and interests, is also a ground of 
hope to us. But if the line of your patent doth circumscribe 
this colony by your contrivement, without our cognizance, or 
consent, or regard to the said confederation on your parts, we 
liave, and must still testify against it, as not consistent (in our 
judgment) with brotherly love, righteousness and peace : And 
that this colony (for so long time a confederate jurisdiction, 
distinct from yours and the other colonies) is taken in under 
the administration of the said patent, in your hands, and so its 
former being dissolved, and distinction ceasing, there being no 
one line or letter in the patent, expressing his majesty's plea- 
sure that way. Although it is your sense of it, yet we cannoi 



APPENDIX. 519 

so apprehend ; of which we having already gix'en our grounds 
at large in writing, we shall not need to say much more ; nor 
Jiave we met with any argumentative or rational convictions 
from you, nor do wc yet see cause to be of another mind. 

As for your proceedings upon pretence of the patent towards 
us, or rather against us, in taking in sundry of the inhabitants 
of this colony under your protection and government, who, as 
you say, ottered themselves, from which a good conscience, 
and the obligation under which most of them stood to this colo- 
ny, should have restrained them, without the consent of the 
body of this colony first had, and in concurrence with them, 
upon mature deliberation and conviction of duty yet wanting, 
we cannot but again testify against as disorderly in them, and 
which admission, on your parts, we conceive, your christian 
prudence might have easily suspended, for prevention of that 
great offence to the consciences of your confederate brethren, 
and those sad consequences which have followed, disturbing 
the peace of our towns, destroying our comforts, hazard of 
our lives and liberties, by their frequent threats and unsufler- 
able provocations, hath been, and is, with us, matter of com- 
plaint, both to God and man ; especially when we consider, 
that thus you admitted them and put power into their hands, 
before you had made any overture to us, or had any treaty 
with us, about so weighty a business, as if you were in haste 
to make us miserable, as indeed; in these things, we are at this 
day. 

And seeing upon the answer returned to your propositions 
made by you afterwards, of joining with you in your govern- 
ment, finding ourselves already so dismembered, and the 
weighty grounds and reasons we then presented to you, we 
could not prevail so far with you, as to procure a respite of 
your further proceedings, until Mr. ^Vinthrop's return from 
England, or the grant of any time that way, which was thought 
but reasonable by some of yourselves, and the like seldom de- 
nied in war to very enemies, we saw it then high time and ne- 
cessary (fearing these beginnings) to appeal unto his majesty, 
and so we did, concluding according .to the law of appeals, ia 
all cases and among all nations, that the same, upon your alle- 
giance to his majesty, would have obliged you to forbr^ar all 
further process in this business; for our own parts resolving 
(notwithstanding all that we had formerly suifered) to sit down 
patient under the same, waiting upon God for the issue oi our 
said appeal. But seeing that, notwithstanding all that we had 
presented to you by word and writing — notwithstanding our 
appeal to his majesty — notwithstanding all that we have suf- 
fered, (by means of that power you have set up, viz. a consta- 
ble at Stamford.) of which informations have been given you, 



520 APPENDIX. 

yet you have gone further, to place a constable at Guilford, in 
like manner, over a party there, to the further disturbance of 
our peace and quiet, a narrative whereof, and of the provoca- 
tions and wrongs we have met with at Stamford, we have re- 
ceived, attested to us by divers witnesses, honest men. We 
cannot but, on behalf of our appeal to his majesty, whose hon- 
our is highly concerned therein, and of our just rights, but (as 
men exceedingly afflicted and grieved) testify in the sight of 
God, angels, and men, against these things. Our end therein 
being not to provoke or further any offence, but rather as a 
discharge of duty, on our parts, as brethren and christian con- 
federates, to call upon you, to take some effectual course to 
ease and right us, in a due redress of the grievances you have 
caused by these proceedings; and that after you had compli- 
mented us with large offers of patent privileges, with desire of 
a treaty with us for union of our colonies; and you know, as 
your good words were kindly accepted, so your motion was 
I'aivly answered by our committeci That in regard we were 
under an appeal to his majesty, that being limited by our free- 
men, not to conclude any thing for altering our distinct colony 
state and government, without their consent, and without the 
approbation of the other confederate colonies, they were not 
in j)resent capacity so to treat; but did little suspect such a 
design on foot against us, the effect whereof quickly appeared 
at Guilford, before mentioned. 

But we shall say no more at this time, only tell you, what- 
ever we suffer by your means, we pray the Lord would help 
us to choose it, rather than to sin against our consciences, ho- 
ping the righteous God will, in due time, look upon ouratflic- 
tion, and incline his majesty's heart to favour our righteous 
cause. 

Subscribed in the name, and by order of 

the general court of New-Haven colony. 

Per James Bishop, Secretary. 

New-Haven, May Gth, 1663. 

NUMBER XII. 

Governor }Vinthrop''s letter to Connecticut, March 3d, 1663. 

Gentlemen, 
[ AM informed by some gendemen, (who are authorized to 
seek remedy f>cre,) that since you had the late patent, there 
lidth been injury done to the government of New-Haven, and, 
in particular, at Guilford and Stamford, in admitting of several 
of the inhabitants there unto freedom with you, and appointing 
officers, which hath caused divisions in the said to'.vns, whicli 



APPENDIX. 52t 

may prove of dangerou? consequence, if not timely prevented ; 
though I do hope the rise of it is from misunderstanding, and 
not in design of prejudice to that colony, for whom I gave as- 
surance to their friends that their rights and interests should 
hot be dis(juieted, or prejudiced by the patent, but if both gov- 
ernments would, with unanimous agreement, unite in one, their 
friends judged it for advantage to botii : And further 1 must let 
you know, that testimony here doth affirm, that I gave assu- 
rance before authority here, that it was not intended to meddle 
with any town or plantation that was settled under any other 
government : had it been any otherwise intended, or declared, 
it had been injurious, in taking out the patent, not to have in- 
serted a proportionable number of their names in it. Now^ 
upon the whole, having had serious conference with their 
friends, authorized by them, and with others who are friends 
to both, to prevent a tedious and chargeable trial, and uncer- 
tain event here, I promised them, to give you speedily this re- 
presentaiion, how far you are engaged. If any injury have 
been done, by admitting of freemen, or appointing officers, or 
other unjust intermeddling with New-Haven colony, in one 
kind or odier, without the approbation of the government, that 
it be forthwith recalled, and that, for the future, there will be 
no imposing in any kind upon them, nor admitting of any 
numbers without mutual consent ; but that all things be acted 
as lo\ ing neighbouring colonies, as before such patent grant- 
ed, iir.u unto this I judge you are obliged, I having engaged to 
their agent here, that this will be by you performed, and they 
have thereupon forborne to give you or me any trouble; but 
they do not doubt, but upon future consideration, there may 
be such a right understanding between both governments, that 
an union and friendly joining may be established, to the satis- 
faction of all ; which, at my arrival, I shall also endeavour 
(God willing) to promote. Not having more at present, ia 
this case, I rest, Your humble servant, 

John Winthrop. 
London, March 3d, 1662.* 

* This, according to the present way of dating, was March 3d, 1663. 
Q3 



522 APPENDIX. 



NUMBER Xlir. 



His 7najcstif!> commission to Colonel Kichols, Sir Robert Carr, 
knight, and others, for the settlement of boundaries, (^c, Apri! 
26th* 1664. 

CHARLES R. 

Charles the second, by the grace of God, king of England, 
Scotland, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith,. &;c.. 

To all to whom these presents shall come, Greeting. 
WHEREAS we have received several addresses from our 
subjects of several colonies of New-England, all full of duty 
and atfection, and expressions of loyalty and allegiance to us, 
nith their humble desires to ns, that we would renew their> 
several charters, and receive them into our favourable opinion 
and protection: And several of our colonies there, and other 
our loving subjects, have, likewise complained of differences 
and disputes arisen upon the limits and bounds of their several 
charters and jurisdictions, wher-eby unneighbourly and un- 
Tbrotherly contentions have and may arise, to the damage and 
discredit of the English interest ; and that all our good sub- 
jects residing there, and being planters within the several colo- 
nies, do not enjoy the liberties and privileges granted unto 
them by our several charters, up&n confidence and assurance 
of which they transported themselves and their estates into 
those parts : And we having received some addresses from the 
great men and natives of those countries, in which they com- 
plain of breach of faith, and acts of violence and injustice, 
\vhich they have been forced to undergo from our subjects, 
whereby not only our government is traduced, but the reputa- 
tion and credit of the christian religion brought into prejudice 
and reproach, with the Gentiics and inhabitants of those coun- 
tries, who know not God, the reduction of whom to the true 
knowledge and fear of God, is the most worthy and glorious 
end of these plantations. Upon all which motives, and as an 
evidence and manifestation of our fatherly affection towards 
all our subjects in those several colonies of New-England,, 
(that is to say,) of the Massachusetts, Connecticut, New-Ply- 
mouth, Rhode-Island, and Providence plantations, and all oth- 
er plantations which are in that tract of land known under the 
appellation of New-England ; and to the end that we may be 
truly informed of the state and condition of our good subjects 
there, that so we may the better know how to contribute to the 
further improvement of their happiness and prosperity : 

Know ye, therefore, that we, reposing especial trust and 
confidence in the fidelity, wisdom, and. circumspection of our. 



APPENDIX. 523 

•trusty and well beloved colonel Richard Nichols, Sir Robert 
Carr, knight, George Cartvvright, Esq. and Samuel Maverick, 
Esq. of our especial grace, certain knowledge, and mere mo- 
tion, have made, ordained, constituted, and appointed, and do 
by these presents make, ordain, constitute, and appoint the 
said colonel Richard Nichols, Sir Robert Carr, knight, George 
Cartwright, and Samuel Maverick, Esquires, our commission- 
rrs ; atid do hereby give and grant unto them, or any tliree or 
two of them, or of the survivors of them, (of whom we will the 
said colonel Richard Nichols, during his life, shall be always 
one, and upon equal division of opinions, to have the casting 
and decisive voice,) in our name, to visit all and every the se- 
veral colonies aforesaid, and also full power to hear and re- 
ceive, and to examine and determine all complaints and ap- 
peals, in all causee and matters, as well military as criminal 
and civil, and .proceed in all things for the providing for and 
settling the peace and security of the said country, according 
•to their good and sound discre-tions, and to such instructions 
ias they or the survivors of them have, or shall, from time to 
time, receive from us in that behalf, and from time to time, as 
they shall find expedient, to certify us or our privy council, of 
their actings or proceedings touching the premises ; and for 
the doing thereof, or any other matter or thing relating there- 
unto, these presents, or the enrolment thereof, shall be unto 
them, and every of them, a sufficient warrant and discharge in 
that behalf. In witness whereof, we have caused these our 
letters to be made patent. Given at the court at Whitehall, 
the 26th day of April, 1664, and in the sixteenth year of our 
reign. Barker. 

NUMBER XIV. 

His majesiy^s gracious letter to the governor and company of 
Connecticut, accompanying the commission, April 23d, 1664. 

CHARLES R. 
TRUSTY and well beloved, we greet you well, having, ac- 
cording to the resolution we declared to Mr, John VVinthrop, 
at the time when we renewed your charter, now sent these per- 
sons of known abilities and affections to us, that is to say, 
colonel Richard Nichols, Sir Robert Carr, knight, George 
Cartvvright, Esq. and Samuel Maverick, Esq. our commission- 
ers, to visit those our several colonies and plantations in New- 
England, to the end that we may be the better informed of the 
state and welfare of our good subjects, whose prosperity if, 
very dear to us ; we can make no question but that they sliall 
find that reception from you which may testify yoiiT respect t«y 



524 APPENDIX. 

us, from whom they are sent for your good. Wc need not tell 
you how careful we are of your liberties and privileges, wheth- 
er ecclesiastical or civil, which we will not sufter to be vio- 
lated in the least degree ; and tliat they may not be is the prin- 
cipal business of our said commissioners, as likewise to lake 
care that the bounds and jurisdictions of our several colonics 
there may be clearly agreed upon ; that every one may enjoy 
what of right belongeth unto them, without strife or conten- 
tion ; and especially that the natives of that country, who are 
willing to live peaceably and neighbourly with our English 
subjects, may receive such justice and civil treatment from 
them, as may make them the more in love with their religion 
and manners ; so not doubting of yonr full compliance and 
submission to our desire, we bid you farewell. Given at our 
court at Whitehall, the 23d day of April, 1664, in the sixteenth 
year of pur reign. 

By his majesty's command, 

Henry Bennit. 

NUMBER XV. 

TTie l^uke and Duchess of Hamilton's petition to King Charles 
■ second, and his majesty'' s reference of the case to his commis' 
sioners, May 6th, 1664. 

To the King's most excellent majesty. 
The humble petition of William, Duke of Hamilton, and AnnC; 
Duchess of Hamilton ; Sheweth, ' 

THAT whereas in the eleventh year of the reign of youv 
royal father, of ever blessed memory, the council established 
at Plymouth in the county of Devon, for planting, ordering 
and governing of New-England in America (according to the 
power given them in the eighteenth year of the reign of the 
late king James, by his letters patent, bearing date the third 
day of November) did for a competent sum of money and other 
valuable considerations, bargain and sell unto the petitioners' 
father, by the name of James, Marquis Hamilton, his heirs 
and assigns, all that part and portion of the main lands in New- 
England, lying and beginning, at the middle part of the mouth 
of the river Connecticut, to proceed along the sea coast to be 
accounted about sixty miles, and so up to the westward arm of 
the river into the land northwestward till sixty miles be finish- 
ed, and so to cross southwestward till sixty miles, all which 
part and portion of lands were to be called by the name of the 
county of New-Cambridge, with several other lands and privi- 
leges as by the said deed of feoffment doth more fully appear, 
a copy wheceof is hereunto annexed. Since which lime and 



APPENDIX. 525 

by reason of the late unhappy war several persons have pos- 
sessed themselves of the best and most considerable parts of 
ihe said lands, without any acknowledgment of your petition- 
ers' right. Your petitioners therefore most humbly pray, that 
your majesty will be graciously pleased to recommend the 
premises to your majesty's commissioners for New-England, 
and that care may be taken that your petitioners may be restor- 
ed to their just right, and that nothing be done to their preju- 
dice. 

.'It the court at Whitehall, the 6th May, 1664. 
His majesty is graciously pleased to refer this petition to 
fhe commissioners now employed by his majesty to settle the 
affairs of New-England, who are to examine the allegations 
thereof, and upon due consideration had, to preserve and re- 
store to the petitioners their just right and interest, or other- 
wise to report their opinions thereupon to his majesty, who will 
then declare his further pleasure, for ^he honorable petitioners' 
just satisfaction.* 

Henry Benni^o 

NUMBER XVI. 

The determination of his majesty'' s commissioners, relative to the 
boundaries oj his royal highness the Duke of York''s patent 
and of the patent of Connecticut^ November 30th, 1664. 

BY virtue of his majesty's commission, we have heard the 
differences about the bounds of the patents granted to his royal 
highness the Duke of York, and his majesty's colony of Con- 
necticut — and having deliberately considered all ihc reasons 
alledged by Mr. Allen, senior, Mr. Gould, Mr. Richards, and 
captain Winthrop, appointed by the assembly held at Hart- 
ford, the 13th day of October, 1664, to accompany John Win- 
throp, Esq. the governorof his majesty's colony of Connecticut, 
to New- York, and by Mr. Howell and captain Young, of Long- 
Island, why the said Long-Island should be under the govern- 
ment of Connecticut ; which are too long here to be recited : 
We do declare and order, that the southern bounds of his ma- 
jesty's colony of Connecticut, is the sea ; and that Long-Isl- 
and is to be under the government of his royal highness the 
Duke of York; as is expressed by plain words in the said pa- 
tents respectively. And also by virtue of his majesty's com- 
(nission and by the consent of both the governor and the gen- 
flemen above named, we also order and declare, that the creek 
or river called Momoronock, which is reputed to be about 
twelve miles to the east of West-Chester, and a line drawn 
* 0!d Book of Letters, &c. p. 138. 



526 APPENDIX. 

from the east point or side, where the fresh water falls into 
the sah, at hi^jhwater mark, north-northwest to thejine of the 
Massachusetts, be the westeru bounds of the said colony oi 
Connecticut, and the plantations lying westward of that creek, 
and line so drawn, to be under his royal highness's govern- 
ment; and all plantations lying eastward of that creek, and 
line to be under the government of Connecticut. Given un- 
der our hands at Fort James, in New- York, on Manhattans 
Island, this 30th day of Nov, 1664. 

Richard Nichols, 
George Cartwright, 
Samuel Maverick. 
We undcrwitten, on behalf of the colony of Connecticut, 
have assented unto this determination of his majesty's commis- 
sioners, in relation to the bounds and limits of his royal high- 
aess the duke's patent, and the patent of Connecticut.* 

John Winthrop, 
Matthew Allen, 
Nathan Gould, 
James Richards, 
John WiNTiiROi'r 
November 30, 1664. 

NUMBER XVIf. 

Letter of NeiO'Haven io Conne^ticvi^ December l^, 1664. 

Honored Gentlemen, 
AVE have been silent hitherto, as to the making of any griev- 
ance known unto the king's commissioners, notwithstanding 
what may be with u§ of such nature, from the several transac- 
tions that have been among us, and are desirous so to continue 
the managing of these aftairs in ways consistent with the an- 
cient confederation of the united colonies, choosing rather to 
suffer, than to begin any motion hazardful to New-England set- 
tlements ; in pursuance whereof (according to our promise to 
your gentlemen, sent lately to demand our submission, though 
in a divided if not dividing way, within our towns, severally 
seeking to bring us under the government of yourselves alrea- 
dy settled, wherein we have had no hand to settle the same, 
and before we had cleared to our conviction, the certain limits 
of your charter, which may justly increase the scruple of too 
much haste in that and former actings upon us) the generality 
of our undivided people have orderly met this 13th of the tenth 
month (64) and by the vote endorsed, have prepared for this 
answer to be given of our submission, which being done by 
* Old Book, &c. p. 2. 



APPENDIX. 527 

ri.4, then for the accommodation of matters betwixt us m an am- 
icable way, by a committee impowered to issue with you or* 
their behalf, and in the behalf of all concerned, according to 
instructions given to the said committee. We never did, nor 
even do intend to damnify your moral rights or just privileges, 
consistent with our like honest enjoyments, and we would 
hope that you have no further step towards us, not to violate 
our government interest, but to accommodate us with that we 
shall desire, and the patent bear, as hath been often said you 
would do ; and surely you have the more reason to be full with 
us herein, seeing that your success for patent bounds witb 
those gentlemen now obtained, seems to be debtor unto our 
silence before them, when as you thus by single application 
and autlience issued that matter : you thus perforaiingto satis- 
faction, we may still rest silent, and according to profession, 
by a studious and cordial endeavour with us to advance the in- 
terest of Christ in this wilderness, and by the Lord's blessin^^ 
'hereupon, love and union between us may be greatly confirm- 
ed, and all our comforts enlarged, which is the earnest prayer 
of, gentlemen, your loving friends and neighbours, the commit- 
tee, appointed by the freemen and inhabitants of New-Haven 
colony, now assembled. 

James Bishop, Secretary o. 
New-Haven, Dec. 14, 1664. 

NUMBER rv IlL 

Letter of Connecticut to J^ero-Haven, in answer to the preceding, 
letter^ December list, 1664. 

Hartford, Dec. 2\st, 1664. 
Honored Gentlemen, 
WE have received yours, dated the 14th of this instant, 
signed by James Bishop, 8zc. wherein you are pleased to men- 
tion your silence hitherto, as to the making any grievance 
known to his majesty's commissioners, notwithstanding what 
may be with you, &;c. we can say the same, though we had fair 
opportunities to present any thing of that nature ; as for your 
desire to manage affairs consistent with the confederation, the 
present motion will, we hope, upon a candid reviev/, not ap- 
pear any ways dissonant therefrom ; for besides the provision 
made in one of the articles of confederation for two colonies 
uniting in one, there was special provision, as you well know, 
made at the last session of the commissioners to that purpose, 
conjoined Avith pathetical advice and counsel, to an amicable 
union. Our too much forwardness, with New-Haven, &zc. is 
not so clear, seeing those plantations you inhabit are much a- 



528 APPENDIX. 

Lout the center of our patent, which our charter liuiits, as^ 
also the inclosed determination of his majesty's honorable com- 
missioners, will, to your conviction, be apparent; that our 
success for patent bounds with the king's commissioners is 
debtor to your silence, seems to us strange, when your non- 
compliance was so abundantly knoWn to those gentlemen, yea, 
the news of your motions, when Mr. Joseph Allen was last with 
you, was at New- York, before our governor's departure 
thence ; notwithstanding your silence, and yet so good an is- 
sue obtained, we desire such reflections may be buried in per- 
petual silence, whfch only yourselves necessitating thereunto, 
shall revive them, being willing to pursue truth and peace as 
much as may be with all men, especially with our dear breth- 
ren in the fellowship of the gospel, and fellow-members of the 
same civil corporation, accommodated with so many choice 
privileges, which we are willing, after all is prepared to your 
hands, to confer upon you equal with ourselves, which we wish 
may at last produce the long desired effect of your free and 
cordial closure with us, not attributing any necessity imposed 
by us, further than the situation of those plantations in the 
heart of our colony, and therein the peace of posterity in 
these parts of the country is necessarily included, and that af- 
ter so long liberty to present your plea when you have seen 
meet. Gentlemen, we desire a full answer as speedily as may 
be, whether those lately empowered, accept to govern accord- 
ing to their commission, if not, other meet persons to govern 
may by us be empowered in their room ; thus desiring the 
Lord to unite our hearts and spirits in ways well pleasing in 
his sight, which is the prayer of your very loving friends, the 
council of the colony of Connecticut. 

Signed by their order, by me, 

John Allen, Secretary. 

NUMBER XIX. 

The final reply of Jfew- Haven to Connecticut, 

New-Haven, Jan. 5, 1664-5. 
Honored Gentlemen, 
WHEREAS by yours, dated December 21st, 1664, you 
please to say, that you did the same as we, not making any 
grievances known to the commissioners, &c. unto that may be 
returned, that you had not the same cause so to do from any 
pretence of injury, by our intermeddling with your colony or 
government interest, unto which we refer that passage for our 
expressing desires to manage all our matters in confederacy 
with the confederation, we hope you will not blame us. How 



APPENDIX. 5^ 

dissonant or consonant your actings with us have been, we 
leave to the confederation to judge, as their records may show 
• — that article, which allows two colonies to join, doth also, 
with others, assert the justness of each colony's distinct rights, 
until joined to mutual satisfaction, and the provision made in 
such case the last session, we gainsay not, when the union is 
so completed, and a new settlement of the confederation, by 
the respective general courts, accomplished. Their pathetical 
advice for an amicable union, we wish may be so attended — in 
order thereunto, we gave you notice of a committee prepared 
to treat with you, for such an accommodation, unto which you 
gave us no answer, but instead thereof, sent forth your edict 
from authority upon us, before our conviction for subraissioa 
■was declared to you. The argument from our intermixt situa- 
tion, is the same now as it was before our confederating and 
ever since, and affords no more ground now to disannul the 
government than before. We might marvel at your strange, 
why we should think your success should be debtor to our si- 
lence, and that because the news of our non-compliance was 
with the commissioners, as if the mere news of such a thing 
contained the strength of all we had to say or plead. Gentle- 
men, we intreat you to consider, that there is more in it than 
so, yea, that still we have to alledge things of weight, and know 
where and how, if we chose not rather to abate and suffer, than 
by striving to hazard the hurting yourselves or the common 
cause. We scope not at reflections, but conviction and con- 
science satisfaction, that so brethren in the fellowship of the 
gospel might come to a cordial and regular closure, and so to 
walk together in love and peace, to advance Christ his interest: 
among them, which is all our design : But how those high and 
holy ends are like so to be promoved between us, without a 
treaty for accommodation we have cause to doubt ; yet that we 
may not fail in the least to perform whatever we have said, we 
now signify, that having seen the copy of his majesty's commis- 
sioners' determination (deciding the bounds betwixt his high- 
ness the Duke of York, and Connecticut charter) we do de- 
clare submission thereunto according to the true intent of oar 
vote, unto which we refer you. As to that part of yours con- 
cerning our magistrates and officers acceptance, their answer 
is, that they having been chosen by the people here to such 
trust and sworn thereunto, for the year ensuing, and until new 
be orderly chosen, and being again desired to continue that 
trust, they shall go on in due observance thereof according to 
the declaration left with us by Mr. John Allen and Mr. Samuel 
Sherman, bearing date November 19th. 1664 ; in hopes to find 
ihat in a loving treaty for accommodating matters to the ends 
profc^spd by yon ; un'o whicli our commi'^'De '=fand<; ready to 



5-30 APPENDIX. 

attend, upon notice from you ; that so truth and peace may 
be maintained. So shall we not give you further trouble, hxit 
remain, gentlemen, your very loving friends and neighbours, 
the committee appointed by the freemen and inhabitants oJ 
New-Haven colony. 

Signed per their order, per me, 

James Bishop. Secretary.- 

NUMBER XX. 

The answer of Connecticut to the claim and pdikon of the Duke- 
and Duchess of Hamilton. March 2bth^ 1665. 

THE king's commissioners had written to the colony, re- 
questing, " That they might have something in writing to re- 
turn to the king, concerning the grant of sixty miles square on^ 
tlie eastern side of Connecticut river, to James, Marquis of 
Hamilton, from the council of Plymouth in Devon, 1631, and 
to know in what particulars it was desired, that they should be 
solicitors to his majesty for the advantage of the colony," 
which they declared they would cordially endeavour. 

Inconsequence of which the following answer was given. 
To tlie Honorable Sir Robert Carr, knight, George Cart- 
wright, Esq. and Samuel Blaverick, Esq- bis majesty's hon- 
orable commissioners. 

IN answer to Duke Hamilton's petition, respecting a grant 
of land of sixty miles square, on the east side the river Con- 
verticu. 

1. We are wholly ignorant of any river within the extent of 
Gur charter, tiiat is known under such an appellation, and 
therefore cannot conceive that any part or tract of land, under 
this government, is concerned in this demand. 

2. Yet upon supposition that it may be conceived to intend 
Connecticut river, we humbly conceive that the original paten? 
grant, from royal authority to the Lord. Say and other noble? 
and gentlemen, which we purchased at a dear rate, is lately 
ratified and coniirmed by our gracious sovereign, under the 
broad seal of England (the most absolute and unquestionable 
security of 4he English subjects) in which grants the lands fore- 
mentioned aire comprised. The grant to Connecticut was pre- 
cedent to that of Duke Hamilton's several years, which gives 
us to conclude, that priority of title will be settled by priority 
of grant. 

3. A considerable tract of this land which the duke's peti^ 
lion refers to (if as before supposed, it be determined Connec- 
ticut) was possessed by a people most malignantly spirited a- 
gaiust his majesty's English subjects, and at our tirst settling^ 



APPENDIX. 531 

here, when wo were weak and few, they grew very insolent 
against us, making invasion upon us, murdering many otour 
people, therrhy necessitating us to a hazardous undertaking, 
to cast ourselves into the arms of God's providence, in endeav- 
ouring to suppress those bloody heathen ; and ttirough divine 
"benediction we found a good success ; and though that wilder- 
ness land would not afford any considerable recompence for 
the loss of lives and great expenses, yet our peace attained by 
that conquest did greatly rejoice us. 

4. We have had peaceable possession this thirty years, free 
from the least claim of any other, that we heard of, to this day ; 
which persuades us that if the duke's highness had ever rea- 
son, by virtue of his grant, to make claim, yet that right pre- 
tended is extinct in law many years since. 

His majesty, our gracious sovereign, was pleased of his a- 
bundant favor and grace, to his subjects of this colony, so far 
to declare his free reception of the reasons forementioncd, of 
our purchase made, and conquest recovered, and likewise of 
©ur improvement and labor bestowed upon those lands, as to 
insert them as motives to that late renewal of our charter. 

We humbly crave, that as it hath been his majesty's royal 
pleasure to manifest his tender affection to, and care of his sub- 
jects' welfare in these his colonies of New-England, in sending 
over his honorable commissioners to compose and is^sue those 
things that might be of ill consequence between the several 
colonies, so likewise that it be well pleasing to his majesty, 
that this his colony of Connecticut might be freed from further 
trouble or inconvenience by this claim, that wc understand 
bath been presented by the Marquis Hamilton. 

And whereas, your honors are pleased so far to exercise 
your thoughts about the proniotion of the welfare of his ma- 
jesty's subjects in this his colony, as to vouchsafe us so favora- 
ble a tender to be solicitors in our behalf to his majesty -our 
gracious sovereign, in any particulars wherein we may be ad- 
vantaged, we crave your honors' assistance as follovveth. 

1. That his majesty would be graciously pleased to silence 
the claim of Duke Hamilton, if any be by him pretended or 
presented, to any tract of land lying or being within the pre- 
cincts of our charter (renewed and established to us by our 
royal sovereign) and possessed and improved by several poor 
people, whose progress in their labors and endeavours for 
their subsistence (at the best very mean) will be impeded and 
obstructed through fear of the event of such claims. 

2. Whereas, the colony is at a very low ebb in respect of 
traffick, and although, out of a respect to our relation to the 
English nation, and that wc might be accounted a people un- 
der the sovereignty an4 protection of his mojesty the kingcf 



532 APPENDIX. 

Englanr!, we presumed to put the name or appellation of New- 
Loiulon upoji one of our towns, which nature hath i'urnished 
vith a safe and comniodious harbour, though but a poor peo- 
ple, and discapacitated in several respects to promote traf- 
fick ; we humbly crave of our gracious sovereign, that he 
would be pleased out of his princely bounty, to grant it be a 
place of free trade for seven, ten, or twelve years, as his royal 
heart shall iricline to confer as a boon upon his poor, yet loyal 
subjects. 

3. We request of your honors, 1. That you will please lo 
represent unto his majesty our allegiance, with our ready ac- 
knowledgment of his princely grace in the late renewal of our 
charter. 2. His more abundant grace in re-ratifying our privi- 
leges both civil and ecclesiastic, in his late gracious letter sent 
to us by your honors. 3. Our ready compliance with his ma- 
jesty's royal w'ill and pleasure therein expressed. 4. Our 
christian moderation to men of different persuasions. 5. We 
humbly implore the continuance of the shines of his royal fa- 
vor upon our mean beginnings, that so we may flourish under 
the benign aspect of our lord the king.f 

NUMBER XXI. 

The Reverend Mr. John DavejiportU resignation of Governor 
Hopkins'' s donation to the general court of J^ew-Haven, May 
Ath, 1660. 

Quod felix fauslumque sit ! 
On the 4th day of the fourth month, 1660, John Davenport, 
pastor of the church of Christ at New-Haven, presented to the 
honorable general court at New-Haven, as followelh; 

MEMORAfJCUM, 

I. That, sundry years past, it was concluded by the said 
general court, that a small college, such as the day of small 
things will permit, should be settled in New-Haven, for the 
education of youth in good literature, to fit them for public ser- 
vices, in church and commonwealth, as it will appear in the 
public records. 

II. Thereupon, the said John Davenport, wrote unto our 
honored iriend, Edward Hopkins, Esq. then living in London, 
the result of those consultations. In answer whereunto, the 
paid Edward Hopkins wrote unto the said John Davertport, a 
ktter, dated the 30th of the second month, called April, 1656, 
l^eginning with these words, 

Most Dear Sir, 
The long continued respects I have received from you, but 
* TVl? is an attested, cor-, in the oW letter book. p. 128, 129, 130. 



APPENDIX. d33 

«>specially, the speakings of the Lord to my heart, by you, 
have put me under deep obUgations to love and a return of 
thanks beyond jvhat 1 have or can express, &;c. Then after 
other passages (which being secrets hinder me from shewing 
his letters) he added a declaration of his purpose in reference 
to the college about which I wrote unto him, That which the 
Lord hath given me in those parts, I ever designed, the great- 
est part of it, for the furtherance of the work of Christ in those 
ends of the earth, and if I understand that a college is begun 
and like to be carried on, at New-Haven, for the good of pos- 
terity, I shall give some encouragement thereunto. These are 
the very words of his letter. But, 

III. Before Mr. Hopkins could return an answer to my next 
ktter it pleased God to finish his days in this world : There- 
fore, by his last will and testament (as the copy thereof trans- 
cribed and attested, by Mr. Thomas Yale, doth shew) he com- 
mitted the whole trust of disposing his estate in these coun- 
tries (after some personal legacies were paid out) unto the 
public uses mentioned, and bequeathed it to our late honored 
governor, Theophilus Eaton, Esq. his father in law, and to the 
aforesaid John Davenport, and joined with them, in the same 
trust, captain John Cullic^, and Mr. William Goodwin. 

IV. It having pleased the most high to afflict this colony 
greatly by taking from it to himself, our former ever honored 
governor, Mr. Eaton, the surviving trustees and legatees met 
together, to consider what course they should take for the dis- 
charge of their trust, and agreed that each of them should have 
an inventory of the aforesaid testator's estate in New-England, 
in houses and goods and lands, (v/hich were prized by some in 
Hartford intrusted by captain CuUick and Mr. Goodwin) and 
in debts, for the gathering in whereof some attorneys were 
constituted, empowered and employed by the three surviving 
trustees, as the writing in the magistrates' hand will shew. 

V. Afterwards, at another meeting of the said trustees, they 
considering that by the will of the dead, they are joined to- 
gether in one common trust, agreed to act together, witii mu- 
tual consent, in performance thereof; and considering, that 
by the will of the testator, two of New-Haven were joined 
with two of Hartford, and that Mr. Hopkins had declared liis 
purpose to further the college intended at New-Haven, they 
agreed that one half of that estate which should be gathered 
in, should be paid unto Mr. Davenport for New-Haven, the 
other half to captain Cullick and Mr. Goodwin, to be improv- 
ed for the uses and ends fore noted where they should have 
power to perform their trust, which, because they would not ex- 
pect to have a,t Hartford, they concluded it would be best done 
by them in that nc'w plantation unto '.vhich sundry of Hartford 



^34 APPENDIX. 

•were to remove, and were now gone : yet they agreed that out 
of the whole lOOl. should be given to tfie college at Cam- 
bridge, in the bay ; the estate being lOOOl. as^captain Cullick 
believed it would be, which we now see cause to doubt, by rea- 
son of the sequestrations laid upon that estate, and still con- 
tinued by the general co\irt at Hartford, whereupon some re- 
fuse to pay their debts, and others forsake the purchases they 
had made, to their great hindrance of performing the will of the 
deceased, accordnig to the "trust committed to them, and to the 
great endamagement of the estate. 

VI. The said John Davenport acquainted the other two 
trustees with his purpose, to interest the honored magistrates 
and ciders of this colony in the disposal of that part of the es- 
tate, that was by their agreement to be paid thereunto, for the 
promoving the college work in a gradual way, for the education 
of youth in good literature, so far as he might, with preserving 
in himself, the power committed to him for the discharge of his 
trust: they consented thereunto. Accordingly, on the elec- 
tion day, it being the 30th day of the third month, he delivered 
tjp unto the hands of the honored governor and magistrates the 
writings that concern this business : (viz. the copy of Mr. 
Hopkins his last will and testament, and the inventory of his 
estate in New-England, and the appraisement of his goods, and 
the writings signed by the surviving trustees for their attornies, 
and some letters between the other trustees and himself,) ad- 
ding also his desire of some particulars for the well performing 
the trust as followeth : 

1. He dcsireth of New-Haven town, 

First, That the rent of the oysier shell fields, formerly sepa- 
rated and reserved for the use and benefit of a college, be paid 
from this time forward, towards the making of some stock for 
disbursements of necessary charges towards the college till it 
be set up, and afterwards to continue for a yearly rent as be- 
longing to it, under the name and title of college land. 

Secondly, Tiiat if no place can be found more convenient, 
Mrs. Eldred's lot be given for the use of the college, and ot 
the colony grammar school, if it be in this town, else only for 
the college. 

Thirdhj, That parents will keep such of their sons constantly 
to learning in the schools, whom they intend to train up lor 
public serviceablencss, and that all their sons may learn, at 
least, to write and cast up accounts competently, and may make 
some entrance into the latin tongue. 

Fourthly, That if the colony settle 40l. per annum, for a 
common school, and shall add lOOl. to be paid towards the 
building or buying of a school house and libraiy in this town, 
siceing thereby this town will be freed from the charges which 



M^PENDIX. 53^ 

they have been at hitherto to maintain a town school, they 
would consider what part of their former salary may be still 
continued for future supplies towards a stock for necessary ex- 
penses about the colle<^e or school. 

2. He humbly desireth the honored general court of the col- 
ony of New-Haven, 

Firsi, That the 40l. per annum formerly agreed upon, to be 
paid by the several plantations, for a common grammar school, 
be now" settled in one of the plantations which they shall judge 
fittest, and that a school master may forthwith be provided to 
teach the three languages, Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, so far 
as shall be necessary to prepare them for the college, and that 
if it can be accomplished, that such a school master be settled 
by the end of this summer, or the beginning of winter. The 
payments from the several plantations may begin from this 
lime. 

Secondly/, That if the common school be settled in this town, 
the honored governor, magistrates, ciders, and deputies, w'ould 
solemnly and together visit the grammar school once every 
year, at the court for elections, to examine the scholars' profi- 
ciency in learning. 

Thirdly, That for the payments to be made by the planta- 
tions, for the school, or out of Mr. Hopkins' estate, towards 
the college, one be chosen by themselves, under the name and 
title of steward, or receiver, for the school and college, to whom 
such payments may be made, with full power given him by 
the court to demand what is due, and to prosecute in case of 
neglect, and to give acquittances in case of due payments re- 
ceived, and to give his account yearly to the court, and to dis- 
pose of what he receivcth in such provisions as cannot be weli 
kept, in the best way for the aforesaid uses according to ad- 
vice. 

Fourthly, That unto that end a committee of church mem- 
bers be chosen to meet together and consult and advise, in 
emergent difficult cases, that may concern the school or col- 
lege, and which cannot be well delayed till the meeting of the 
general court, the governor being always the chief of that com- 
mittee- 

Fifthly, The said John Davenport desireth, that while it 
may please God to continue his life, and abode in this place, 
(to the end that he may the better perform his trust) in refer- 
ence to the coHege, that he be always consulted in difficult 
cases, and have the power of a negative vote, to hinder any 
thing from being acted which he shall prove by good reason to 
be prejudicial to the true intendment of the testator, and to the 
true end of this work. 

Sixthly, That certain orders be speedily made for the 



53G APi^ENDIX. 

school, and when the college shall proceed, for it also ; that the 
education of youth may be carried on suitably to Christ's 
ends, by the counsel of the teaching elders in this colony ; and 
that what they shall conclude with consent, being approved by 
the honored magistrates, be ratified by the general court. 

Seventhly, Because it is requisite that the writings which 
concern Mr. Hopkins his estate be safely kept ; in order there- 
into, the said John Davenport desireth that a convenient chest 
be made, with two locks and two keys, and be placed in the 
house of the governor, or of the steward, in some safe room, 
till a more public place (as a library or the like) may be pre- 
pared ; and that one key be in the hands of the governor, the 
other in the steward's hands. That in this chest all the writ- 
ings now delivered by him to the magistrates may be kept , 
and all other bills, bonds, acquittances, orders, or whatsoever 
writings that may concern this business be put and kept there ; 
and t!iat some place may be agreed on where the steward or re- 
ceiver may lay up such provisions as may be paid in, till they 
may be disposed of for the good of the school or college. 

Eighthli/, Because our sight is narrow and weak, in viewing 
anil discerning the compass of things that are before us, much 
more in foreseeing future contingencies, he further craveth lib- 
erty for himself and other elders of this colony, to propound to 
the honored governor and magistrates what hereafter may be 
found to be conducible to the well carrying on of this trust, ac- 
cording to the ends proposed, and that such proposals may be 
added unto these, under the name and title of useful addi- 
TioNALS ; and confirmed by the general court. 

Lastlt/, He hopcth he shall not need to add, what he ex- 
pressed by word of mouth, that the honored general court will 
not suffer this gift to be lost from the colony, but as it becom- 
eth fathers of the commonwealth, will use all good endeavours 
to get it into their hands, and to assert their right in it for the 
common good ; that posterity may reap the good fruit of their 
labors, and wisdom, and faithfulness ; and that Jesus Christ 
may have the service and honor of such provision made for his 
people ; in whom I rest. 

John Davenport, 

NUMBER XXfl. 

Letter of his irwjesi^j king Charles II. to Conmclicut, Jlpril \Olh, 

16CG. 

CHARLES R. 
TRUSTY and well beloved, we greet you v/ell, having re- 
ceived so full and satisfactory an account iVom our commis- 



APPENDIX. 537 

sioners, both of the good reception you have given them, and 
also of your dutifulness and obedience to us, we cannot but let 
you know how n\uch we are })leased therewith, judging that 
respect of yours towards our officers to be the true and natural 
fruit wliich demonstrates what fidelity andatfection towards U3 
is rooted in your hearts ; and although your carriage doth of 
itself most justly deserve our praise and approbation, yet it 
seems to be set off with the more lustre by the contrary de- 
portment of the colony of the Massachusetts, as if by their re- 
fractoriness they had designed to recommend and heighten the 
merit of your compliance with our directions, for the peacea- 
ble and good government of our subjects in those parts: you 
may therefore assure yourselves that we shall never be un- 
mindful of this your loyal and dutiful behaviour, but shall, upon, 
all occasions, take notice of it to your advantage, promising 
you our constant protection and royal favor, in all things that 
may concern your safety, peace and welfare ; and so we bid 
you farewell. Given at our court, at Whitehall, the 10th day 
of April, 1666, in the eighteenth year of our reign. By his ma- 
jesty's command, 

William Morrice. 
Superscribed to our trusty and well beloved, 

the governor and council of the colony of 

Connecticut, in New-England. 

NUMBER XXIII. 

jln address to king William, June \3lh, IG89* 

To the king's most excellent majesty. 
The humble address of your majesty's dutiful and loyal sub- 
jects, the governor and company of your majesty's colony of 
Connecticut, in New-England. 

Great Sovereign, 
GREAT was that day, when the Lord, who sitteth upon 
the floods, and sitteth king forever, did divide his and your ad- 
versaries from one another, like the waters of Jordan forced 
to stand upon an heap, and did begin to magnify you like Josh- 
ua, in the sight of all Israel, by those great actions that were 
so much for the honor of God, and the deliverance of the Eng- 
lish dominions from popery and slavery, and all this separated 
from those sorrows that usually attend the introducing of a 
peaceable settlement in any troubled state ; all which doth af- 
fect us with the sense of our duty to return the highest praise 
unto the King of Kings, and Lord of Hosts, and bless Him, 
who hath delighted in you, to sit you on the throne of his Is- 
rael, and to sav because the Lord loved Israel forever, there* 

^ p, 



j3& APPENDIX. 

fore hath he made you king to do justice and judgment, &:c, 
also humble and hearty acknowledgment for that great zeal, 
that by your majesty hath been expressed in those hazards, 
you have put your royal person to, and in the expense of so 
great treasure in the defence of the protestant interest. In the 
consideration of all which, we, your majesty's dutiful and loy- 
al subjects of your said colony, are encouraged humbly to inti- 
mate that we, with much favor, obtained a charter of king 
Charles the II. of happy memory, bearing date April 23dv 
1662, in the 14tii year of his reign, granted to the governor 
and company of his majesty's colony of Connecticut, the ad- 
vantages and privileges whereof made us indeed a very happy 
people, and by the blessing of God upon our endeavours, we- 
have made a considerable improvement of your dominions 
here; which, with the defence of ourselves from the force ot 
both foreign and intestine enemies, has cost us much expense 
of treasure and blood ; yet in the second year of the reign of 
his late majesty king James the II. we had a quo-warranto serv- 
ed upon us by Edward Randolph, requiring our appearance 
before his majesty's court, in England ; and although the time 
of our appearance was elapsed before the serving the said quo- 
zvan-anto, yet we humbly petitioned his majesty for his favor, 
and the continuance of our charter, with the privileges there- 
of;, but we received no other favor but a second qico-zuarranto,. 
and we well observing that the charter of London, and other 
considerable cities in England were condemned, and that the 
charter of the Massachusetts had undergone the like fate, plain- 
ly saw what we might expect, yet we not judging it good oi 
lawful to be active in surrendering what had cost us so dear, 
nor to be altogether silent, we empowered an attorney to ap- 
pear on our behalf, and to prefer our humble address to his 
majesty, to entreat his favor quickly upon it ; but as Sir Ed- 
uiond Andross informed us he was impowered by his- majesty 
to regain the surrender of our charter, if we saw meet so to do. 
and to take ourselves under his government; also colonel 
Thomas Dungan, his majesty's governor of New- York, labor- 
ed to gain us over to his government : we withstpod all these 
motions, and in our reiterated addresses, we petitioned his 
majesty to continue us in the full and free enjoyment of our 
liberties and property, civil and sacred, according to our char- 
ter. We also petitioned, that if his majesty should not see 
meet to continue us as we were, but was resolved to annex us 
to some other government, we then desired, that (in as much as 
Boston had been our old correspondents, and people whose 
principles and manners we had been acquainted with) we 
might be annexed rather to Sir Edmund Andross his govern- 
ment, than to colonel Dungan's, which choice of ours was 



APPENDIX. 639 

taken for a resignation of our government, though that was 
never intended by us for such, nor liad it the formalities in law 
to make if. a resignation, as we humbly conceive, yet Sir Ed- 
mund Andross was commissioned, by his majesty, to take us 
under his government 5 pursuant to which about the end of Oc- 
tober, 1687, he Avith a company of gentlemen and grenadiers, 
to the number of sixty or upwards came to Hartford (the chief 
seat of this government) caused his commission to be read and 
declared our goverriment to be dissolved, and put into com- 
mission, both civil and military officers through our colony, as 
he pleased, where he passed through the principal parts there- 
of. The good people of the colony, though they were under 
a great sense of the injuries they sustained hereby, yet chose 
rather to be silent and patient than to oppose, being indeed 
surprised into an involuntary submission to an arbitary power, 
but when the government we were thus put under, seemed to 
us, to be determined, and we being in daily fear and hazard of 
those many inconveniences, that will arise from a people in 
want of government, being also in continual danger of our lives 
by reason of the natives being at war with us, with whom we 
had just fears of our neighbouring French to join, not receiving 
any order or direction what method to take for our security, wc 
were necessitated to put ourselves into some form of govern- 
ment, and there being none so familiar to us as that of our 
charter, nor what we could make so effectual for the gaining 
the universal compliance of the people, and having never re- 
ceived any intimation of an enrolment of that, which was in- 
terpreted a resignation of our charter, we have presumed, by 
the consent of tlie major part of the freemen, assembled for 
that end. May 9th, 1639, to resume our government, according 
to the rules of our charter, and this to continue till further or- 
der, yet as we have thus presumed to dispose ourselves, not 
waiting orders from your majesty, we humbly submit ourselves 
herein, intreating your majesty's most gracious pardon, and 
that what our urgent necessity hath put upon us, may noways 
interrupt your majesty's grace and favor towards us, your 
most humble and dutiful subjects, but that in your clemency 
you would be pleased to grant us such directions as to your 
princely wisdom may seem meet, with such ratifications and 
confirmations of our charter, in the full and free enjoyment of 
all our properties, privileges, and liberties both civil and sa- 
cred, as therein granted to us, by your royal predecessor, king 
Charles the II. which may yet further insure it an inheritance 
to us and our posterities after us, with what farther grace and 
favor your royal and enlarged heart may be moved to confer 
upon us ; which, we trust, we shall not forget nor be unprofita- 
ble under ; but as wc have this day with the greatest rxprcs 



540 APPENDIX. 

sjons of joy, proclaimed your majesty and royal consort king 
and queen of England, France, and Ireland, with the dominions 
thereto belonging, so we shall ever pray, that God would grant 
your majesties long to live, and prosperously to reign over all 
your dominions, and that great and happy work you have be- 
gun may be prospered here and graciously rewarded with a 
crown of glory hereafter. 

Robert Treat, Governor.r 
Per order of the general court of Connecticut, signed, 

John Alj.en, Secretary. 

NUMBER XXIV. 

Letter to governor Leisler, requiring the release of major-gener 
ral Winthrop,^c. September 1st, 1690. 

Hartford, Sept. 1st, 1690. 
Honorable Sir, 
BY an express from our captains, at Albany, of the 27th 
August last, we are certified, that major-general Winthrop is 
made a prisoner, and that on our oflicers' request to the com- 
mander of the fort for his liberty to officiate in the army, your- 
fc.elf being present at Albany, their answer was, that if they 
would speak with the general, they might go to York ; also that 
our commissary is under restraint; these are very unexpected 
and surprising as well as grievous tidings to us, and put us upon 
signifying to you, that it was upon a certain knowledge of ma- 
jor Winthrop's fidelity, prudence, and valor, that we did solicit 
Jiim to undertake this service, and used our interest in the Mas- 
jachusetts gentlemen to prevail with him therein, who having 
the same confidence in his virtues did so, and we thereon re- 
commended him to you, who gave us to understand as great a 
value of him, and therefore desired his acceptance, which his 
honor accepting, though he were worthy of a tenfold greater 
command, he waited on you and his country ; sir, these things 
are so radicated in all New-England, that your thus dealing 
cannot raise a jealousy in us of any thing unworthy so gener- 
ous a soul, as is this gentleman, and though in honor to you, 
in your present capacity, we will suspend any censures which 
we might make on your unadvisedness in this action, yet we 
must in justice remember you of that article concluded by the 
commissioners at York, whereof you were one, namely, what 
•\vas referred to the commander in chief and his council of war, 
which you in particular are not to overrule ; if the return from 
Wood Creek, done by a council of war, be the matter wliich 
offends you, as it is generally said to be, consider how far that 
article, and the reason it is grounded on, lead to it ; also, tha.t 



APPENDIX. 541 

inc. army being confederate, if you be concerned so are we, 
and the rest, and that you alone should judge upon the gene- 
ral's and council of war's actions, will infringe our liberty ; 
but that which is worst in event is, that such actions will ren- 
der our friendly correspondence too weak, to join in future at- 
tempts, which we may have but too much occasion for -, for if 
our sending our best friends to join with you, prove a pitfall 
to them, it will necessitate our future forbearance, whatever the 
consequence be. 

And sir, you necessitate us to tell you, that a prison is not a 
catholicon for all state maladies, though so much used by you, 
nor are you incapable of need of, nor aid from their majesty's 
subjects in New-England ; nor could you in any one action 
have more disobliged all New-England, and if you shall pro- 
ceed in this way, you will certainly put all that gentleman's 
friends on his vindication, be the matter controverted what it 
will, he is of such estate and repute, as could not shun a just 
trial, and if your adherence to Mr. Milborn (whose spirit we 
have sufficient testimony of,) and other emulators of the ma- 
jor's honor, be greater than to ourselves and the gentlemen of 
the bay, you rnay boast of the exchange, by what profit you 
find. Sir, you cannot expect but we shall be warm with these 
jnatters, unless you prevent us by a timely and honorable re- 
lease of the major, which is the thing we advise unto, and de- 
sire to hear from you with all speed, what our expectations 
may be on this account. We are giving account of this matter 
to the governor and council of Massachusetts, it is justly ex- 
pected that your declaration to us all of the grounds of this 
your action, should have been as forward as the thing itself. 
We also move you to set our commissary at liberty, since he is 
of such use to our soldiers as he cannot be spared. 

NUMBER XXV. 

The determination of tht king, in council, relative to the militia 
of Connecticut, April Idth, 1694. 

A PETITION having been presented to his majesty, by ma- 
jor-general Fitz John Winthrop, agent for the English colony 
of Connect?icut, in New-England, in America, in behalf of the 
said colony, by the name of the governor and company of the 
English colony of Connecticut, in New-England, in America, 
setting forth, that the petitioners by letters patents, under the 
great seal of England, in the fourteenth year of the reign of the 
■ ate king Charles the second, were incorporated by the nam? 
of the governor and company of the English colony of Connec- 
t'lru^- in America, with powers as well for the civil administra 



S42 APPENDIX. 

lion of affairs, as the lieutenancy for the ordering, arraying, 
modelling, and conducting the militia, for the special defence 
of the colony ; that from the date of the said grant, until the 
moiith of October last, they have enjoyed the said liberties and 
privileges, without forfeiture or molestation, except some inter- 
ruption they received in the reign of king James the second ; 
that colonel Fletcher, governor of New- York, in October lastj 
by color of his majesty's commission, whereby for the uniting 
the forces of the said province and colony, he was created com- 
mander in chief of the militia of the said colony, did demand of 
the petitioners not only to submit to him, as lieu'enant general 
and commander in chief over the full quota of the militia of 
that colony, in conjunction with those of New- York and the 
adjacent governments, but likewise the particular lieutenancy 
of the said colony and the power of assessing, modelling, and 
establishing the militia thereof, the petitioners therefore hum- 
bly praying the said commission may receive such explana- 
tion and restriction, as to his majesty in his royal justice and 
wisdom shall seem meet ; and his majesty having been pleased 
to refer the said petition to the right honorable the lords of the 
committee of trade and plantations to consider the matter of 
the said petition, and to report what they conceive fit for hi& 
majesty to do therein ; and the lords of the committee having- 
received the report of their majesty's attorney general and so- 
licitor general upon the matter of the said petition, together 
■with the address of the colony of Rhode-Island, and touching 
the uniting the strength of those colonies against the French, 
ivhich report is in the words following, 
May it please your lordships, 
In obedience to your lordship's commands fignified to us by 
Mr. Blathwait, the 2d of January and the 3d of February last, 
by which we were to consider tlie several charters of Connec- 
ticut and Rhode-Island, and the grants of east and west New- 
Jersey, and to report our opinion upon the whole matter what 
may be done for the uniting the strength of those colonies and 
New- York under a chief commander, to be commissioned by 
their majesties, for the defence of their majesty's subjects in 
those parts against the French, and also to consider the an- 
nexed copy of the petition of the governor and company ol 
Connecticut, and to report our opinion thereupon, we have 
considered the matter to us referred, and do find that king 
Charles the II. by his charter, dated the 23d of April, in the 
14th year of his reign, did incorporate John Winthrop, and 
several other persons therein named and all others who then 
were or after should be admitted and made free of the compa- 
ny, to be a corporation by the name of the governor and com-, 
pany of the English colony of Connecticut in New-England iu 



APPENDIX. 543 

America, with such powers, privileges and capacities, as ari» 
usually granted to corporations of like nature, and to have con-r 
tinuance and succession forever, and therein the bounds of 
the colony are described and a grant thereby made to the cor- 
poration of all land, soil, ground, havens, ports, jurisdictions, 
royalties, privileges, franchises and hcrcditamenis, within the 
sanne or thereunto belonging, to be holde\ to the corporation 
and their successors in trust for the benefit of themselves and 
their associates, freemen of that colony, their heirs and assigns 
of the kings of England, as of the manor of East-Greenwich, by 
the 5th part of the ore of gold and silver there found, with pow- 
er to the corporation to make laws, elect governors, deputy 
governors and assistants, erect judicatures and courts, and 
choose officers for the civil government, and thereby also pow- 
er is granted to the chief commanders, governors and officers 
of the company and others inhabiting there, by their leave or 
direction for their special defence and safety, to assemble, mar- 
tially array and put in warlike posture the inhabitants of the 
colony, and to commission such persons as they should think 
fit to lead andronduct the inhabitants, and to encounter, resist, 
kill and slay all that should attempt or interpose the invasion 
or annoyance of the inhabitants or plantations, and to exercise 
martial laws and take and surprise the invaders or attemptors 
of the plantation or hurt of the company and inhabitants, and, 
on just occasion, to invade and destroy the natives or other 
enemies of the colony. 

We also find that king Charles the II. in the 15th year of his 
reign did incorporate divers persons by name, and such others 
as then were, or after should be admitted and free of the com- 
pany by the name of the governor and company of the English 
colony of Rhode-Island and Providence plantation, in New- 
England in America, and granted them in effect the like pow- 
ers and authorities both civil and military, as are before men- 
tioned to be granted to Connecticut. 

We find that the civil government, in those plantations or 
colonies, executed the military powers conferred by the char- 
ters; but that their majesties, in the third year of their reign, 
by their commission, constituted Sir IVilliam Phipps, lieuten- 
ant and commander in chief of the militia and of die forces by 
sea and land within the colonies of Connecticut, Rhode-Island 
and Providence plantation, king's province and province of 
Ncw-IIampshirc, and all fori s and places of strength in the 
same with several powers and authorities, and that their majes- 
ties by their commission under tiie great seal, dated the 10th 
of June, 1G93, revoked so much of Sir William Phipps his 
commission and powers, as related to the colony of Connecti- 
cut, and by the same commission constituted Benjornin Fletch'- 



5il APPENDIX. 

er, Esq. tlicir majesty's captain general and commander h'j 
chief of New- York, Pennsylvania, New-Castle, and the terri- 
tories and tracts of land depending thereupon, to be the com- 
mander in chief of the militia and of all the forces by sea and 
land within the colony of Connecticut and of all forts and pla- 
ces of strength within the same, with power to levy, arm, mus- 
ter, command, or employ the militia of the said colony, and 
upon any necessary and urgent occasion, during this war, to 
transfer to the province of New-York, and frontiers of the 
same, for resisting and withstanding enemies, pirates and re- 
bels, both at land and sea, and defence of that province and 
colony, of which commission and the large powers therein con= 
tained as to Connecticut, the colony of Connecticut by their 
annexed petition do complain and pray redress agaiiist the 
exercise of it, in such manner over the whole militia, and 
therein shew their reasons against it. We have heard colonel 
Winthrop and his council, on the behalf of the colony of Con- 
necticut, and Mr. Almey and his council, on the behalf of 
Rhode-Island and Providence plantation, and Dr. Cox ap- 
peared on the behalf of east and west New-Jersey, and pro- 
duced some writings, shewing how the same were granted out 
from the crown to the duke of York, and by the duke of York 
to others, but the Dr. not claiming any title to himself it doth 
not appear to us in whom the estate in law of those places or 
of the government thereof, civil or military, doth now reside, 
nor how the same is exercised. But having read the annexed 
estimate from Mr. Blathwait, we communicated the same to the 
agents for Connecticut, Rhode-Island and Providence planta- 
tion, who declared their readiness during times of danger to 
provide their respective quotas therein contained, and incase 
of increase of danger, or other necessary occasions, dnring the 
continuance thereof, their respective quotas to be proportion- 
ably increased with other colonies ; but as to the remaining 
militia beyond the quotas (which it seems in those countries 
consists of all males between sixteen and sixty years of age) 
fhey humbly desire that it may remain under the ordinary and 
usual government and command of the colonies according to 
their charters, and not to be commanded out, unless in times 
©factual invasion or imminent danger, for the necessary pre- 
servation of some of the colonies, and at such times only 
when such of the colonies v/hereout the forces shall be drawn, 
are not in danger, and that at all times a sufficient power oi 
the militia may be always kept in each colony under the power 
of the government of it, for the safety and necessary preserva- 
tion thereof. 

We are humbly of opinion that the charters and grants of 
those colonies do give the ordinary power of the militia to the 



APPENDIX. ^45 

respective governments thereof; but do also conceive that 
their majesties may constitute a chief commander, who may 
have authority, at ail times, to command or order such propor- 
tion of the forces of such colony or plantation, as their majes- 
ties shall think fit ; and farther, in times of invasion and ap- 
jn-oach of the enemy, with the advice and assistance of the 
governors of the colonies, to conduct and command the rest of 
the forces for the preservation and defence of such of those 
colonies as shall most stand in need thereof, not leaving the 
rest unprovided of a competent force for their defence and 
safety ; but in time of peace, and when the danger is over, the 
niilitja within each of the said provinces ought, as we humbly 
conceive, to be under the government and dispositions of the 
respective governors of the said colonies, according to their 
charters. 

All which,, nevertheless, is most humbly submitted to your 
lordships' great wisdom. 

Edward Ward, 
Thomas Treves, 

2d April, 1694. 

And the lords of the committee having presented to his ma- 
jesty's council the report of Mr. attorney and Mr. solicitor 
general upon the matters above mentioned, his majesty, ia 
council, is pleased to approve the said report, and to signify 
his pleasure, that the quota, not exceeding one hundred and 
twenty men, be the measure of the assistance to be given by 
the colony of Connecticut, and all times during war to be 
commanded by the governor of New- York ; and the right hon- 
orable Sir John Trenchard, his majesty's principal secretary 
of state, is to prepare letters for his majesty's royal signature, 
for the signification of his majesty's pleasure herein to the 
governor of New- York and Connecticut accordingly. 

WlLtlAM BrJDGEMAN, 



TS 



NUMBER XXVI. 



THE GREAT PATENT OF NEW-ENGLAND. 

JAMES, by the pfrace of God, King of England, Scotland. 
France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, S^c. 

TO all to whom these presents shall come, greeting :— 
Whereas, upon the humble petition of divers of our well 
disposed subjects, that intended to make several plantations 
in the parts of America, between the degrees of thirty-four and 
lorty-five. We, according to our princely inclination, favouring 
much their worthy disposition, in hope thereby to advance the 
enlargement of the christian religion, to the glory of God Al- 
mighty, OS also I*}' that means to stretch out the bounds of our 
dominions, and to replenish those deserts with people, govern- 
ed b}' laws and magistrates, for the moi'e peaceable commerce 
of all that in time to come shall Irave occasion to traffic into 
those territories, granted unto Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George 
Summers, knights, Thomas Hamon, and Raleigh Gilbert, 
Esquires, and others their associates, for the more speedy ac- 
complishment thereof, by our letters patents, bearing date the 
-lOth day of April, in the fourth year of our reign of England, 
France, and Ireland, and of Scotland the fortieth, free liberty 
lo divide themselves into two several colonies; the one called 
the fwst colony, to be undertaken and advanced by certain 
knights, gentlemen, and merchants, in and about our city of 
London ; the other, called the second colony, to be underta- 
ken and advanced by certain knights, gentlemen, merchantSj 
and their associates, in or about our cities of Bristol, Exon- 
and our town of Plymouth, and other places, as in and by our 
said letters patents, amongst other things more at large, it doth 
and may appear. 

And whereas, since that time, upon the humble petition of 
the said adventurers and planters of the said first colony, we 
have been graciously pleased to make them one distinct and 
entire body by themselves, giving unto them their distinct lim- 
its and bounds : 

And have, upon their like humble request, granted unto 
tjiem divers liberties, privileges, enlargements, and immuni 



APPENDIX. 547 

Kes, as in and by our several letters patents, it doth and may 
more at large appear. 

Now forasmuch as we have been, in like manner, humbly 
petitioned unto by our trusty and well beloved servant, Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, knight, captain of our fort and island, by 
Plymouth, and by certain the principal knights and gentlemen 
adventurers of the said second colony, and by divers other 
persons of quality, who now intend to be their associates, di- 
vers of which have been at great and extraordinary charges, 
and sustained many losses, in seeking and discovering a place 
lit and convenient to lay the foundation of a hopeful planta- 
tion, and have, divers years past, b}-^ God's assistance, and 
their own endeavours, taken actual possession of the continent 
hereafter mentioned, in our name, and to our use, as sovereign 
lord thereof, and have settled already s©me of our people in 
places agreeable to their desires in those parts, and in confi- 
dence of prosperous success therein, by the continuance of 
God's divine blessing, and our royal permission, have resolved, 
in a more plentiful and eflectual manner, to prosecute the 
Rame ; and to that purpose and intent, have desired of us, for 
their better encouragement and satisfaction therein, and that 
they may avoid all confusion, questions, or differences between 
themselves and those of the said first colony, that we would 
likewise be graciously pleased to make certain adventurers, 
intending to erect and establish fishery, trade, and plantation, 
within the territories, precincts, and limits of the said second 
colony, and their successors, one several distinct and entire 
body, and to grant unto them such estate, liberties, privileges, 
enlargements, and immunities there, as are in those, our letters 
patents, hereafter paiticularly expressed and declared. 

And forasmuch as we have been certainly given to under- 
stand, by divers of our good subjects, that have, for these many 
years past, frequented those coasts and territoiies between the 
degrees of forty and forty-eight, that there is no other the sub- 
jects of iany christian king or state, by any authority from their 
sovereign lords or princes, actually in possession of any the 
said lands or precincts, whereby any right, claim, interest, or 
title, may, might, or ought, by that means accrue, belong, or 
appertain unto them, or any of them. 

And also, for that we have been further given certainly to 
know, that within these late years, there hath, by God's visit- 
ation, reigned a wonderful plague, together with many horrible 
slaughters and murders, committed amongst the savages and 
British people there heretofore inhabiting, in a manner to the 
utter destruction, devastation, and depopulation of that whole 
territory, so as there i^ not left, for many leagues together, in 
?. ';> Aooer, any that do claim ov challenge any kind of interest 



54S APPENDIX. 

therein, nor any other superior lord or sovereign, to make 
claim thereunto, whereby we, in our judgment, are persuaded 
and satisfied, that the appointed time is come in which Almigh- 
ty God, in his great goodness and bounty towards us, and our 
people, hath thought fit and determined, that those large and 
goodly territories, deserted as it were by their natural inhabit- 
ants, should be possessed and enjoyed by such of our subjects 
and people, as ' heretofore have, and hereafter shall, by his 
mercy and favour, asid by his powerful arm, be directed and 
conducted thither; in the contemplation and serious considera- 
tion whereof, we have thought it fit, according to our kingly 
duty, so much as in us lieth, to second and follow God's sa- 
cred will, rendering reverend thanks to his Divine Majesty, 
for his gracious favour in laying open and revealing the 
same unto us, before any other christian prince or state ; by 
which means, without offence, and, as wo trust, to his glory, 
we may with boldness go on to the settling of so hopeful a 
work, which tendeth to the reducing and conversion of such 
savages as remain wandering in desolation and distress, to 
civil society and christian religion, to the enlargement of our 
own dominions, and the advancement of the fortunes of such 
of our good subjects as shall willingly interest themselves in 
the said employment, to whom we cannot but give singular 
commendations for their so worthy intention and enterprize. 

We, therefore, of our special grace, mere motion, and cer- 
tain knowledge, by the advice of the lords and others of our 
privy council, have, for us, our heirs, and successors, granted, 
ordained, and established, and, in and by these presents, do, 
for us, our heirs, and successors, grant, ordain, and establish, 
that all that circuit, continent, precincts, and limits, in Ameri- 
ca, lying and being in breadth from forty degrees of noi-therly 
latitude from the equinoctial line, to forty-eight degrees of the 
said northerly latitude, and in length by all the breadth afore- 
said, throughout the main land, from sea to sea, with all the 
seas, rivers, islands, creeks, inlets, ports, and havens, within 
the degrees, precincts, and limits of the said latitude and longi-. 
tude, shall be the limits, and bounds, and precincts of the said 
second colony. 

And to the end that the said territories may for ever here- 
after be more particularly and certainly known and distin- 
guished, our will and pleasure is, that the same shall, from 
henceforth, be nominated, termed, and called by the name of 
New-England, in America, and by that name of New-England, 
m America, the said circuit, precinct, limit, continent, islands, 
and places in America aforesaid, we do, by these presents, for 
"•is, our heirs, and successors, name, call, erect, found, and 
^establish, and by that name to have continuance for ever. 



APPENDIX. 54^ 

And for the belter plantation, rulinj^, and governing of the 
aforesaid Nevv-Endand, in America, wc will, ordain, consti- 
tute, assign, limit, ffhd appoint, and for us, our heirs, and suc- 
cessors, we, by the advice of the lords, and others oflhe said 
privy council, do, by these presents, ordain, constitute, lin)it, 
and appoint, that from henceforth there shall be for ever here- 
after, in our toWn of Plymouth, in the county of Devon, one 
body politic and corporate, which shall have perpetual succes- 
sion ; which shall consist of the number of forty persons, and 
no more; which shall be, and shall be called and known by 
the name of the council established at Plymouth, in the county 
of Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing of 
New-England, in America, and for that purpose, we have, at 
and by the nomination and request of the said petitioners, 
granted, ordained, established, and contirmed, and, by these 
presents, for us, our heirs, and successors, do grant, ordain, 
establish, and confirm our right trusty and right well beloved 
cousins and counsellors, Lodowick, duke of Lonox, lord stew- 
ard of our household ; George, lord Marquis Buckingham, our 
high admiral of England ; James, marquis Hamiliton ; William, 
earl of Pembroke, lord chamberlain of our household; Thom- 
as, earl of Arundel ; and our right trusty and right well belov- 
ed cousin, William, earl of Bath; and our right trusty and 
right well beloved cousin and counsellor, Henry, earl of South- 
ampton ; and our right trusty and right well beloved cousins, 
William, earl of Salisbury, and Robert, earlof Warwick ; and 
our right trusty and right well beloved John, viscount Had- 
dington ; and our right trusty and well beloved counsellor, 
Edward, lord Zouch, lord warden of our cinque ports; and 
our trusty and well beloved Edmond, lord Shetheld, Edward, 
lord Gorges ; and our well beloved Sir Edward Seymor, 
knight and baronet; Sir Robert Mansel ; Sir Edward Zouch, 
our knight marshal ; Sir Dudley Diggs, Sir Thomas Roe, Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, Sir Francis Popham, Sir John Brooks, Sir 
Thomas Gates, Sir Richard Hawkins, Sir Richard Edgecomb, 
Sir Allen Apsley, Sir Warwick Heale, Sir Richard Catchmay, 
Sir John Bourgchier, Sir Nathaniel Rich, Sir Edward Giles, 
Sir Giles Mompesson, Sir Thomas Worth, knights; and our 
well beloved Matthew Sutcliff, dean of Exeter ; Robert Heath, 
Esq. recorder of our city of London ; Henry Bourgchier, John 
Drake, Raleigh Gilbert, George Chudley, Thomas Hamon. 
and John Argall, Esquires, to be, and in and by these pre- 
sents, we do appoint them to be, the first modern and present 
council, established at Plymouth, in the county of Devon, for 
the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing of New-England, 
in America ; and that they, and the survivors of them, and 
auch as the survivors and survivor of them shall, from time tc> 



$59 



APPENDIX. 



t^me, elect and choose to make uji the foresaid number of 
forty persons, when and as often as any of them, or any ot 
their successors, shall happen to deceas^ or to be removed 
from being of the said council, shall \)c, in and by these pre- 
sents, incorporated, to have a ))erpefual succession for ever, 
in deed, fact, and name, and shall be one body corporate and 
politic ; and that those, and such said persons, and (heir suc- 
cessors, and such as shall be elected and chosen to succeed 
them, as aforesaid, shall be, and, by these presents, are and be 
incorporated, named, and called by the name of the council 
established at Plymouth, in the county of Devon, for the plant- 
ing, ruling, and governing of New-England, in America ; and 
them, the said duke of Lenox, marquis Buckingham, marquis 
Hamilton, earl of Pembroke, earl of Arundel, earl of Bath, ear) 
of Southampton, earl of Salisbury, earl of Warwick, viscount 
Haddington, lord Zouch, lord Sheffield, lord Gorges, Sir Ed- 
ward Scymor, Sir Robert Mansel, Sir Edward Zouch, Sir 
Dudley Diggs, Sir Thomas Roe, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Sir 
Francis Popham, Sir John Brooks, Sir Thomas Gates, Sii 
Richard Hawkins, Sir Richard Edgecomb, Sir Allen Apsley, 
Sir Warwick [leale. Sir Richard Catchmay, Sir John Bourg- 
chier, Sir Nathaniel Rich, Sir Edward Giles, Sir Giles Mom- 
pesson, Sir Thomas Worth, knights; Matthew Sutcliff, Robert 
Heath, Henry Bourgchicr, John Drake, Raleigh Gilbert, 
George Chudley, Thomas Ilamon, and John Argall, Esquires, 
and their successors, one body corporate and politic, in deed 
and in name, by the name of the council established at Ply- 
mouth, in the county of Devon, foi' the planting, ruling, and 
governing of New-England, in America. 

We do, by these presents, for us, our heirs, and successors, 
really and fully incorporate, erect, ordain, name, constitute, 
and establish, and that, by the same name of the said council, 
ihey, and their successors, for ever hereafter be incorporated, 
iiamcd, and called, and shall, by the same name, have per- 
petual succession. 

And further, we do hereby, for us, our heirs, and successors, 
grant unto the said council established at Plymouth, that they, 
and their successors, by the same name, be, and shall be, and 
shall continue persons able and capable in the law, from time 
to time, and shall, by that name of council aforesaid, have full 
power and authority, and lawful capacity and ability, as well 
to purchase, takcj hold, receive, enjoy, and to have to theni 
and their successors, for ever, any manors, lands, tenements, 
rents, royalties, /privileges, immunities, reversions, annuities, 
hereditaments, goods, and chattels whatsoever, of, or from us, 
our heirs, and successors, and of, or from any other person or 
persons whatsoever, as well in and within this our realm of 



APPENDIX. 551 

England, as in and within any other place or places whatso- 
ever or wheresoever; and the same manors, lands, tenements, 
and heredkaments, goods, or chattels, or any of them, by the. 
same name, to alien and sell, or to do, execute, or ordain and 
perform all other matters and things whatsoever, to the said 
incorporation and plantation concerning and belonging. 

And further, our will and pleasure is, that the said council, 
for the time being, and their successors, shall have full power 
and lawful authority, by the name aforesaid, to sue and to be 
sued, implead and to be impleaded, answer and to be answer- 
ed unto, in all manner of courts and places that now are, or 
hereafter shall be, within this our realm, and elsewhere, as well 
temporal as spiritual, in all manner of suits and matters what- 
soever, and of what nature or kind soever such suits or actions 
be or shall be. 

And our will and pleasure is, that the said forty persons, or 
the greater number of them, shall, and may, from time to time, 
and at any time hereafter, at their own will and pleasure, ac- 
cording to the laws, ordinances, and orders of, or by them, or 
by the greater part of them hereafter, in manner and form in 
these presents mentioned to be agreed upon, to elect and 
choose, amongst themselves, one of the said forty persons, for 
the time being, to be president of the said council, which pre- 
sident, so elected and chosen, we will shall continue and be 
president of the said council, for so long time as by the orders 
of the said council, from time to lime to be made, as hereafter 
is mentioned, shall be thought lit, and no longer; unto which 
president, or, in his absence, to any such person as, by the or- 
ders of the said council, shall be thereunto appointed, we do 
give authority to give order for the warning of the said coun- 
cil, and simimoning the company to their meetings. 

And our will and ])leasure is, that, from time to time, when, 
and so often as any of the said council shall happen to decease, 
or to be removed from being of the said council, that then, and 
so often, the survivors of them of the said council, and no other, 
or the greater number of them, who then shall be, from time 
to time, left and remaining, and who shall, or the greater num- 
ber of which that shall be assembled at a public court, or meet- 
ing, to be held for the said compan}-, shall elect and choose 
one or more other person or persons, to I>e of the said council, 
and wliich, from lime to time, shall be of the said council, so 
that the number of forty persons of the said council may, from, 
time to time, be supplied. 

Provided always, that as well the persons herein named to 
be of the said council, as every other counsellor hereafter to 
be elected, shall be presented to the lord chancellor of Eng- 
•and, or to tlie lord hisjh treasurer of Endand, or to the lord- 



552 APPENDIX, 

chamberlain of the household, of us, our heirs, and successors, 
for the time being, to take his and their oath and oaths, of a 
counsellor and counsellors, to us, our heirs, and successors, 
for the said company and colony in New-England. 

And further, we will and grant, by these presents, for us, our 
heirs, and successors, unto the said council, and their succes- 
sors, that they, and their successors, shall have and enjoy for 
ever, a common seal, to be engraven according to their discre- 
tions* 

And that it shall be lawful for them to appoint what other 
.seal, or seals, they shall think most meet and necessary, either 
for their use, as they are one united body, incorporate here, 
or for the public use of their government and ministers in New- 
England aforesaid, whereby the said incorporation may or 
shall seal any manner of instrument, touching the same corpo- 
ration, and the manors, lands, tenements, rents, reversions, 
annuities, hereditaments, goods, chattels, affairs, and any other 
things, belonging unto, or in any wise appertaining, touching 
or concerning the said council, and their successors, or con- 
cerning the said corporation and plantation, in and by these 
our letters patents, as aforesaid, founded, erected, and estab- 
lished. 

And we do further, by these presents, for us, our heirs, and 
successors, grant unto the said council, and their successors, 
that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said council, and 
their successors, for the time being, in their discretions, from 
time to time, to admit such and so many person and persons 
to be made free, and enabled to trade and traffic unto, within, 
and in New-England, aforesaid, and unto every part and par- 
cel thereof, or to have, possess, and enjoy any lands or here- 
ditaments in New-England aforesaid, as they shall think fit, 
according to the laws, orders, constitutions, and ordiijances, 
by the said council and their successors, from time to time, to 
be made and established, by virtue of, and according to the 
true intent of these presents, and under such conditions, reser- 
vations, and agreements, as the said council shall set down, 
order, and direct, and not otherwise. 

And i'urther, of our especial grace, certain knowledge, and 
mere motion, for us, our heirs, and successors, we do, by these 
presents, give an.d grant full power and authority to the said 
council, and their successors, thai the said council, forth.'! time 
being, or the greater part of them, shall and niay, from time to 
time, nominate, make, constiLute, ordain, and confirm, by such 
name or names, style or styles, as to them shall seem good, 
and, likewise, to revoke and discharge, change and alter, as 
well all and singular, governors, oflicers, and ministers, which 
hereafter shall be bv them thought (it and needful to be made 



APPENDIX, 353 

or used, as well to attend the business of die said company 
Iierc, as for the government of the said colony and j)lantation. 

And also, to make, ordain, and establish all manner of orders, 
laws, directions, instructions, forms, and ceremonies of govern- 
ment and magistracy, fit and necessary for and concerning the 
government of the said colony and plantation, so always as 
the same be not contrary to the laws and statutes of this our 
realm of England, and the same at all times hereafter, to abro- 
gate, revoke, or change, not only within the precincts of the 
said colony, but also upon the seas, in going and coming to 
and from the said colony, as they, in their good discretion, 
shall think to be fittest for the good of the adventurers and in- 
habitants there. 

And we do further, of our special grace, certain knowledge, 
and mere motion, grant, declare, and ordain, that such princi- 
pal governor as, from time to time, shall be authorized and ap- 
pointed, in manner and form in these presents heretofore ex- 
pressed, shall have full power and authority to use and exer- 
cise martial laws, in cases of rebellion, insurrection, and mu- 
tiny, in as large and ample manner, as our lieutenants in our 
counties within our realm of England, have, or ought to have, 
by force of their commission of lieutenancy. 

A."id tbrasmuch as it shall be necessary for all such our lov- 
ing subjects as shall inhabit within the said precincts of New- 
E'lgland aforesaid, to determine to live together, in the fear 
and true worship of Almighty God, christian peace, and civil 
quietness, each with other, whereby every one may, with 
more safety, pleasure, and profit, enjoy that, whereunto they 
shall attain with great pain and peril. 

We, for us, our heirs, and successors, are likewise pleased 
and contented, and, by these presents, do give and grant unto 
the said council, and their successors, and to such governors, 
officers, and ministers, as shall be, by the said council, con- 
stituted and appointed according to the natures and limits of 
their offices and places respectively, that they shall and may, 
from time to time, for ever hereafter, within the said precincts 
of New-England, or in the way by the seas thither and from 
thence, have full and absolute power and authority to correct, 
punish, pardon, govern, and rule all such the subjects of us, 
our heirs, and successors, as shall, from time to time, adven- 
ture themselves in any voyage thither, or that shall, at any 
time hereafter, inhabit in the precincts and territories of the 
said colony as aforesaid, according to such laws, orders, ordi- 
nances, directions, and instructions, as by the said council 
aforesaid, shall be established; and, in defect thereof, in cases 
of necessity, according to the good discretions of the said gov- 
ernors and officers respectively, as well in cas^s capital and 

V3 



554 APPENDIX. 

criminal as civil, both marine and others ; so always as the 
said statutes, ordinances, and proceedings, as near as conven- 
iently may be agreeable to the laws, statutes, government, and 
policy of this our realm of England. 

And furthermore, if any person, or persons, adventurers, or 
planters, of the said colony, or any other, at any time or times 
liereafter, shall transport any monies, goods, or merchandizes, 
out of any our kingdoms, with a pretence and purpose to land, 
set, or otherwise to dispose the same, within the limits and 
bounds of the said colony, and yet, nevertheless, being at sea, 
or after he hath landed within any part of the said colony^ 
shall carry the same into any other foreign country, with a 
purpose there to set and dispose thereof, that then all the 
goods and chattels of the said person, or persons, so offending, 
and transported, together with the ship or vessel wherein such 
transportation was made, shall be forfeited to us, our heirs, and 
successors. 

And we do further, of our special grace, certain knowledge, 
and mere motion, for us, our heirs, and successors, for, and in 
respect of the considerations aforesaid, and for divers other 
good causes and considerations, us thereunto especially mov- 
ing, and by the advice of the lords and others of our said privy- 
council, have absolutely given, granted, and confirmed, and, 
by these presents, do absolutely give, grant, and confirm, unto 
the said council, called the council established at Plymouth, 
in the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling, and governing 
of New-England, in America, and unto their successors, for 
ever, all the aforesaid lands and grounds, continent, precincts, 
place, places, and territories, (viz.) the aforesaid part of Ame- 
rica, lying and being in breadth from forty degrees of norther- 
ly latitude from the equinoctial line, to forty-eight degrees of 
the said northerly latitude inclusively, and in length of, and 
within all the breadth aforesaid, throughout the main land, 
from sea to sea, together also with all the firm land, soils, 
grounds, havens, ports, rivers, waters, fishings, mines, and 
minerals, as well royal mines of gold and silver, as other mines 
and minerals, precious stones, quarries, and all and singular 
other commodities, jurisdictions, royalties, privileges, franchi- 
ses, and pre-eminences, both within the said tract of land, upon 
the main, and also within the said island and seas adjoining. 

Piovided always, that the said islands, or any the premises 
herein before mentioned, and, by these presents, intended and 
meant to be granted, be not actually possessed, or inhabited 
by any other christian prince or state, nor be within the bounds, 
limits, or territories of that southern colony, heretofore, by us, 
granted to be planted by divers of our loving subjects in the 
south parts. 



APPENDIX. 555 

To have and to hold, possess, and enjoy all and singular the 
aforesaid continent, lands, territories, islands, hereditaments, 
and precincts, sea waters, fishings, with all and all manner 
their commodities, royalties, liberties, pre-eminences, and 
profits, that shall arise from thence, with all and singular their 
appurtenances, and every part and parcel thereof, and of them 
to, and unto the said council, and their successors, and assigns, 
for ever, to the sole, only and proper use, benefit, and behoof 
of them, the said council, and their successors, -and assigns, 
for ever, to be holden of us, our heirs, and successors, tts oi 
our manor of East-Greenwich, in our county of Kent, in fee 
and common socage, and not in capite, nor by knights' ser- 
vices. 

Yielding and paying, therefore, to us, our heirs, and succes- 
sors, the fifth part of the ores of gold and silver which, from 
time to time, and at all times hereafter, shall happen to be 
found, gotten and obtained in, at, or within any the said lands, 
limits, territories, and precincts, or in, or within any part, or 
parcels thereof, for, or in respect of ail and all manner of du- 
ties, demands, and services whatsoever, to be done, made, or 
paid to us, our heirs, and successors. 

And we do further, of our especial grace, certain knowledge, 
and mere motion, for us, our heirs, and successors, give and 
grant to the said council, and their successors, for ever, by 
these presents, that it shall be lawful and free for them, and 
their assigns, at all and every time and times hereafter, out of 
any our realms or dominions whatsoever, to take, lead, carry, 
and transport, in and into their voyages, and for and towards 
the said plantation in New-England, all such and so many of 
our loving subjects, or any other strangers that will become 
our loving subjects, and live under our allegiance, or shall 
willingly accompany them in the said voyages and plantation, 
with shipping, armour, weapons, ordnances, munition powder, 
shot, victuals, and all manner of clothing, implements, furni- 
ture, beasts, cattle, horses, mares, and all other things neces- 
sary for the said plantation, and for their use and defence, and 
for trade with the people there, and in passing and returning 
to and fro, without paying or yielding any custom or subsidy, 
either inwards or outwards, to us, our heirs, or successors, for 
the same, for the space of seven years from the day of the ds^te 
of these presents. 

Provided, that none of the said persons be such as shall be 
hereafter, by special name, restrained by us, our heirs, or suc- 
cessors. 

And, for their further encouragement, of our special grace 
and favour, we do, by these presents, for us, our heirs, and 
successovs, yield and grant to, and with the said council, and 



55e APPENDIX. 

their successors, and every of them, their factors and assigns, 
that they, and every of them, shall be free and quiet from all 
subsidies and customs, in New-England, for the space of seven 
years, and from all taxes and impositions for the space of 
twenty and one years, upon all goods or merchandize, at any 
time or times hereafter, either upon importation thither, or ex- 
portation from thence, into our realm of England, or into any 
other our dominions, by the said council, and their successors, 
their deputies, factors, and assigns, or any of them, except 
only the five pounds per cent, due for custom upon all such 
goods and merchandizes as shall be brought or imported into 
our realm of England, or any other of our dominions, accord- 
ing to the ancient trade of merchants; which five pounds per 
centum only being paid, it shall be thenceforth lawful and free 
for the said adventurers, the same goods and merchandize, to 
export and carry out of our said dominions into foreign parts, 
without any custom, tax, or other duty, to be paid to us, our 
heirs, or successors, or to any other officers or ministers of us, 
our heirs, and successors. Provided, that the said goods and 
merchandizes be shipped out within thirteen months after 
their first landing, within any part of those dominions. 

And further, our will and pleasure is, and we do, by these 
presents, charge, command, warrant, and authorize the said 
council, and their successors, or the major part of them, which 
shall be present and assembled for that purpose, shall, from 
time to time, under their common seal, distribute, convey, as- 
sign, and set over such particular portions of lands, tenements, 
and hereditaments, as are, by these presents, formerly granted 
unto each our loving subjects, naturally born, or denizens, or 
others, as well adventurers as planters, as, by the said com- 
pany, upon a commission of survey and distribution, executed 
and returned for that purpose, shall be named, appointed, and 
allowed, wherein our will and pleasure is, that respect be had, 
as well to the proportion of the adventurers, as to the special 
service, hazard, exploit, or merit, of any person so to be re- 
compensed, advanced, or rewarded. 

And we do also, for us, our heirs, and successors, grant to 
the said council, and their successors, and to all and every 
such governors, or other officers, or ministers, as, by the said 
council, shall be appointed, to have power and authority of 
government and command, in or over the said colony and plan- 
tation, that they, and every of them, shall, and lawfully may, 
from time to time, and at all times hereafter, for ever, for their 
several defence and safety, encounter, expulsc, repel, and re- 
sist, by force of arms, as well by sea as by land, and all ways 
and means whatsoever, all such person and persons as, with- 
out the special license of the said council, and their successorJ^ 



APPENDIX. 557 

or the greater part of them, shall attempt to inhabit within the 
said several precincts and limits of the said colony and planta- 
tion. 

And also, all and every such person and persons whatsoever, 
as shall enterprise or attempt, at any time hereafter, destruc- 
tion, invasion, detriment, or annoyance to the said colony and 
plantation. 

And that it shall be lawful for the said council, and (heir 
successors, and every of them, from time to time, and at all 
times hereafter, and they shall have full power and authority 
to take and surprise, by all ways and means whatsoever, all 
and every such person or persons whatsoever, with their ships, 
goods, and other furniture, trafficking in any harbour, creek, 
or place, within the limits and precincts of the said colony and 
plantation, and not being allowed by the said council to be ad- 
venturers or planters of the said colony. 

And of our further royal favour, we have granted, and for us, 
our heirs, and successors, we do grant unto the said council, 
and their successors, that the said territories, lands, rivers, and 
places aforesaid, or any of them, shall not be visited, frequent- 
ed, or traded unto by any other of our subjects, or the subjects 
of us, our heirs, or successors, either from any of the ports and 
liavens, belonging, or appertaining, or which shall belong or 
appertain unto us, our heirs, or successors, or to any foreign 
prince, state, or potentate w hatsoever. 

And therefore, we do hereby, for us, our heirs, and succes- 
sors, charge, command, prohibit, and forbid all the subjects of 
us, our heirs, and successors, of what degree or quality soever 
they be, that none of them, directly or indirectly presume to 
visit, frequent, trade, or adventure to traffic into, or from the 
said territories, lands, rivers, and places aforesaid, or any of 
them, other than the said council, and their successors, factors, 
deputies, and assigns, unless it be with the license and con- 
sent of the said council and company, first had and obtained 
in writing, under their common seal, upon pain of our indigna- 
tion, and imprisonment of their bodies, during the pleasure of 
us, our heirs, or successors, and the forfeiture and loss, both 
of their ship and goods, wheresoever they shall be found, either 
■within any of our kingdoms or dominions, or any the place or 
places out of our dominions, and for the better ejecting of our 
said pleasure herein, we do hereby, for us, our heirs, and suc- 
cessors, give and grant full power and authority unto the said 
council, and their successors, for the time being, that they, by 
themselves, their factors, deputies, or assigns, shall and may, 
from time to time, and at all times hereafter, attach, arrest, 
take, and seize all and all manner of ship and ships, goods, 
■^^res, and merchandizes whatsoever, which shall be brought 



558 APPENDIX. 

from, or carried to the places before mentioned, or any of them, 
contrary to our will and pleasure, before in these presents ex- 
pressed, the moiety, or one half of all which forfeitures, we do 
hereby, for us, our heirs, and successors, give and grant unto 
the said council, and their successors, to their own proper use, 
•without accorapt, and the other moiety, or half part thereof, 
we will shall be and remain to the use of us, our heirs, and 
successors. 

And we, likewise, have condescended and granted, and, by 
these presents, for us, our heirs, and successors, do conde- 
scend, and grant to, and with the said council, and their suc- 
cessors, that we, our heirs, or successors, shall not, or will not, 
give and grant any liberty, license, or authority to any person 
or persons whatsover, to sail, trade, or traffic unto the afore- 
said plantations of New-England, without the good wi!; and 
]iking of the said council, or the greater part of them, for the. 
time being, at any their courts to be assembled. 

And we do, for us, our heirs, and successors, give and grant 
unto the said council, and their successors, that whensoever, or 
so often as any custom or subsidy shall grow due or payable, 
unto us, our heirs, or successors, according to the limitation 
and appointment aforesaid, by reason of any goods, wares, 
or merchandize, to be shipped out, or any return to be made^ 
of any goods, wares, or merchandize, unto, or from New-Eng- 
land, or any the lands or territories aforesaid, that then, so of- 
ten, and in such case, the farmers, customers, and officers of 
our customs of England and Ireland, and every of them, for 
the time being, upon request made unto them by the said coun- 
cil, their successors, factors, or assigns, and upon convenient 
security to be given in that behalf, shall give and allow unto 
the said council, and their successors, and to all person and 
persons free of the said company as aforesaid, six months time, 
for the payment of the one half of all such customs and subsi- 
dy, as shall be due and payable unto us, our heirs, and succes- 
sors, for the same ; for which these, our letters patents, or the 
duplicate, or the enrolment thereof, shall be, unto our said offi- 
cers, a sufficient warrant and discharge. 

Nevertheless, our will and pleasure is, that, if any of the said 
goods, wares, and merchandizes, which be, or shall be, at any 
time hereafter, landed and exported out of any our realms 
aforesaid, and shall be shipped with a purpose not to be carried 
to New-England aforesaid, that then such payment, duty, cus- 
tom, imposition, or forfeiture, shall be paid and belong to us, 
our iieirs, and successors, for the said goods, wares, and mer- 
chandizes, so fraudulently sought to be transported, as if this 
our grant had not been made nor granted. 

And we do, for us, our heirs, and successors, give and grant 



APPENDIX. 55$ 

unto the said council, and their successors, for ever, by these 
presents, that the said president of the said company, or his 
deputy, for the time being, or any two others of the said coun- 
cil, for the said colony in New-England, for the lime being, 
shall and may, at all times hereafter, and from time to time, 
have full power and authority to minister, and give the oath 
and oaths of allegiance and supremacy, or either of them, to 
all and every person and persons, which shall, at anytime and 
times hereafter, go and pass to the said colony in New-Eng- 
land. 

And further, that it shall be, likewise, lawful for the said 
president, or his deputy, for the time being, or any two others 
of the said council, for the said colony in New-England, for the 
time being, from time to time, and at all times hereafter, to 
minister such a formal oath, as by their discretions shall be 
reasonably devised, as well unto any person or persons em- 
ployed, or to be employed in, for, or touching the said plan- 
tation, for their honest, faithful, and just discharge of theii' 
service, in all such matters as shall be committed unto them, 
for the good and benefit of the said company, colony, and plan- 
tation, as also unto such other person or persons as the said 
president, or his deputy, with two others of the said council, 
shall think meet, for the examination or clearing of the truth, 
in any cause whatsoever concerning the said plantation, or 
any business from thence proceeding, or thereunto belonging. 

And to the end that no lewd or ill disposed persons, sailors, 
soldiers, artificers, husbandmen, labourers, or others vvhich. 
shall receive wares, apparel, or other entertainment from the 
said council, or contract and agree with the said council, to 
go, and to serve, and to be employed in the said plantation, in 
the colony in New-England, do afterwards withdraw, hide, 
and conceal themselves, or refuse to go thither, after they have 
been so entertained and agreed withal, and that no persons 
which shall be sent and employed in the said plantation of the 
said colony in New-England, upon the charge of the said 
council, do misbehave themselves by mutinous, seditious, or 
other notorious misdemeanours, or which shall be employed, 
or sent abroad by the governor of New-England, or his depu- 
ty, with any ship or pinnace, for provision of the said colony, 
or for some discovery, or other business and affairs concerning 
the same, do, from thence, treacherously cither come back 
again, or return into the realm of England, by stealth, or with- 
out license of the governor of the said colony in New-England, 
for the time being, or be sent hither as irisdoers or offenders, 
and that none of those persons, after their return from thence, 
being questioned by the said council here for such their misbe- 
haviour? and offeucesj do. by insolent and contemptuous car- 



560 APPENDIX. 

liage, in the presence of the said council, siiew little respect 
and reverence, eitlier to the place or authority in which we 
have placed and appointed them, and others, for the clearing 
of their lewdness and misdemeanours, committed in New-Eng- 
land, divulge vile and slanderous reports of the country of 
New-England, or of the government or estate of the said plan- 
tation and colony, to bring the said voyages and plantation in- 
to disgrace and contempt, by means whereof, not only the ad- 
venturers and planters already engaged in the said plantation, 
may be exceedingly abused, and hindered, and a great num- 
ber of our loving and well disposed subjects, otherwise well 
aflected, and inclined to join and adventure in so noble a 
christian and worthy an action, may be discouraged from the 
same, but also the enterprise itself, may be overthrown, which 
cannot miscarry, without some dishonour to us and our king- 
dom. 

We, therefore, for preventing of so great and enormous 
abuses and misdemeanours, do, by these presents, for us, our 
heirs, and successors, give and grant unto the said president, 
or his deputy, or such other person, or persons, as, by the or- 
ders of the said council, shall be appointed, by warrant, under 
his or their hand or hands, to send for, or cause to be appre- 
hended, all and every such person and persons, who shall be 
noted, or accused, or found, at any time or times hereafter, to 
offend, or misbehave themselves, in any theafiliiirs before men- 
tioned and expressed ; and, upon the examination of any such 
ofiender oroflenders, and just proof, made by oath, taken be- 
fore the said council, ofany such notorious misdemeanours, by 
them to be committed, as aforesaid, and also, upon any inso- 
lent, contemptuous, or unreverent carriage, or misbehaviour, 
to, or against the said council, to be shewed or used, by any 
such person or persons, so called, convinced, and aj^pearing 
before them, as aforesaid, that, in all such cases, our said 
council, or any two, or more of them, for the time being, shall, 
and may have full power and authority, either here to bind 
them over with good securities ibr their good behaviour, and 
further therein to proceed, to all intents and purposes, as it is 
used in other like cases within our realm of England, or else, 
at their discretions, to remand and send back the said offenders, 
or any of them, to the said colony of New-England, there to be 
proceeded against and punished, as the governors, deputy, or 
council there, for the time being, shall think meet, or otherwise, 
according to such laws and ordinances, as are, and shall be ia 
use there, for the well ordering and good government of the 
said colony. 

And our will and pleasure is, and we do hereby declare, to 
ail christian kings, princeS; and states, that, if any person or 



APPENDIX. 561 

persons, which shall hereafter be of the said Colony or planta- 
tion, or any other, by license or appointment of the said coun- 
cil, or their successors, or otherwise, shall, at any time or 
times hereafter, rob, or spoil, by sea or by land, or do any 
hurt, violence, or unlawful hostility, to any of the subjects of 
us, our heirs, or successors, or any of the subjects of any kincr, 
prince, ruler, or governor, or state, being then in league and 
amity with us, our heirs, and successors ; and that, upon such 
injury, or upon just complaint of such prince, ruler, governor, 
or state, or their subjects, we, our heirs, or successors, shall 
make open proclamation, within any of the parts of our realm 
of England commodious for that purpose, that the person or 
persons having committed any such robbery or spoil, shall, 
within the time limited by such a proclamation, make full res- 
titution or satisfaction of all such injuries done, so as the said 
princes, or others so complaining, may hold themselves fully 
satisfied and contented ; and if that the said f)erson or persons, 
having committed such robbery or spoil, shall not make, or 
cause to be made, satisfaction accordingly, within such time 
so to be limited, that then it shall be lawful for us, our heirs, 
and successors, to put the said person or persons out of our 
allegiance and protection, and that it shall be lawful and free 
for all princes to prosecute with hostility the said offenders, 
and every of them, their and every of their procurers, aiders, 
abettors, and comforters in that behalf. 

Also, we do, for us, our heirs, and successors, declare, by 
these presents, that all and every the persons being our sub- 
jects, which shall go and inhabit within the said colony and 
plantation, and every of their children and posterity, which 
shall happen to be born within the limits thereof, shall have 
and enjoy all liberties, and franchises, and immunities of free 
denizens and natural subjects, with any of our other dominions, 
to all intents and purposes, as if they had been abiding, and 
born within this our kingdom of England, or any other our 
dominions. 

And lastly, because the principal effect which we can desire, 
or expect of this action, is the conversion of, and reduction of 
the people in those parts, unto the true worship of God and 
christian religion, in which respect we would be loath that 
any person should be permitted to pass, that we suspected to 
affect the superstition of the church of Rome, we do hereby 
declare, that it is our will and pleasure, tiiat none be permitted 
to pass in any voyage, from time to time to bo made into the 
said country, but such as shall first have taken the oath of su- 
premacy ; for which purpose, we do, by these presents, give 
full power and authority to the president of the said council, to 



56'2 APPENDIX. 

tcndcrand exhibit the said oath to all such persons as shall, ai 
any time, be sent and employed in the said voyage. 
, And we also, for us, our heirs, and successors, do covenant 
and grant to, and with the council, and their successors, by 
these presents, that if the council, tor the time being, and their 
successors, or any of tijcni, shall, at any time or times hereaf- 
ter, upon any doubt which they shall conceive, concerning 
the strength or validity in law, of this our present grant, or be 
desirous to have the same renewed and confirmed by us, our 
heirs, and successors, with amendments of such imperfections 
and defects, as shall appear fit and necessary to the said coun- 
cil, or their successoi's, to be refoi-med and amended, on the 
behalf of us, our heirs, and successors, and for the furthering 
of the plantation and government, or the increase, continuing, 
and flourishing thereof, that then, upon the humble petition of 
the said council, for the time being, and their successors, to us, 
our heirs, and successors, we, our heirs, and successors, shall 
and will, forthwith, make and pass, under the great seal of 
England, to the said council, and their successors, such further 
and better assurance of all and singular the lands, grounds, 
royalties, privileges, and premises aforesaid, granted, or in- 
tended to be granted, according to our true intent and mean- 
ing, in these our letters patents, signified, declared, or men- 
tioned, as by the learned council of us, our heirs, and succes- 
sors, and of the said company, and their successors, shall, in 
that behalf, be reasonably devised or advised. 

And further, our will and pleasure is, that, in all questions 
and doubts, thai shall arise upon any difficulty of construction 
or interpretation of any thing contained in these our letters 
patents, the same shall be taken and interpreted, in most 
ample and beneficial maimer, for the said council, and their 
successors, and every member thereof. 

And we do further, for us, our heirs, and successors, charge 
and conmiand all and singular admirals, vice admirals, gene 
rals, commanders, captains, justices of peace, mayors, sherilik 
Lailiffs, constables, customers, comptrollers, waiters, search- 
ers, and all the officers of us, our heirs, and successors whatso- 
ever, to b'", from time to time, and at ail times hereafter, in al! 
things aiding, helping, and assisting unto the said council, and 
their successors, and unto every of them, upon rerjuest and re- 
ijuesls, by them to be made, in ail matters and things, for the 
furtherance and accomplisiiment of all or aj)y the matters and 
things by us, in, and by these our letters patents, given, grant- 
ed, and piovided, or by us meant or intended to be given., 
granted, and provided, as they, our said officer, and the otlicers 
of us, our heirs, and successors, do tender our pieubure, and v/iM 
avoid the contrary, nt their })erils. 



APPENDIX. 567 

And also, wc do, by these presents, ratify and confirm unto 
the said council, and their successoi's, all privileges, franchi- 
ses, liberties, and immunities, granted in our said former let- 
ters patents, and not in these our letters patents, revoked, al- 
tered, changed, or abridged, although expressed, mention, 
&c. — In witness, &;c. witness ourself at Westminster, the third 
day of November, in the eighteenth year of our reign over 
England, &c. 

Concordat cum re- Convenit cum recordo, 

cordo ct exam- et exaratur, pr. me. 

inat. pr. me. LAUR. HALSTED. 

JOHANNEM INNES. 
Exd. W. S. 
W. P. 



Offi,cc for T/arfe^ The undersigned George Chalmers, the 
and Plantations, > Chief Clerk of the Lords of the Commit- 
Wh'dehalL 3 ^^^ of Privy Council for Trade and Fo- 

reign Plantations, do hereby certify, 
to all whom it may concern, that the be- 
fore Patent, upon this, and the 53 pre- 
ceding pages, is a true copy of the Pa- 
tent for New-England, dated the 3d No- 
vember, 1620, from an entry, entitled, 
New-England belonging to the late 
Board of Trade : In testimony whereof, 
I have signed the same, this 4th day of 
March, 1814. 

GEO : CHALMERS, C. C. 



END OF VOLUME 1. 



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